Occupied Palestinian Territories: Humanitarian Access

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Wednesday 10th September 2025 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Stringer. There was a rather large number of questions, but I will try to address them as much as possible, take interventions and leave some time for my hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy (Melanie Ward), whose work in this area is so deep and respected across the Chamber, as we have heard. I may not be able to make as much progress through my speech as I might under normal circumstances, but I hope colleagues will forgive me, as many of them will already have heard me speak about the middle east for about an hour in the main Chamber.

My hon. Friend is a stalwart voice on these questions. She has worked on them tirelessly in Parliament and before. I knew her when she was the chief executive of Medical Aid for Palestinians, and many across this Chamber will appreciate not just her work, but the work of the organisation she used to lead.

It goes without saying that the humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a scar on our collective conscience. Many Members have asked what the view of history or the view of our constituents will be when this conflict hopefully comes to a close, and that sense rests heavily on me personally and heavily on the Government. More than 64,000 lives have been lost since October 2023. More than 2,000 people have been killed and 16,000 have been injured while seeking aid since May. Those are extraordinary figures in a—I was about to say in a modern context, but in any context at all.

Let me turn first to some of the questions about accountability. I have called on the Israeli Government to conduct independent investigations into a number of strikes on a number of occasions. I agree with the request made by my hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy; we will call again for independent investigations, particularly into the recent so-called double-tap strike on the hospital. It is a source of enormous frustration and tension between the Israeli Government and the British Government that, even in cases that have involved British nationals being struck in drone-recorded videos, as in the case of the World Central Kitchen attack, while there have been preliminary investigations conducted within the IDF, we still await, 15 months on, the findings of the military advocate general. I have met those families repeatedly and they, like so many other families affected, await the level of investigation and accountability that would give them satisfaction and provide confidence that the Israeli Government are taking accountability seriously.

One of the contributions suggested that the Government were looking away or turning away. This is the longest opportunity I will have to talk about humanitarian aid since the recess, and I want to reassure colleagues that during that period I met UNRWA, MAP, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Red Crescent and, perhaps most searingly, British doctors recently returned from Gaza, on a number of occasions. I heard directly the tales not just of injuries, as so many hon. Members have recounted during the debate, but of the injuries to children, the similarities in those injuries over particular periods and the impact that had on the British doctors who had gone out, let alone those affected and their families.

[Gideon Amos (Taunton and Wellington) (LD)]

The Minister knows from when I wrote to him that what distinguished the shooting up and ransacking of the Action around Bethlehem Children with Disability charity by the Israeli army was the fact that it is a British charity. Will he pursue compensation from the Israeli Government for that British charity for the destruction of the children’s centre in Palestine, as was raised by my constituents in North Curry?

[Mr Falconer]

If I have not responded to the letter, I will ensure that I do so, and I will add the case to the list that I have described of cases on which we seek further action.

In relation to questions of accountability, there are areas where we need to see much more action but, as my hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy rightly pointed out, it is not simply the strikes themselves that impede humanitarian work; there is the question of visas and access for those doctors and other skilled humanitarian workers, just as there are outstanding questions that this House has heard many times from me in relation to so-called dual-use goods. The policy on those goods is applied in such a way that it is very difficult to provide, both in medical and in many other contexts, the kind of equipment and supplies that aid agencies require to carry out their duties.

I turn to the important questions asked by the Opposition spokesperson, the right hon. Member for Wetherby and Easingwold (Sir Alec Shelbrooke). It is regrettably the case that not only is the volume of aid being brought in through the GHF insufficient, but huge volumes of it are being looted. The percentages are difficult to assess, but the WFP thinks that at least 80% of aid trucks are being looted almost immediately, so the ability of anyone to provide assurance that aid is reaching the most vulnerable people is very limited, and any assurance about where that aid ends up is also very limited.

I understand the frustration of hon. Members across the House who often press me to try to find other methods by which aid might be brought into Gaza, whether that is by air or sea. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy has operational experience of the limitations of the alternatives, which have been explored on several occasions. I do not rule any alternative out. Over the recess, along with our Jordanian partners, we supported aid drops into Gaza. Of course, we will consider any measures that we can use to try and assist people.

I will move on to the important questions about medical and other evacuations shortly. However, I am afraid that the inescapable truth is that it is only the UN operation, operating only by land, that can make a real difference to the absolutely horrific circumstances that are described in the IPC report. It is only via land that the volumes of aid required can be delivered; it is only via land, with UN support, that we can ensure that there are sufficient distribution centres; and it is only through those tried and tested mechanisms that one can have confidence about where the aid ends up.

[Andy McDonald]

I am very grateful to the Minister for giving way. He is a good man who pays an awful lot of attention to these issues. He is telling us about the difficulties regarding aid and he is applying his mind to them. However, as we speak, we have President Herzog in the country.

So I ask the Minister: is that opportunity being used to discuss the root cause of this situation? The failure to transmit humanitarian aid is because of the genocide and war crimes being committed by Israel. Is President Herzog being challenged on his open statements about collective responsibility and saying that there is no such thing as an innocent Gazan? And will he be upbraided for blithely signing his name on bombs that come raining down on Palestinian children? If so, will the Minister make those comments known to the public? We must know how this President is being received.

[Graham Stringer (in the Chair)]

Just before I call the Minister to respond, we have done really well on the timings so far. However, if hon. Members are going to make interventions, can they be short and to the point, please?

[Mr Falconer]

Thank you, Mr Stringer; I will try to speed up as well. I will come to the important points made by my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough and Thornaby East (Andy McDonald) shortly, but first, I will just segue from the overall humanitarian challenges to discuss some of the specific areas of work on which I and the rest of the Government have been heavily engaged over the recess period.

My hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy asked vital questions about the evacuation of vulnerable people. Over the recess, we repeated our commitments to assist both medically vulnerable children and a number of scholars, and there are a number of other people, too, whom I and the Foreign Office are trying to get out of Gaza. However, the operation to get anybody out of Gaza is enormously complex and involves a range of operational partners, and the brute truth is that it also involves the Israeli Government. Nobody can leave Gaza without the support of the Israeli Government.

I am pleased to report to the House that we are making progress on some of those cases, but not all of them. It is an overwhelming focus for me—the operational challenge implicit in getting even handfuls of people out of Gaza. This contribution is, of course, a tiny one, given the scale of need outlined in the IPC report and everywhere else. However, despite the small number of people involved, the operational challenge remains great.

I hope to be able to update the House on the specifics shortly. I know that many right hon. and hon. Members have constituents who are personally affected. As soon as I am in a position to give confirmation on specific cases, I will do so. I know that there are so many right hon. and hon. Members who are deeply concerned about this situation. I can give the House the commitment that at the moment there is nothing else on which I am spending more time, and I will continue to do so until as many people as we can possibly rescue are rescued.

My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough and Thornaby East asked an important question, which was also asked by other Members. Just to clarify, President Herzog’s visit is a private visit. He has come not at the invitation of the British Government. Nevertheless, given his presence in the UK, we are taking the opportunity to raise a number of very important issues with him.

The Foreign Secretary met the President this morning, and the Prime Minister will meet him this evening. I am sure that they will provide a full account of the points that they have raised. From speaking briefly to the Foreign Secretary, I know that she raised a range of important points, including the importance of Israeli support for our evacuations, over the course of her discussion this morning.

I want to leave my hon. Friend the Member for Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy some time to respond, but I would like to say that, understandably, Members raised the question of determinations, and I want to make as clear as I can how the British Government approach genocide determinations. They are, obviously, a question for a competent court. No competent court has made a determination, but courts have made provisional findings, which we would clearly abide by. The previous Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr Lammy), set out in his letter that, of course, as I have told the House on a number of occasions, we conduct assessments of likely breaches across the whole range of our international legal commitments, including in relation to genocide.

As hon. and right hon. Members will know, there are different tests for different elements of international law. As I have always told the House, we take our commitments under all elements of international law, including the genocide convention, extremely seriously. We keep all those assessments under regular review. The spirit of the previous Foreign Secretary’s letter was not to break with what hon. Members have heard me say many times—that it is for a competent court to make determinations—but to seek to give further aeration to the IDC about what our internal assessment looks like on that particular element.

Qatar: Israeli Strike

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Wednesday 10th September 2025 Commons Chamber

[Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)]

(Urgent Question): To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs to make a statement on the implications of Israel’s strike in Qatar for peace and stability in the middle east and for UK foreign policy.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

The UK Government are deeply concerned by Israel’s strike in Doha yesterday. As the House heard a few minutes ago from the Prime Minister, he and the Foreign Secretary have condemned these flagrant violations of Qatar’s sovereignty, which will set back the cause for peace and risk further escalation in the region. The Prime Minister has spoken to the Emir of Qatar to express the UK’s solidarity and support and to reaffirm our shared commitment to regional stability. The Prime Minister also gave his condolences for the death of a Qatari security officer killed in the attack. Sadly, Qatar’s Ministry of Interior has overnight confirmed the death of a second person.

Qatar is playing a critical role in mediating the conflict, driving efforts to secure a ceasefire and to facilitate vital humanitarian access to Gaza. That must remain the priority. This Government continue to support it in its efforts to push for an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages cruelly detained by Hamas, the protection of civilians and the unrestricted flow of aid into Gaza as the vital first steps towards long-term peace and stability. That is the only way to achieve lasting peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike. That is why we are working with partners to develop a framework for peace that addresses governance, security, humanitarian access and political reform. Negotiation, not more violence, is the way to achieve that. We are actively working together with our international partners, including the G7 and the UN Security Council, to co-ordinate efforts aimed at de-escalation and to reiterate our full support for the sovereignty of Qatar.

Earlier this week, the Prime Minister met President Abbas to discuss the intolerable situation in Gaza, the need for an urgent solution to end horrific suffering and famine, and the Palestinian Authority’s reform agenda, which is vital for a two-state solution. Today the Prime Minister will meet President Herzog of Israel and reiterate the UK’s grave concern following yesterday’s strikes, and reiterate that man-made famine in Gaza must end and the renewed offensive in Gaza must not happen. We will continue to push for a political resolution to end this conflict and strive towards a lasting peace.

[Calum Miller]

Thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting my application for an urgent question. I am grateful to the Minister for his statement.

Last night’s Israeli strikes against Hamas officials in Qatar heralded a new and grave escalation in this terrible conflict. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s willingness to strike Doha will undermine efforts to secure the release of the hostages still held in Hamas captivity and set back the path to a desperately needed ceasefire. Liberal Democrats have called for more diplomatic pressure to be placed on Hamas by the Qataris, including the threat to exile the leadership of Hamas from Doha unless we see the immediate and unconditional release of the remaining hostages. That is the kind of diplomatic pressure that must be brought to bear. Instead, the Israeli Government have chosen a path that even President Trump, Netanyahu’s biggest cheerleader, appears appalled by.

Let me be clear. Liberal Democrats support the right of the state of Israel to exist and its right to defend itself, like all nations, but Israel has obligations under international law and duties to its allies, both of which it has breached. Can the Minister confirm whether any UK entity, including the joint command at the Al Udeid airbase, was informed by Israel of the attack in advance? Will he confirm that, in addition to what he has already said, the Prime Minister, in his meeting with President Herzog today, will condemn yesterday’s attack in the strongest possible terms and make it clear that the UK views it as a flagrant breach of international law?

Last night’s strikes are inseparable from the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. They have further eroded our collective hope for an end to the suffering of both Gazans and the hostages, so it is time for meaningful action by this Government. Will the Minister confirm that the UK will take the steps necessary today to end the export of F-35 parts to Israel, and in the light of the further egregious breaches of international law directed by Netanyahu overnight, that President Netanyahu will be sanctioned?

[Mr Falconer]

Mr Speaker, as you would expect and as is our usual practice, I will not be commenting on sanctions from the Dispatch Box. The Prime Minister has set out to this House his intentions for his meeting with President Herzog later. I can confirm that the Foreign Secretary met President Herzog this morning and raised these points among a range of others, including the urgent need both to ensure that aid gets into Gaza and that there is further Israeli support for British efforts to medically evacuate injured children and to provide fully funded scholarships to the UK.

[Mr Speaker]

I call Dame Emily Thornberry, Chair of the Select Committee.

[Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)]

What happened overnight illustrates a huge problem that the new Foreign Secretary will need to deal with; I am pleased that the Minister will be ably helping her. The problem is this: there is an emboldened, far-right Israeli Government who believe that they can do whatever they like and there will be no consequences, while on the other hand the country of Qatar is genuinely working towards peace. I know the Minister has met the Qatari Ministers; I have met them too. They could not be more sincere in the efforts they are making, yet they get bombed for their efforts. The question for the new Foreign Secretary is how we can make sure that we are not just bystanders but play an active role in dealing with this issue. How will the Prime Minister be able to convey such a message to President Herzog this afternoon?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my right hon. Friend for the question. It is vital that at such serious moments that the UN Security Council plays its full part, so I can confirm to her that the UK is supporting calls for an emergency session of the UN Security Council this evening. The Foreign Secretary will be joining calls with her E3 counterparts this afternoon, and we will be discussing this matter, as my right hon. Friend would expect, with a range of G7 allies, including the United States.

[Mr Speaker]

We come now to shadow Foreign Secretary.

[Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)]

This is clearly a very, very serious moment for the middle east. No one in this House wants to see a spiral of escalation of hostilities. Both Israel and Qatar are important and valued strategic partners for the United Kingdom, and we value and recognise the extensive efforts by the Qatari Government to secure the release of hostages and work towards securing a ceasefire. It is tragic, as the Minister has highlighted, that security guards were killed in this attack, but there are some fundamental issues here, and many of these points have been made from the Dispatch Box time and again.

This is a moment for our country. Britain must contribute and provide the British expertise necessary for conflict resolution and support strong regional initiatives, including backing Qatar and the Qataris on releasing the hostages and achieving a ceasefire.

On top of that, of course, we must work with our allies in the United States, and next week’s visit from President Trump is a crucial moment. There can be no more equivocation, as this issue continues to afflict the region day after day after day.

It is also true that we certainly should not be mourning the Hamas leaders who have been killed. Hamas have held innocent hostages in terrorist captivity for over 700 days, and they were responsible for the atrocities of 7 October 2023, which also killed British nationals.

In recent months, Israel has been removing terrorist actors across the middle east—the leadership of the Houthis, Hezbollah and malign individuals in the Iranian regime too. That means that our Government must play a strong role and stand firm on degrading Iran’s nuclear capabilities and that malign influence in the region. In recognising the sensitivity of the situation in the Gulf, will the Minister confirm what actions he and the FCDO will take to stabilise efforts to secure the release of the hostages; what proactive steps are being taken to degrade Hamas and their capabilities; and, of course, how we can work constructively with our partners in the region to drive the right outcomes, including achieving a ceasefire?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank the right hon. Lady for those important questions. The British Government are fully committed, with our Gulf and G7 partners, to efforts to ensure that the current negotiations come to the conclusions that we wish to see. Those include conclusions in the short term—we have long repudiated Hamas’s hostage taking, so the hostages need to be released immediately, and humanitarian aid must get into Gaza. As I said in response to the hon. Member for Bicester and Woodstock (Calum Miller), there are also other questions about governance and security, and about the long-term prospects for Gaza, for the west bank, and for a state of Palestine and a state of Israel living side by side. We are fully engaged in that diplomacy, as the right hon. Lady would expect.

On the right hon. Lady’s wider question about fragility in the region, she will be familiar with the decisions we have taken on snapback. I imagine that we will return to discuss Iran in greater detail at some point in the future, as I am conscious that there were developments over recess. We have triggered snapback and we will continue to return to the House to discuss the threat of Iran’s nuclear programme.

[Abtisam Mohamed (Sheffield Central) (Lab)]

The longer that Israel is allowed to act like a rogue state, bombing sovereign countries with impunity and expanding its war in the middle east, the weaker our words look—Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iran, Syria, Tunisian soil and now Qatar. Why are we meeting Israel’s President Herzog today, when his own words and those of Netanyahu show a complete disregard for international humanitarian law?

[Mr Falconer]

I pay tribute to my hon. Friend for her work on a whole range of questions, including current efforts to try to ensure the successful evacuation of vulnerable people from Gaza. It is important that we raise our concerns directly to the Israeli Government, both to contribute to the diplomatic process and to try to secure the practical and tangible help required to get people out of Gaza. The British Foreign Office on its own cannot secure the speedy departures that we wish to see.

[Sir Andrew Mitchell (Sutton Coldfield) (Con)]

Do not the events of yesterday underline the critical need to secure a ceasefire and, above all, to move into a political process? Will the Minister—we are all pleased to see him continuing in his role following the reshuffle—commit to building on the important work done by Egypt, Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia to effect that peace process? All of them have underlined the fact that there is no place for Hamas in Gaza or anywhere else in government following the events that have taken place.

[Mr Falconer]

I am grateful for the kind words from the right hon. Gentleman, and indeed for those I heard from the Labour Back Benches. I am continuing in my role and look forward to appearing before the House in the usual way. He is right to emphasise not just the important statements from the UK and our western allies, but the important commitments that have been made—particularly in July but since then as well—by Qatar, Egypt, Turkey and a range of other states, which have a real role to play in mediating the immediate pressures and in trying to end up in, as he says, the more permanent ceasefire that we want to see.

[Florence Eshalomi (Vauxhall and Camberwell Green) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for outlining the strongest condemnation of the attacks and the blatant disregard for Qatar’s sovereignty. I refer the House to my registered interests, as I visited Qatar last year and spoke to Ministers there. I saw how diligently they are working, day in and day out, to secure the ceasefire and the hostages, and to get that urgent aid in. Does the Minister share my view that Qatar’s role in mediating this conflict will be blown into jeopardy by the recent attack, and will he ensure that the Prime Minister continues to condemn this attack when he meets the Israeli President later this week?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend is quite right; Qatar has played a vital role in this conflict. I work closely with my Qatari counterparts, and not just on the urgent issues of the middle east but across a whole range of difficult conflicts. They play a vital role and are committed—as the Emir of Qatar told the Prime Minister this morning—to continuing to play that mediation role. I cannot see how such strikes help Qataris perform that role, but they are committed none the less to continuing it, and they have our full support.

[Kit Malthouse (North West Hampshire) (Con)]

The events of yesterday come as no surprise to those of us in the Chamber who have raised the issue of the Israeli Government’s crimes, committed with an air of complete impunity. It should now be crystal clear to the Minister, as it is to so many across the world, that the Israeli Government are not interested in the slightest in peace, or indeed in the fate of their hostages. In that light, I have two questions. First, what military and intelligence assistance will we provide to the Qataris to allow them to defend themselves against further attacks? Secondly, will the UK add its voice to the growing calls across the world for the formation of an international protection force to enter Gaza and enforce a peace?

[Mr Falconer]

On the right hon. Gentleman’s first point, we are committed to Qatar’s security and defence—we have a close relationship with the Qataris on both, and we are of course in constant discussions with them about the importance of that collaboration. On his second point about a protective force—and here I will take advantage of the question asked by the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir Andrew Mitchell), who was Secretary of State for International Development when I was posted in South Sudan with a chapter VII UN peacekeeping force, which at that time had the most far-reaching mandate to protect civilians—we in this Chamber cannot pretend that UN peacekeeping forces are able to impose peace where there is none. There must be a ceasefire negotiation. In Juba I saw, as did the world, the horrifying ethnic cleansing that followed the inability of the UN mission to protect people. We must have a ceasefire. It is easy to get distracted with other alternatives, but the truth is that only a ceasefire will protect civilians in Gaza.

[John Slinger (Rugby) (Lab)]

Given that, under article 51 of the UN charter, any pre-emptive strike is normally regarded as justified only when a threat is imminent; that article 2(4) states that

“all Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state”;

and that article 51 states that

“measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council”,

does my hon. Friend agree that international law and the preservation and strengthening of the rules-based system is vital to the peoples of the region, the wider world, our ally Qatar and the UK? Will he make it clear to Israel that we expect it to obey international law?

[Mr Falconer]

We expect Israel, alongside all of our allies, and indeed every state, to abide by international law. My hon. Friend sets out the relevant tests of self-defence and imminence. As I have said, the UK is supporting a motion for an urgent session of the Security Council this afternoon on this question.

[Freddie van Mierlo (Henley and Thame) (LD)]

Members have already outlined how Israel has violated international law by attacking Qatar. Will the UK Government lay therefore down a motion at the UN to condemn the actions of Israel?

[Mr Falconer]

As I have said, the UK is supporting a motion for a session of the UN Security Council this afternoon. If that motion is granted, the session is expected to take place this evening—our time.

[Richard Burgon (Leeds East) (Lab)]

Israel is a rogue state that blatantly disregards international law. This bombing was a blatant attempt to scupper peace negotiations. Pleading with Israel will do no good, so how many more war crimes or violations of international law are necessary before the Government impose the tough sanctions on Israel that are needed to force it to stop this?

[Mr Falconer]

I think I covered the point about sanctions earlier.

[Bob Blackman (Harrow East) (Con)]

I was surprised and disappointed that there was no word from the Secretary of State in relation to the terrorist attack in Jerusalem on Monday, where terrorists opened fire on a bus, killing rabbis and women. The reality is that Hamas’s leadership not only condoned the attack, but praised it. Does the Minister agree that it is essential that we get to the point of having a ceasefire that allows for the release of all the hostages without conditions, and for Hamas to surrender their weapons and agree to demilitarise Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for raising the attack in Jerusalem, which I condemn utterly and outright. It was barbaric and, as he says, women and rabbis were killed. The UK has no truck with it and we condemn it outright, just as we condemn all such activities by Hamas, including the taking of hostages, the events of 7 October and the long litany of terrorist attacks that they are responsible for and glorify.

[Mohammad Yasin (Bedford) (Lab)]

Benjamin Netanyahu’s extrajudicial killings against a sovereign western ally expose his rejection of peace and deliberate escalation of atrocities in a clear violation of international law and diplomacy. He has destroyed the peace talks and acts with impunity. The UK Government have rightly condemned these actions, but when will they uphold international law, call out the Israeli Prime Minister as a warmonger and perpetrator of genocide, end arms sales to Israel and impose the severe sanctions that his conduct demands?

[Mr Falconer]

The Prime Minister set out some of what our Government have done in relation to the suspension of arms sales and sanctions on extremist figures in the Israeli Government, so I will not belabour those points here. On peace talks, the Emir of Qatar is clear that the Qataris will continue in their mediation role. We should not count out peace talks while the Qataris rightly continue to try to push them forwards.

[Brendan O’Hara (Argyll, Bute and South Lochaber) (SNP)]

Israel’s bombing of Doha was the action of a state that knows it can act with complete impunity. Once again, the Netanyahu regime has shown that international law simply does not apply to it, and as long as this Government ignore the overwhelming evidence of the genocide in Gaza, so that they can profit from the sales of weapons to Israel, that situation will continue. Will Minister tell us—unless this is just another example of the performative condemnation that we have seen so often from this Government—what exactly the consequences will be for Israel for this egregious attack on Qatar?

[Mr Falconer]

I have set out some of the steps that we are taking in relation to this strike, including supporting an emergency session of the UN Security Council and having discussions with our allies, including the E3, which the Foreign Secretary will undertake shortly. I would not wish to be drawn further as we discuss this very important incident with our allies. I take issue with the hon. Gentleman’s characterisation. The conflict in Gaza is not a question that relates primarily to UK arms. We are a tiny supplier of residual arms. We have suspended the sale of all of those arms that could be used in Gaza. There are other states with much fuller arms relationships—[Interruption.]

[Brendan O’Hara]

The figure is 15%.

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman says “15%”, when in fact he means 15% of components of the total F-35 supply. The truth about the total supply to Israel is that it is less than 1%.

[Ms Stella Creasy (Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)]

The Minister is absolutely right to call for a session at the United Nations—nobody can think that attacking the people trying to broker peace is going to lead to a ceasefire—but ahead of that, this country must have made some assessment of the case for the session and the motion. Will the Minister tell us what assessment his officials have made about the civilian casualties and whether this strike is proportionate under the boundaries of the laws of armed conflict, as set out in international law? If we go to the UN, what case will we be making?

[Mr Falconer]

I would not want to be drawn on a casualty tally from the UK. As I set out in my response, Qatar has been clear about its own assessments and these things tend to develop in the immediate aftermath of a strike, so I will not be drawn on casualties or the number of people struck. Qatar, quite rightly, will release that information when it is available. My hon. Friend asks about the international law tests against which this strike must be judged. Those tests are self-defence and imminence, and in any session of the UN Security Council those are the tests that we would expect Israel to be able to satisfy.

[Sir Julian Smith (Skipton and Ripon) (Con)]

It is not only on this issue, but on many other issues that Qatar, Saudi Arabia and other middle east nations have developed a real niche and leadership in mediation and conflict resolution. Will the Minister look at our own conflict resolution unit and its resources and spend, and double down on how we are working with the Qataris on all their mediation efforts?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Falconer]

The right hon. Gentleman raises an important question. The strength of our relationship with Qatar on conflict mediation and our own capabilities are an important area of work. I understand deeply how important that is because I was a negotiator in the Foreign Office, as was our National Security Adviser. I have been due a further discussion with my Qatari ministerial counterpart. Regrettably, it has been continually delayed by events in the region, but we hope to have it soon.

[Afzal Khan (Manchester Rusholme) (Lab)]

Qatar is an ally, and a key negotiator and mediator in Gaza ceasefire talks. Through committing atrocities in Gaza, illegal settlements in the west bank, marching into Syria, and attacking Lebanon, Iran, Yemen and now Qatar, this Israeli Government have proven themselves to be a rogue ally to us and a dangerous neighbour. At what point does the UK draw a line in the sand and call out this Israeli Government for what they are—a danger to peace in the middle east?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my hon. Friend for his long commitment to these issues. He has heard my condemnation, as well as that of the previous Foreign Secretary, the current Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister, of many of the Israeli Government’s actions in relation to Gaza, the west bank and elsewhere. Where we disagree with the Israeli Government, we are clear and forceful in saying so.

[Charlie Maynard (Witney) (LD)]

Given that Israel continues to act with impunity, what new levers will our Government use to take actions that are within its powers, such as restrictions on travel and trade, air and sea delivery of aid—given that land delivery is so appalling—and in relation to the F-35? We are breaching international humanitarian laws; can we please stop doing so?

[Mr Falconer]

I do not like to get ahead of the courts on the question of the F-35. There was extensive legal argumentation in the Al-Haq case, which did not find in the way the hon. Gentleman suggests.

Turning to the question of air and sea access to Gaza, both methods have been tried. The UK supported airdrops alongside our Jordanian partners over the summer, such was our desperation to get aid into the strip. However, we cannot escape the fact that airdrops are a pinprick at best, given the overall scale of need. There is an aid operation that works and has a track record, which is the United Nations operation.

[Charlie Maynard]

And sea?

[Mr Falconer]

Sea was also tried, particularly during the late period of President Biden, but was not found to be an effective mechanism for getting aid in. Where we can get aid in—even in small amounts—we will do so, but I cannot pretend from this Dispatch Box that any methods other than the land routes and UN support can reach the scale that is required to meet the need.

[Mr Clive Betts (Sheffield South East) (Lab)]

I am pleased to see the Minister back at the Dispatch Box, although I am not sure whether he is equally pleased to come back to the Chamber once again to answer questions about the illegal actions of the Israeli Government. We have a situation in which one of our allies has unlawfully attacked another of our allies. Given that we are rightly standing with the Qataris, is it not time we recognised that because of their actions in Doha and their continuous starvation and murder of innocent civilians in Gaza, this right-wing Israeli Government and this extreme right-wing Israeli Prime Minister are no longer allies of ours?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my hon. Friend for his kind words about my reappointment. I recognise the force of what he has said about Israeli politics; it is not appropriate for one Foreign Minister to comment on the internal politics of another country, but from the sanctions I announced from this Dispatch Box in June, the House can see the strength of this Government’s feeling about—for example—the rhetoric of Mr Smotrich and that of Mr Ben-Gvir. It has been deeply disheartening to see that rhetoric repeated over the course of the summer, but where we can, we demonstrate in the strongest possible way the strength of our feeling on these questions.

[Simon Hoare (North Dorset) (Con)]

The events that took place earlier this week in Jerusalem, and yesterday, prove that the two extremes in this conflict have no interest in peace. Hamas benefits from the violence, and the right wing of the Israeli Government also profits as it seeks to expand Israel’s territory and subject the Palestinian people. I entirely agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for North West Hampshire (Kit Malthouse) and amplify the points that he made.

Following yesterday’s events, Trump and the American Administration appear to be as annoyed with Israel as the rest of the world are, so is it now time to call Israel’s bluff through the United Nations? Is it not time to seek the engagement of blue helmets or some similar force, to enable us to say, “We, as an international community, have people on the ground. Don’t you dare fire into that area. Let us now trigger peace talks.” Without that catalyst, those two extremes will just continue, along with the performative merry-go-round of “Here we go again”, condemnation, and another statement or urgent question. I fear that in three or four years’ time, there will be rubble in Gaza, the Israeli Government will be even more of a rogue Government, and we will be no further forward.

[Mr Falconer]

The right hon. Gentleman is absolutely right about the risks in Gaza—we have seen that rubble grow. The British Government would support international forces going into Gaza with the agreement of the parties. In response to the right hon. Member for North West Hampshire (Kit Malthouse), I spoke about my own experience of the limitations on peacekeeping forces where there is no peace to enforce. We are depressingly clear-eyed about the continuing intent on both sides to continue conducting violence, exactly as the right hon. Gentleman has described.

[Steve Witherden (Montgomeryshire and Glyndŵr) (Lab)]

In the past month alone, Israel has bombed Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen. Yesterday, for the first time, it bombed Qatar. What is the Government’s legal assessment of the strikes on Qatar, and do they consider them to be a violation of international law?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Falconer]

We utterly condemn the violation of Qatar’s sovereignty, as the House heard from the Prime Minister this morning. As my hon. Friend the Member for Rugby (John Slinger) set out, the international legal tests are to do with imminence and self-defence. There will be a session of the UN Security Council, and it will be for Israel to demonstrate how its actions are consistent with those tests.

[Liz Saville Roberts (Dwyfor Meirionnydd) (PC)]

Today of all days, after an illegal attack on peace brokers Qatar, it is shocking to see the UK roll out the red carpet for President Herzog, who has dehumanised suffering Palestinians and incited violence against civilians. The Minister’s Government are being seen to pander to politicians who flout international law. He rightly calls for a ceasefire; when will he call what is happening in Gaza a genocide?

[Mr Falconer]

President Herzog is in the UK on a private visit, so I would not characterise the visit as one for which the red carpet has been rolled out. I reiterate that so many colleagues on the Government Benches, and I am sure colleagues on the Opposition Benches as well, are rightly very conscious of the urgency of helping people out of Gaza, ensuring that aid gets in, and ensuring that there is a ceasefire. President Herzog is the Head of State; he is not a functional part of the Government. He is an important conduit for raising those concerns. This morning, among other things, the Foreign Secretary sought to ensure greater support from the Israeli Government for getting children with injuries, and students, out of Gaza. These are difficult, practical matters on which we are focused. I understand that some Opposition Members would perhaps prefer that we did not conduct such talks, but the Government and I are focused on the practical problems of helping people in Gaza, and the Foreign Secretary has already raised them with the President this morning.

[Kim Johnson (Liverpool Riverside) (Lab)]

This morning on Radio 4, an Israeli politician, Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, offered no apology for the Israeli attacks on Qatar and could not explain what makes Israel exempt from international law and able to act with impunity. How does the Minister justify the genocidal comments of President Herzog? These individuals must be held accountable. What we are seeing is not diplomacy—it is shameful complicity. Does the Minister agree that today’s meeting with Herzog should never have taken place?

[Mr Falconer]

I set out the position in relation to President Herzog’s visit just a minute ago. I am not familiar with the Israeli politician in question, but I can say that the UK considers international law to be binding on all states.

[Sir Julian Lewis (New Forest East) (Con)]

Despite the atrocious terrorist attack in Jerusalem, I have to agree with the hon. Member for Walthamstow (Ms Creasy) when she says that blowing up the enemy’s negotiators does not exactly suggest an interest in a negotiated solution. However, I would like clarification on the Government’s position on recognition of a Palestinian state. On 1 September, the then Foreign Secretary said that he proposed to recognise a Palestinian state, but that Hamas would not benefit from it, because they would have to be disarmed. Does that mean that Hamas must be disarmed before recognition, or will recognition go ahead, as seems to be the case, whether Hamas are disarmed or not?

[Mr Falconer]

The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary then and now have been clear that the Prime Minister will make a determination in advance of the UN General Assembly high-level week, in accordance with the language set out in the statement of July. The right hon. Member makes important points about what the previous Foreign Secretary said about Hamas. We must remember that Hamas are not in favour of two states; they are in favour of one state from the river to the sea, and that is not the position of the British Government, and nor is it should we take the decisions outlined in July.

[Josh Fenton-Glynn (Calder Valley) (Lab)]

We all want to see peace, the hostages returned and an end to the man-made famine in Gaza, but this attack on a sovereign nation so closely tied to the peace talks undermines all that. It is as awful as it is counterproductive, so what can we do to ensure that the pursuit of peace is more than just lip service for the Netanyahu Government?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend has been a persistent advocate on these questions, and I look forward to continuing to answer his questions from the Dispatch Box. He should not, though, be more pessimistic about the prospects of continued mediation and the Qataris themselves, particularly given that they are very much on the closest edge to this issue. We will continue to support them in their efforts. They are vital and, for all the reasons we have discussed this afternoon, the only way through.

[Dr Ellie Chowns (North Herefordshire) (Green)]

We keep talking about a ceasefire, but how can one be achieved if one side is intent on killing the negotiators from the other? Attacking peace negotiators is simply reprehensible and undermines any possibility of the only thing—dialogue—that has any chance of bringing a resolution to the horrors in Gaza. It is not the action of a state seeking peace; it is the action of a rogue state operating with impunity completely outside international law, crossing red line after red line. I ask the Minister again: given that repeated crossing of new red lines, what action will he match his condemnation with? Will he stop all arms sales, all military co-operation, all intelligence-sharing and all defence deals, current and future, with Israel? Will he sanction Netanyahu and all officials complicit in the war crimes and genocide in Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

I have set out already in this session our condemnation of the strikes, the sanctions taken against extremist figures in the Israeli Government and the other measures we have taken. In relation to action that follows from the strike on Doha, the Foreign Secretary will shortly be in touch with her E3 colleagues, and we hope that there will be a Security Council session this evening.

[Dr Scott Arthur (Edinburgh South West) (Lab)]

I thank the Minister for his statement. I do pray that one day he will come to the Dispatch Box with good news for us, to be frank. In my surgery at Oxgangs library on Saturday, a UK-Palestinian woman came to see me. She brought date cookies, which had been freshly made by her mother. I had hoped to save one for you, Mr Speaker, but it proved not to be possible. She spoke passionately, and she was really concerned about the visit of the Israeli President to the UK. I spoke about what the Government have been doing and actions that I have supported that I believe have saved lives. But with what we have seen in Qatar, I think Netanyahu has made a fool of us, and I fear that he will continue to make a fool of us. Is it time to change direction to avoid this happening again—to avoid us taking a stand, demanding a ceasefire and Netanyahu just laughing at us?

[Mr Falconer]

I am disappointed that my hon. Friend’s constituent did not reserve a cookie for me, but I am grateful for the important question that she asks. For the reasons I set out before, it is important that we continue to engage directly with the Israeli Government, particularly on questions such as the evacuation of vulnerable people from Gaza, on which Israel’s co-operation is essential for any further progress.

[Dr Andrew Murrison (South West Wiltshire) (Con)]

Several of our partners in the region—in north Africa and the middle east—have expended a great deal of political capital in trying to achieve a rapprochement with Israel in recent years. The Minister will be aware, for example, of Morocco and its work and leadership in achieving the Abraham accords. What does he think this attack has done to them, and what confidence can they have that Israel is now truly embarked on a quest for peace in the region?

[Mr Falconer]

Even in advance of the events yesterday, nations in the region that had taken the step of signing the Abraham accords were signalling disquiet, most obviously and signally the United Arab Emirates, which released an important statement on this question. I will not seek to speak for our Arab allies, but I am sure that they will be looking at the events yesterday with great concern, and I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman will have seen the number of statements that have issued from the region over the last 24 hours.

[Peter Swallow (Bracknell) (Lab)]

A man-made famine in Gaza, increased settler violence in the west bank, and now this attack on sovereign Qatar: I fear that these are not the actions of an Israeli Government committed to peace. With that in mind, will my hon. Friend urge the Foreign Secretary to speak to our friends and allies and find out what more we can do to pile concrete pressure on the Israeli Government to get round the table and seek that ceasefire that we so badly need?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my hon. Friend for his commitment to these issues, and I can confirm that the Foreign Secretary is, practically as we speak, in consultations with friends and allies about what further steps we might take.

[Adam Dance (Yeovil) (LD)]

I have said this before, but so many constituents from Yeovil—some as young as 11—have told me that they are so frustrated that Britain is not doing more. Will the Minister reassure my constituents that the Government are doing all they can to make sure that these strikes do not break down the peace process completely and that enough aid gets into Gaza now?

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman’s young constituents are absolutely right, and I can reassure them that we are doing everything we can to try to ensure that the mediation continues, that progress towards a ceasefire is made and, of course, that aid gets into Gaza.

[Paul Waugh (Rochdale) (Lab/Co-op)]

Blessed are the peacemakers, or so we are told—so it seems particularly wicked that Israel can deliberately target the country that is doing more to promote peace than any other in the region. Is the tragedy of the middle east not that the Palestinians in Gaza and the Israelis in Israel are governed by deeply unpopular extremists who have no interest in peace, on either side? After this week’s appalling murder at a bus stop in Jerusalem, the Israeli Government imposed collective punishment on the villages where those terrorists came from, removing hundreds of work permits and proceeding to start demolishing many homes. Does Netanyahu’s decision to bomb Qatar not prove beyond doubt that he does not care about the hostages, that they are collateral damage as much as any Palestinian child, and that Israel is now a rogue state? Must not the UK put in place severe sanctions against this rogue state to prove our word?

[Mr Falconer]

I am glad to be answering questions from my hon. Friend again, as he has been a persistent advocate on these matters. There is deep concern about events. The attack in Jerusalem was horrific, as I said to the hon. Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman). The developments in the west bank, both over the summer and before, are deeply concerning, and I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising them. We will continue to keep all measures under review, as he would expect. We have taken far-reaching actions, with three waves of sanctions targeted in particular on violent settlers. We will continue to keep such options under review as developments proceed.

[Sammy Wilson (East Antrim) (DUP)]

Let us look at the facts behind Israel’s strike. We have a bunch of terrorists who have been sitting in the safety of Qatar for years, organising and financing acts of terror, including the mass murder of civilians in Israel this week, and boasting about their involvement in it. Is it not an advance that those people are eliminated and it is made clear to them that they will face the consequences of the terror that they organise? Is showing them that they will be pursued and punished, and that they will not win, not more likely to drive them to the peace table than to continue their acts of terror?

[Mr Falconer]

We have condemned the strike, and I do so again. It violates Qatar’s sovereignty. Obviously, the question of the facts of the strike will now be contested, and, as I said earlier, the Qatari Government are releasing those facts as they conduct a full investigation. Regardless of anybody else, there were Qatari officials killed in the strike, and it was a violation of Qatar’s sovereignty. For that reason alone, it is worth condemning.

[Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Ind)]

What security information is now shared with Israel? Is the information collected by the more than 600 Royal Air Force flights over Gaza being used to guide the Israeli bombardment of buildings in Gaza City and other places? Are we still continuing security co-operation with a country that has bombed almost every neighbouring state over the past year?

[Mr Falconer]

For reasons the House will understand, I will not give a lengthy commentary on security and intelligence matters, but I can confirm to the right hon. Gentleman that we do not provide any information to aid in targeting strikes in Gaza in the way that he described.

[John Cooper (Dumfries and Galloway) (Con)]

As a seasoned diplomat, does the Minister recognise that there is a danger that we are holding Israel to a different standard? When the Americans reached out into Pakistan to snuff out Osama bin Laden, the architect of 9/11, we were taking them to the bar; when Israel reaches out with a precision decapitation strike on the leadership of Hamas, we want to take it to the bar of the international court.

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman does make me feel rather seasoned, as I was in Pakistan at that time. As I said earlier, the tests in international law are self-defence and imminence. Not every state agrees on the thresholds for those tests, but it is the expectation of the British Government with all our partners and allies—indeed, with every state—that they demonstrate how they are complying with international law regardless of who they are.

[Christine Jardine (Edinburgh West) (LD)]

I am pleased to have the Minister’s confirmation that, despite yesterday’s egregious actions by Israel, Qatar will continue its commitment to pursue the peace that we all long for in the middle east. To that end, the Government have said that they would commit to recognising a state of Palestine before the United Nations General Assembly if Israel failed to meet certain conditions. Has Israel failed to meet those conditions, and will the Government recognise Palestine as a matter of urgency?

[Mr Falconer]

The Prime Minister will make a determination on the question in advance of the high-level week of the General Assembly. That is not long now. The whole House can see the development of events in the region and, indeed, the language we set out in July. I do not wish to get ahead of the Prime Minister before he makes that determination.

[Clive Jones (Wokingham) (LD)]

My Lib Dem colleagues and I have repeatedly called on the Government to introduce further sanctions on Israel; we called for sanctions on Ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, and now we call for sanctions on Prime Minister Netanyahu and his Cabinet. Does the Minister agree that those are the people who are responsible for creating a famine in Gaza and continuing the killing of innocent civilians?

[Mr Falconer]

As we discussed last week, the circumstances of the famine in Gaza are horrifying and it is absolutely obvious that the restrictions on aid into Gaza, for which the Israeli Government are responsible, are contributing very significantly indeed to those circumstances. The Israeli Government have raised methodological concerns with the IPC judgments. Those concerns arise from the fact that there is not free access into Gaza. We stand by the IPC and the judgments it has made. It is clear that the restrictions of the Israeli Government, on which I have been clear at the Dispatch Box innumerable times and have seen for myself at the border, are responsible for those circumstances.

[Ayoub Khan (Birmingham Perry Barr) (Ind)]

We have had a number of ceasefires historically. Each one was violated by the Israeli Government. The recent attack in Qatar is a clear example that the Israeli Government are not interested in a ceasefire; they are interested in a genocide, taking over the whole of the Gaza strip and west bank—we see that in their reactions and in what they say in the public arena. None of the levers that we have spoken about in this House seems to have had any impact. It is like a toothless tiger: we say we are going to apply this pressure and that pressure, and nothing seems to be done. This blatant, unlawful attack on Qatar requires punishment. Does the Minister not think that the immediate, unconditional recognition of a state of Palestine is a form of punishment and would go further to a ceasefire than what we are talking about?

[Mr Falconer]

I set out in response to the hon. Member for Edinburgh West (Christine Jardine) the process by which we will make the determination on the recognition points that we set out in July. That point is very soon; the high-level week of the UN General Assembly is just weeks away. The hon. Gentleman will have an opportunity, I am sure, to question me and other members of the Government after the Prime Minister has made his determination.

I do not think it is right that we should think of recognition as a punishment. If that is indeed the determination that we make, it will be a reflection of our long-standing commitment to a two-state solution. It is unlikely in and of itself to ameliorate the horrifying famine and the many other sources of agony that flow to the Palestinian people at the moment. That does not mean that, if the Prime Minister makes that determination, it may not be the right thing to do, but the House should not think that it will necessarily bring any immediate improvement in the humanitarian situation in Gaza.

[Richard Foord (Honiton and Sidmouth) (LD)]

Qatar has used its good offices for diplomatic negotiations for many years. Taliban representatives secretly arrived in Qatar 15 years ago and subsequently attended peace conferences in Japan, Germany and France. If the UK and our allies let these strikes by the Netanyahu-led Government go, they could be a precedent for strikes on other intermediaries. How are the Government encouraging our allies to introduce sanctions on members of the far-right Israeli Government?

[Mr Falconer]

I have set out the consultations with our partners that will be happening today and, I am sure, over coming days. The hon. Gentleman is right about the role of Qatar over the years, including in the Taliban talks that took place there for some time, and we have discussed already the questions under international law about states striking other states.

[Andrew George (St Ives) (LD)]

In respect of sanctions, the Minister will be aware that I asked the then Foreign Secretary last week whether he would make sure that the UK has no involvement in the proposed Elbit contract, either commercial or governmental, that there is absolutely no use of the Akrotiri air base in Cyprus to the advantage of the Israeli military, and that there is absolutely no trade with the illegal settlements in the west bank. Can the Minister confirm that the position remains the same following the change of guard, and that he will make sure it is followed through?

[Mr Falconer]

I can confirm that the British Government’s position remains as set out by the then Foreign Secretary last week.

[Iqbal Mohamed (Dewsbury and Batley) (Ind)]

I join the House in its condemnation of the attacks against civilians in Jerusalem this week.

The impunity and military support afforded to the state of Israel over the past 77 years, and as it carries out the ongoing genocide in Gaza and wider Palestine, has emboldened its leaders to launch assaults in Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Tunisia and now Qatar, killing thousands and forcing millions to flee their homes across the region. Is the Minister not concerned that the British Government’s continued support for a rogue state perpetrating repeated violations of international law will lead to Israel invading other countries, and undermine the UK’s security and credibility on the world stage? Does he agree that Qatar has a right to defend itself against this unprovoked illegal attack?

[Mr Falconer]

I have set out our position in relation to a whole range of Israeli Government actions with which we disagree, so I am not sure I would characterise our position in the way that the hon. Gentleman did. I have already set out our position on the relevant questions of international law as far as I am able.

[Alison Bennett (Mid Sussex) (LD)]

Can the Minister confirm whether the Attorney General will publish any advice that he or the Government have received on whether there have been breaches of international law during the conflict in Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

That is more properly a question for the Attorney General. I think there has been some correspondence between him and his shadow, but I will revert to the Attorney General’s latest position on that question.

[Shockat Adam (Leicester South) (Ind)]

We have witnessed the Israeli army massacre over 60,000 people in Gaza, 19,000 of whom were children. The blood-soaked tentacles of the Israeli army are now reaching closer to home, especially in my case. Yesterday afternoon in Doha, my niece and her daughter were having a lovely time together in a library when the Israeli army, which this Government fail to condemn for committing genocide, dropped a bomb two or three streets away from where they were. The building shook, and there was smoke everywhere. My niece’s baby is still asking, “Will it happen again?”, so I ask the Minister: will it happen again, and what will this Government do, beyond saying empty words? When will we completely stop every single arms sale to Israel, impose economic, political and social sanctions, and use all our power to get desperately needed aid into Gaza?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Falconer]

I think I have answered questions on arms and sanctions already in this session. I want to be clear: we have condemned these strikes, and we do not want to see them again. We are discussing these matters with our allies, including, we hope, at the UN Security Council this evening. We will no doubt keep the House updated on how those discussions go.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the Minister for his very confident replies to the questions, and wish him well in his role. These things are never easy, but the Minister has done quite well.

The loss of life is, of course, regrettable in all situations. This House must also condemn the callous murder of six innocent Israelis, including two rabbis and women, on the day before the attack in Doha. Does the Minister acknowledge that the UK must share pertinent intelligence with Israel to ensure that targeted attacks take place, so that Israel can cut the head off the Hamas snake? Then, and only then, can there be peace for Israel and Gaza, the Hamas threat having been targeted and eradicated effectively.

[Mr Falconer]

I thank the hon. Member for his kind words. I have set out clearly our absolute opposition to Hamas on a whole range of questions, but I have also set out our understanding of international law, why we condemn these strikes, and why we do not want to see them repeated.

Oral Answers to Questions

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Tuesday 2nd September 2025 Commons Chamber

[Mary Glindon (Newcastle upon Tyne East and Wallsend) (Lab)]

22. What steps he is taking to help improve the humanitarian situation in Gaza.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

In response to the deepening crisis, the Foreign Secretary yesterday announced a further £15 million of aid and medical care for Gaza and the region, taking our total funding to £75 million this year. We are working to get children with the most acute needs out of Gaza and into the UK for specialist NHS treatment. The Foreign Secretary and I continue to urge the Israeli authorities to address the famine and the catastrophic humanitarian situation immediately.

[Dr Savage]

More than 20,000 Palestinian children have been hospitalised for acute malnutrition this year alone. Amnesty International has condemned Israel’s use of starvation as a “weapon of war”, and the UN deputy relief chief has called the aid blockade a “human-made crisis”. Will the Minister move beyond words of condemnation and commit to concrete action, including stopping all arms exports to Israel, and immediately and unconditionally recognising the statehood of Palestine?

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Lady raises vital questions. The IPC—integrated food security phase classification—report over the recess was truly horrifying: 500,000 people in Gaza are facing famine. We continue to take the actions that we discussed in the House yesterday afternoon, in relation to recognition and the suspension of arms that could be used in Gaza.

[Alistair Strathern]

I share many of my constituents’ despair and anger about the intolerable suffering in Gaza. Last year, I had the privilege of meeting one of my constituents, Becky, to hear about her heartbreaking experience of delivering medical aid in Palestine. Devastatingly, a year on, the situation is much worse, with Gaza now the child amputee capital of the world and thousands more families pushed to starvation. There have been some welcome moves from the Government in recent months, but clearly not enough has yet been done—nothing can be until the suffering has stopped. What further urgent action can we take to finally secure access to the aid that Gaza desperately needs, and end this intolerable suffering?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my hon. Friend and his constituent, Becky. Over the recess, I met doctors who have served in Gaza. Hearing their first-hand accounts of the injuries that children are suffering there was truly horrifying. We continue to press the Israeli Government. They must act urgently to lift restrictions, open up aid flows and enable the UN and international non-governmental organisations to carry out their lifesaving work without obstruction. The Foreign Secretary delivered that message to Foreign Minister Sa’ar just last week, and over the past month we have delivered strong, co-ordinated messages with partners through joint statements.

[Sarah Green]

The Minister will know that Médecins Sans Frontières has referred to the locations used by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation as sites of “orchestrated killing”. What pressure are the Government bringing to bear on both the Israeli and US Governments to stop using the foundation and reinstate the United Nations-led system of aid delivery?

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Lady is absolutely right. The Foreign Secretary set out our very clear views yesterday afternoon. The GHF is not working and has led to thousands upon thousands of injuries and many, many deaths at its sites. I have heard of the considerable looting that is associated with the lack of UN machinery—machinery that was functioning effectively. I am glad to tell the House that there does appear to be more aid getting into Gaza in total, and the cost of flour has slightly reduced, but there is still considerable looting. The aid operation is not working as it should. The UK supports the UN and its agencies. The GHF is not working.

[Helen Maguire]

The UN has now confirmed famine in Gaza City. More than half a million people face catastrophic conditions of starvation, destitution and death. This is a man-made disaster, described by the UN Secretary-General as “a failure of humanity”. At least 600 daily truckloads are needed to avert further famine-related deaths, yet Israel continues to block aid. Will the Government commit today to concrete actions to pressure the Israeli Government to lift the obstruction, including sanctioning all members of the Cabinet, including Netanyahu, who are complicit in the illegal aid blockade?

[Mr Falconer]

I have been clear already about our views on the vital urgency of lifting aid restrictions. I have gone myself to the border to see our aid in al-Arish. I have spoken to our partners. UK-Med, for example, has been chasing consignments since March. We make these points with force to the Israeli Government, and we have already taken far-reaching sanction action, as discussed by the Foreign Secretary yesterday afternoon.

[Sarah Owen]

In famine conditions, new mothers often eat last and eat the least. This time next year, around 55,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women in Gaza could be at risk of death by starvation that is man-made. Following Belgium’s announcement today of new sanctions and a review of contracts with Israeli companies, can the Minister say what consequences Israel will face if it continues to starve the population of Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend has a long track record of raising such issues, and she is absolutely right to highlight the fate of pregnant women and those who have recently given birth in Gaza. I am pleased to tell the House that we are still able to get some supplies relevant to those challenges into Gaza, but clearly in a famine of this nature, pregnant women and recently born children suffer the worst. We have allocated a further £3 million via the UNFPA—the UN Population Fund—to try to provide the services needed. We will continue to do all we can with the Israeli Government to ensure that they provide the access required.

[Mary Glindon]

President Trump and envoy Steve Witkoff played an important role in securing the previous ceasefire agreement. At crucial moments, Netanyahu has been receptive to Trump’s wishes; we saw that earlier this year, when Israel and Iran stepped back from the brink. As the White House has a defining role to play here, will the Foreign Secretary, with our allies, urge the US to apply its full weight to its leverage?

[Mr Falconer]

I agree very much with my hon. Friend. The US of course has a key role to play in securing a lasting peace in the region. As the Foreign Secretary said yesterday, he has raised the issues directly with his American counterparts, as have the rest of the ministerial team. I confirm the Government’s full support for the US, Qatar and Egypt in their vital work to secure a sustainable ceasefire.

[Mr Speaker]

I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.

[Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)]

One hundred and sixty-eight days ago, the Foreign Secretary described the Netanyahu Government’s aid blockade of Gaza as a “breach of international law”, before correcting himself to describe it as only risking a breach. Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary told the House that Gaza faces a “man-made famine” and that he was “outraged” by the Israeli Government’s block on aid, so do the Government now accept that Israel has breached international law?

[Mr Falconer]

Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary set out the long-standing position of Ministers on such determinations. Under the previous Government, the threshold that this House set Governments was whether there was a real risk. We have applied ourselves to that test, and we have found that there is a real risk. Our actions from September onwards have flowed from that determination.

[Dr Luke Evans (Hinckley and Bosworth) (Con)]

4. What discussions he has had with his international counterparts on the Chagos Islands.

--- Later in debate ---

[Rachel Blake (Cities of London and Westminster) (Lab/Co-op)]

T4.   I share the anguish and profound distress of my constituents over the conflict in Gaza. Many of them have friends and family in the region; they are living with that torment every day. The Minister will have seen hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens marching for a release of the hostages and for a ceasefire. What are the UK Government doing to support those citizens and the Opposition parties in Israel, who are being so let down?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

I thank my hon. Friend for her sustained engagement in these issues. As the Foreign Secretary has said, we talk regularly to hostage families in Israel and to participants in Israeli politics right across the spectrum, and we will continue to do so. We make our disagreements with the Israeli Government clear, both in private and in public, and we will continue to do that, too.

[Sarah Bool (South Northamptonshire) (Con)]

T5. On 23 July, my constituent Dr Lindsey Fitzharris, a naturalised British citizen who is undergoing cancer treatment, was denied boarding her flight home to the UK from the US, a journey she has made numerous times without trouble. She was told to contact the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office for an emergency travel document, but it took three weeks —including interventions by me—to get her home for treatment. How can it have taken three weeks in an emergency to do so? Will the Department apologise to Dr Fitzharris and investigate the matter fully?

[Mr Falconer]

The Foreign Office seeks in its consular assistance to always provide timely support to British nationals overseas. I will investigate the case and report back to the hon. Lady.

[Laura Kyrke-Smith (Aylesbury) (Lab)]

T6. This week, the International Association of Genocide Scholars passed a resolution concluding that Israel’s conduct meets the legal definition of genocide, as laid out in the UN convention, noting in particular the killing and injuring of 50,000 Palestinian children. What assessment does the Foreign Secretary make of this resolution, and does he agree that we must go further to ensure accountability for these crimes and justice for the Palestinian people?

[Mr Falconer]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for her work on these matters. We have seen those reports; the Foreign Secretary referred to them in the House yesterday afternoon. As I said earlier, the threshold that the Government must test against is the one we outlined in September, which is about the real risk. We have found that there is a real risk, and our actions have flowed from that determination.

[Lincoln Jopp (Spelthorne) (Con)]

T9. It has been more than a fortnight since the Alaska summit, and the deadline set by President Trump at that time has now passed. What diplomatic efforts are the Government making to maintain US focus on the Ukrainian theatre of operations in the face of Russian intransigence?

[Sarah Smith (Hyndburn) (Lab)]

T7. I welcome the Foreign Secretary’s statement yesterday and the Government’s commitment to recognising the state of Palestine later this month, but with the attacks on the Nasser hospital last week and over 119 children now having died due to starvation, what further steps are we taking to evacuate the most vulnerable? Furthermore, while stacks of aid are unable to get through to Gaza, is the Foreign Secretary keeping under review the use of further sanctions to put greater pressure on Israel to end the blockade of this life-sustaining provision?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend has long advocated these questions. I pay tribute to the work of Save the Children and other UK non-governmental organisations that have continued to do dangerous and lifesaving work in Gaza. I met many of them over the recess. There are a number of restrictions in place in relation not simply to the passage of aid into Gaza, which we have discussed in this House a number of times, but to the function of the NGOs themselves. We keep a very close interest in this and have raised it with the Israeli Government.

[Liz Jarvis (Eastleigh) (LD)]

T10. My constituents who have fled Hong Kong are deeply worried about the silencing of democratic voices there and the uncertainty that the proposed change to indefinite leave to remain creates for their long-term security here in the UK. What steps are the Government taking to hold to account those responsible for the erosion of Hong Kong’s freedoms and to give reassurance to Hongkongers who have sought refuge here?

--- Later in debate ---

[Kim Johnson (Liverpool Riverside) (Lab)]

T8. Given that the UK is the penholder for Yemen, will the Minister explain why the Government continue to support Israel when it has admitted to the killing of Yemen’s Prime Minister and other Ministers and is causing widespread devastation? What steps have the Government taken to support Yemen in achieving peace, reconstruction and development, and in ending the humanitarian crisis?

[Mr Falconer]

Mr Speaker, as there has been a number of different reports on this, let me clarify that we believe that it is the Houthi Prime Minister, rather than the Yemeni Prime Minister, who has recently been struck. The Houthis, as the House knows, are a threat not just to the people of Yemen and to the region, but to international shipping. I have engaged closely with the Yemeni Government, including with both the previous Yemeni Prime Minister and the current Yemeni Prime Minister, who I am happy to report is still alive.

[Mr Speaker]

I call the Father of the House.

--- Later in debate ---

[Will Stone (Swindon North) (Lab)]

We are at a pivotal point in our defence procurement. Is the Minister engaging with allies like Morocco to use defence exports as a way to bolster trade relations?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend has extensive experience in defence and I am grateful to him for his question. During the UK-Morocco strategic dialogue in June, both sides agreed to deepen our defence industrial co-operation. I am glad that two memorandums of understanding between the UK and Morocco have since been signed thanks to the work of the Foreign Secretary.

[Sir Roger Gale (Herne Bay and Sandwich) (Con)]

It has now been some weeks since President Trump invited the leader of the Russian Federation to the United States of America. Since then, Putin has increased his assault on the civilian population of Ukraine and shown no sign whatsoever of reaching the ceasefire that was desired, so Trump’s initiative has failed. Will the Foreign Secretary use his visit to the United Nations next week to call again for real United States sanctions on Russia?

--- Later in debate ---

[Chris Vince (Harlow) (Lab/Co-op)]

First, I pay tribute to my constituent Anne Strike for her constant campaigning for the eradication of polio. Sadly, we have seen cases of polio in warzones like Gaza. What is the Foreign Secretary doing to ensure that we eradicate this disease once and for all?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank my hon. Friend for his important question; polio is an issue not just in Gaza but in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Eradication is vital, and we are committed to an eradication campaign. We have helped 600,000 children and we will continue to work on this vital question, including in my region.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The Secretary of State reiterated the issue of the conditional recognition of the state of Palestine. If the Government want to do that, would it not be better equally to make it a condition that any future state of Palestine does not threaten the right of the state of Israel to exist, and that if anyone carries out terrorist actions from any future state, they will be handed over to the international authorities?

[Mr Falconer]

There have been important commitments about the future nature of any Palestinian state, including from President Abbas, who said that any such state would be demilitarised. There was absolute clarity in New York—where we made the announcement about the recognition decision—that Hamas can have no future role in Gaza and that a future Palestinian state must pose no threat to an Israeli state. Two states requires two states living in safety and security and posing no threat to each other.

[Tracy Gilbert (Edinburgh North and Leith) (Lab)]

I welcome the sanctions that the Government have put in place on the Israeli Government, as in their current form they are not a reliable or trusted partner. Has the Foreign Secretary ordered a review of the UK’s relationship with the Israeli Government over the last 13 months? If not, why not?

[Mr Falconer]

I set out the detail of the sanctions to which my hon. Friend refers, and the Foreign Secretary has announced a review of some of the elements of our bilateral co-operation with Israel, including a number of steps in relation to free trade agreements and so on.

[David Smith (North Northumberland) (Lab)]

I am grateful for the leadership that the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the Middle East showed over the summer in their visit to Syria and in engaging with the Syrian Government, especially on the violence that took place in Suwayda. As UK special envoy for freedom of religion or belief, I was particularly worried to see that the violence especially affected the Druze and Christian minorities in that country. What more can we do to work with the Syrian Government to ensure that they protect all their citizens, regardless of their religion?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend asks a vital question, which I raised directly with the Syrian Minister of Justice and the Syrian Foreign Minister last week. The violence—in coastal regions, targeting Alawites, and in Suwayda in the south, targeting Druze and others—was deeply concerning. The Syrians have conducted an investigation relatively independently in relation to the violence at the coast. I called on them, as the Foreign Secretary has done before, to do everything they can to ensure that minorities in the new Syria feel safe and protected by the Syrian Government.

[Dr Andrew Murrison (South West Wiltshire) (Con)]

Despite the strategic dialogue referred to by the Foreign Secretary, the Government have decided to veto the UK-Morocco power project, so what are they doing in practical terms to maintain the momentum in our relationship created by the association agreement signed with Morocco in 2019?

--- Later in debate ---

[Sonia Kumar (Dudley) (Lab)]

Save the Children reports that 61% of pregnant women and new mothers in Gaza were malnourished in early August: a sharp rise linked to the blockade and health system collapse. Will the Government consider enabling the medical transfer of pregnant women needing specialist care to the UK and outline their strategy for supporting Gaza’s long-term recovery, stability and maternity health? These children are the future of the two-state solution.

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend is right, as was my hon. Friend the Member for Luton North (Sarah Owen), to raise the fate of pregnant women in Gaza, and indeed of those who have recently given birth. I am happy to meet her to discuss these issues in greater detail.

World Bank Lending to Egypt: Loan Guarantee

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Tuesday 15th July 2025 Written Statements

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

My noble Friend the Minister of State for International Development, Latin America and Caribbean, the right hon. Baroness Chapman of Darlington has today made the following statement:

Today, I have laid a departmental minute, which outlines details of a new liability undertaken by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. The liability is a guarantee for a $200 million World Bank loan to ease Egypt’s economic pressures and support its continued economic reform. This loan was agreed to—in principle—under the previous Government and was paused following the calling of the general election.

It is normal practice, when a Government Department proposes to undertake a contingent liability in excess of £300,000 for which there is no specific statutory authority, for the Minister concerned to present a departmental minute to Parliament giving particulars of the liability created and explaining the circumstances; and to refrain from incurring the liability until 14 parliamentary sitting days after the issue of the statement, except in cases of special urgency.

A copy of the departmental minute to Parliament has been placed in the House Library.

Egypt has been severely affected in recent years by the Russia-Ukraine, Sudan and Israel-Gaza conflicts. Egypt is an important partner to the UK, in particular as we work together to resolve the conflicts in Gaza and Sudan. This loan guarantee was agreed in principle by the previous UK Government. Egypt’s macroeconomic situation remains delicate, and the country is susceptible to external shocks due to systemic economic and structural challenges. Economic instability would have severe consequences for poverty in the country and for regional stability, and could trigger irregular economic migration to Europe.

A three-year International Monetary Fund programme is conditional on economic and governance reforms. We have already seen these begin to take effect, with a devaluation of Egypt’s currency in March 2024, and the introduction of a floating exchange rate and a cap on public spending.

The UK guarantee will support the second of three planned World Bank development policy financing operations, which will help Egypt address short-term economic challenges while advancing the next generation of complementary structural reforms. The overall effect will be to boost Egypt’s macroeconomic and fiscal resilience. Our indicative interest has already allowed us to influence the World Bank in aligning its loans with the IMF programme, and to push for more rigorous programmatic reforms.

The liability is expected to last for up to 35 years. The FCDO will only pay official development assistance if a default occurs, as agreed with the World Bank. The departmental minute sets this out in detail.

[HCWS823]

Actions of Iranian Regime: UK Response

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Monday 7th July 2025 Commons Chamber

[Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)]

(Urgent Question): To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs if he will make a statement on the UK’s response to the actions of the Iranian regime.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

We have long had concerns over Iran’s malign activity. Iran’s continued support to aligned groups, like Hezbollah and Hamas, undermines regional stability. It supports Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine through the provision of unmanned aerial vehicles and ballistic missiles, and it poses a threat to UK nationals, Iranian dissidents and Jewish people in the United Kingdom.

This Government will hold Iran accountable for its hostile activities. The Home Secretary announced on 19 May that Jonathan Hall’s review delivered recommendations to tackle state threats. We are committed to taking them forward, including through the creation of a new state threats proscription-like tool. In April, we sanctioned the Iranian-backed, Swedish-based Foxtrot criminal network for its role in attacks against targets across Europe. In September, in response to Iran’s transfer of ballistic missiles to Russia, we ended Iran’s air services agreement and stopped Iran Air flying directly into the UK.

We have placed Iran on the enhanced tier of the foreign influence registration scheme, enhancing transparency regarding foreign influence in the UK. We have so far designated 31 individuals in relation to malign Iranian activity. The UK now has more than 450 sanctions against Iranian-linked individuals and entities, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in its entirety.

[Priti Patel]

As we mark the 20th anniversary of the London terrorist attacks, the victims, survivors and their families, and the emergency services personnel who responded that day, continue to be in our thoughts.

Two weeks have passed since the US airstrikes against Iran’s nuclear facilities. Does the Minister have an assessment of their impact, and what is his response to the Iranian regime now prohibiting co-operation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and its inspectors leaving Iran? Given Tehran’s refusal to co-operate, are the Minister and the Department in discussions with partners about applying snapback sanctions and other measures? Is he concerned that this demonstrates that Iran will continue to pursue its entire nuclear weapons programme? Given the information received through discussions with America, Israel and other intelligence partners, will the Government finally come off the fence about the strikes and agree with the Opposition that they were absolutely necessary? On our interests in the region, can the Minster assure us that he is taking continued steps to bolster the security of our military assets and personnel, and what assessment has he made of Iran’s ballistic missile capabilities and the threats that they may continue to pose to our interests?

We agree that Iran can never have a nuclear bomb, but the regime is a fundamental menace in so many other ways. It sponsors terrorism across the middle east, and threatens our own country with sophisticated plots. What work is taking place across Government to respond to the threats posed to dissidents in the UK, and to those with family members in Iran who face persecution as the Iranian regime seeks to threaten and blackmail them? What more will the Minister do to take down the finance structures propping up the regime’s destabilising activities, and to stand with the brave people of Iran, including human rights defenders, who face the most barbaric oppression? With the Iranian regime and its terrorist proxies in a weakened state due to Israel and America’s actions, does he agree that this is a moment for the Government to publish a serious strategy to roll back the regime’s malign influence?

Finally, can the Minister give an update on the discussions he has had with partners about the US-led plans for a ceasefire in Gaza, freeing the hostages, aid access and securing the removal of Hamas?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank the right hon. Lady for her questions. I am afraid I will not provide a detailed commentary from the Dispatch Box on the extent of the damage from the strikes, for reasons that I am sure she and the rest of the House understand. I can confirm that we are in discussions about the snapback mechanism. As the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and I have said, we cannot see Iran getting a nuclear weapon. Snapback is an important lever, and we are talking with our E3 partners and the Americans about what role snapback can play. We hope to see a diplomatic solution, which is ultimately the most enduring way to ensure that Iran does not get a nuclear weapon, but we will continue to consider all diplomatic tools, including snapback.

The right hon. Lady asked a range of other important questions. I confirm that we keep regional security questions, particularly in relation to our bases, under close review. Since I last had an opportunity to face her across the Dispatch Box, there have clearly been quite a few changes in relation to events in the region, including in our travel advice. I recognise that this has been a fraught period for those with interests in the region. I am glad to see the ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold. We are encouraged by the reports on the efforts to secure a Gaza ceasefire, but I am not in a position to provide much further commentary at this stage from the Dispatch Box, and I will not go any further than we have already gone from the Dispatch Box on the strikes against Iran.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Judith Cummins)]

I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

--- Later in debate ---

[Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)]

I wonder whether the Minister might be able to help us. We had before us the Iranian ambassador, who made it clear that he wanted to be able to continue to negotiate. Given the way in which the joint comprehensive plan of action fell apart and the fact that the Iranians were in the middle of negotiating when there was the attack by the Israelis, if a significant segment of the Iranian regime wants to continue to negotiate, what is Britain doing to ensure that we have jaw-jaw, not war-war?

[Mr Falconer]

My right hon. Friend asks vital questions. We do want serious negotiation with the Iranian Government about nuclear weapons and, indeed, many other things. The Foreign Secretary sought to play a full role in providing an opportunity for talks rather than conflict, but those talks cannot be spun out indefinitely. The deadline for snapback, which was referenced by the right hon. Member for Witham (Priti Patel), is fast approaching, so we are under considerable time pressure. That does not mean we do not want talks to happen, but they must happen at pace and with real seriousness.

[Madam Deputy Speaker]

I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.

[Monica Harding (Esher and Walton) (LD)]

The Iranian regime is utterly committed to destabilising the middle east and exporting terrorism globally, and under the auspices of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is focused on threatening our own citizens in the UK. The Minister mentioned the introduction of the new power of proscription to cover state threats following Jonathan Hall’s review of terrorism legislation. Will he confirm that the Government will use that new power to proscribe the IRGC?

Iranian communities across the UK will perhaps feel the threat from Iran most severely. I also recently visited the headquarters of the Community Security Trust, which impressed on me just how vital it is, at a time when many Jewish people are feeling worried and afraid, that the CST continues to receive our support. Will the Minister outline what further steps the Government will take to protect these communities as well as the wider UK public from Iranian-sponsored terrorism?

[Mr Falconer]

Let me be absolutely clear. We will not tolerate any Iran-backed threats on UK soil: not against British Jewry; not against journalists; not against any British national or anyone who is resident here. As both the Foreign Secretary and I have made clear to our Iranian counterparts, we know the threat Iran poses to those in the UK, including to dissidents, journalists and the Jewish community. It must cease that behaviour now. We will not hesitate to take the strongest possible action.

The hon. Lady asks an important question about proscription. Given that the IRGC is an arm of the state, we have taken the view that it is important to look at where the mechanisms for taking action against other states can be improved. That is why Jonathan Hall did his review and why, on 19 May, the Home Secretary made the announcement that she did. I reassure the House that the IRGC is fully sanctioned in the UK. Proscription is a slightly different question. It is for those reasons that Jonathan Hall has done his review.

[Gareth Snell (Stoke-on-Trent Central) (Lab/Co-op)]

We are potentially moving to a point where proscription of the IRGC needs to be looked at considerably more strongly as a mechanism for dealing with the transnational repression that Iran is getting away with. The murder of Mahsa Amini in 2022 saw a wave of Iranian dissidents attempting to rise up against their own regime, demonstrating the bravery that so many people in this country would applaud. Those people, who then had to flee, now find themselves at the mercy of Iranian operatives here and in our allied countries. I welcome the Minister’s commitment to preventing transnational repression, but can he say more specifically about what is happening to support Iranian dissidents in the UK and those who are still seeking to demonstrate the horrors of Iran in our allied countries in the middle east?

[Mr Falconer]

I do not want anyone in the House to be under any illusions about the seriousness with which we take the IRGC’s activities. That is why we commissioned the Jonathan Hall review. That is why it is on the enhanced tier of FIRS—the foreign influence registration scheme. That is why it is fully sanctioned. That is why we have continued to impose sanctions in response to Iranian aggression. I know well the threat that Iran poses not just to British nationals but to journalists as well, as my hon. Friend eloquently points out. I have met many of those journalists. I am appalled that some of those threats are being made here in the UK. I will not comment too much on law enforcement and intelligence activity, but I have been clear with the Iranian ambassador that the full force of the law and all our capabilities will be focused on those who seek to harm people here.

[David Davis (Goole and Pocklington) (Con)]

Omid Khalili, a British citizen and renowned Iranian broadcaster, hosts a phone-in reaching over 30 million Iranians. He has been targeted by the Iranian regime. The detail has been laid out in UnHerd by the journalist David Rose, but in summary his wife, parents and sister have been detained in Iran, interrogated, threatened and their passports have been confiscated. The aim of that is to blackmail Mr Khalili into coming back to Iran, where he will certainly be arrested and very probably executed. Those acts of intimidation are carried out by the Iranian secret police and the IRGC, and facilitated by so-called diplomats in the Iranian embassy here. We cannot ignore this state-sponsored blackmail, so what the Government ought to do is expel Iranian officials complicit in that behaviour and finally proscribe the IRGC.

[Mr Falconer]

The right hon. Gentleman makes an important point about the pattern of Iranian detentions in Iran and some of the threats that we have already described that are sought to be prosecuted here. I will not say more about the state threat here, as I think I have probably laid out more than I would like to, but it is incredibly important that people are aware of the way in which the Iranian state has operated and continues to operate within Iran. We are deeply familiar as a Government —as I know our predecessors were—with the pattern and tactics of Iranian detentions. We continue to provide consular support wherever we can. We are constrained by the Iranian refusal to recognise dual nationality, which often means that those with links to the UK are not in a position, although they should be, to get consular assistance from the UK. We will continue to do everything we can to change that.

[Dr Rupa Huq (Ealing Central and Acton) (Lab)]

An Iranian-origin woman who lives in Acton came to see me the other day. Although she is relieved that her 90-something grandparents are not among the civilian casualties from Netanyahu’s US-backed bombings the other day, she reports that the hated hard-line regime in Iran is cracking down even further on its beleaguered population. I urge my hon. Friend—I think he hinted at this—to proceed with caution. It is a very delicate situation and the consequences are manifold, including Iranian refugees washing up on our shores in dinghies, which did not use to be widespread. There is a temptation to go in all guns blazing, but I urge my hon. Friend to do all he can to get a diplomatic solution. We all want to stop Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but to do so in the right way.

[Mr Falconer]

I confirm for my hon. Friend that we are doing everything we can to try to see a diplomatic solution.

[Sir Andrew Mitchell (Sutton Coldfield) (Con)]

I have to say that I think the Minister is right in making the judgment about whether to proscribe the IRGC. I support the comment made by the Chair of the Select Committee, the right hon. Member for Islington South and Finsbury (Emily Thornberry). The theocratic regime in Iran has never been weaker domestically, internationally or among its regional neighbours, so there is now a real premium on working with our European and regional allies to explore all avenues of progress through more reasonable elements within Iran.

[Mr Falconer]

I know of the right hon. Gentleman’s long commitment to these issues. So many right hon. and hon. Members have had encounters with the Iranian diaspora and, indeed, more moderate Iranians. The Iranian people are not the enemy of the UK. There is a broad, cultured, moderate population there who would like to live a better life, and who see their families oppressed in the way the right hon. Member for Goole and Pocklington (David Davis) described. We must do everything we can to support them.

[John Slinger (Rugby) (Lab)]

I thank my hon. Friend and his diplomats in the FCDO for their work and the emphasis on diplomacy. Does my hon. Friend agree with me about the importance of soft power in this situation, and that the BBC Persian service is doing excellent work in explaining news in a truthful way? Does he agree further that we ought to be extending a hand of friendship to the Iranian people at a very delicate and sensitive time in world politics?

[Mr Falconer]

I very much agree with my hon. Friend, on both the importance of diplomacy and the importance of BBC Persian, through which the UK makes an important contribution for Farsi speakers across the world. I have met many BBC Persian service journalists and they provide a vital service.

[Mike Martin (Tunbridge Wells) (LD)]

Does the Minister think it more or less likely that, as a result of the American airstrikes, Iran will get a nuclear bomb?

[Mr Falconer]

As I am sure the hon. Gentleman would expect, I will not comment on assessment at this stage, given the security and intelligence implications thereof.

[Laurence Turner (Birmingham Northfield) (Lab)]

Like many Members, I have constituents who are stranded in Iran. We have all heard what the Minister has told the House this afternoon, and I know that he takes the safety of British nationals overseas extremely seriously. Will he assure the House that all practical steps are being taken to extend consular support, which is currently being frustrated and denied by the Iranian regime?

[Mr Falconer]

The UK has been able to provide a very limited amount by way of consular support in Iran for some years, for exactly the reasons that my hon. Friend mentioned—it is frustrated by the Iranian Government—and our warnings and travel advice are clear. I am grateful to my hon. Friend for providing me with an opportunity to confirm to the House that we have now reopened our embassy in Tehran after a temporary closure, and a chargé is in place. We will continue to play our full role to ensure the safety of British nationals in Iran and, indeed, to contribute to the diplomatic developments we have discussed.

[Bob Blackman (Harrow East) (Con)]

The Israeli and United States military action has destroyed three of the facilities and, of course, killed some of the scientists and IRGC operatives who have been involved in the nuclear programme. However, it is suggested that the Iranians removed their nuclear material to another site before that action took place, and now, of course, Iran has withdrawn its co-operation with everyone in terms of inspections and checks on what is happening. What action is the Minister taking to make sure that Iran is brought to the negotiating table to establish what has happened to that nuclear material, and indeed to ensure that Iran is not going to continue to enhance its nuclear capability?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his important question. I am sure I will receive complaints from his party’s Front Benchers, but he will understand that I will not be commenting on the assessment of the strike or on intelligence matters. But I will say that it is absolutely vital that IAEA inspectors are allowed back into Iran; that is the fundamental basis on which trust can be built for a diplomatic solution. Now that a ceasefire is in place, the inspectors must come back in.

[Adam Jogee (Newcastle-under-Lyme) (Lab)]

People across Newcastle-under-Lyme watch events in the middle east week in, week out with anger, horror, sadness and frustration. I am grateful to the shadow Foreign Secretary for bringing this urgent question to the House this afternoon.

May I ask the Minister two things? First, what specific engagement has happened between the British Government and our regional partners in the middle east? I am not sure he has touched on the specifics. Secondly, in an answer he referred to a state threats mechanism. Can he elaborate a little more on what that means? If he cannot do that on the Floor of the House, I will be happy to have a cup of tea with him so that he can tell me in detail.

[Mr Falconer]

I would be—[Interruption.] There is an amusing degree of lightness from the Opposition Benches about security matters. I would be delighted to discuss this matter further. The question at issue in the Jonathan Hall report is the state threats proscription-like tool. I accept that the name is rather clunky, but it is focused on the fact that a state, in this case, has proved a persistent threat in the UK, using methods unlike those usually employed by a state. I will not say very much more about that, but Jonathan Hall has identified a gap and it is that gap that we are seeking to fill. I will be happy to meet my hon. Friend to discuss the issue further.

[Brendan O’Hara (Argyll, Bute and South Lochaber) (SNP)]

Last week, in the most tawdry and cynical fashion, a decision—born in anger and driven by revenge—was bulldozed through this House. I wonder: while the Government were discussing proscribing Palestine Action, did the Minister or any of his Foreign Office colleagues advise that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps could also be added to the proscribed list? If they did not, why not? Perhaps he could explain to the House why his Government consider the IRGC to be less of a threat to our national security than Palestine Action.

[Mr Falconer]

In my last answer, I tried to illustrate why proscription of the IRGC is a complicated question, given gaps in the existing legislation. That is one of the reasons why Jonathan Hall has done his review. We are committed to taking forward his recommendations.

[Dr Neil Shastri-Hurst (Solihull West and Shirley) (Con)]

The Minister has set out a desire to get Iran back to the negotiating table. Can he say what steps he and his colleagues at the Foreign Office are taking to ensure that they get that outcome?

[Mr Falconer]

The Foreign Office—the whole ministerial team and our diplomats—are focused on the concrete steps that would be required. The hon. Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman) asked an important question about the IAEA and there was an important question about snapback. There are a range of serious and impactful diplomatic measures that can be used to try to make diplomatic progress to guarantee that Iran will not acquire a nuclear weapon. I recognise that there is a long history of nuclear diplomacy with Iran that has not been a success; that is why I said in one of my previous answers that the timeframe is not unlimited. We will take steps, including snapback, if we do not make progress on diplomacy.

[Ayoub Khan (Birmingham Perry Barr) (Ind)]

Many people believe that the pre-emptive strike on Iran by Israel and the USA was illegal under international law. Most intelligence agencies, including the director of American intelligence, said that there was no viable evidence of an active nuclear weapons programme. Can the Minister tell the House what the UK intelligence agencies say?

[Mr Falconer]

I am not, for reasons obvious, going to provide a running commentary on the assessments of UK intelligence agencies.

[Dr Andrew Murrison (South West Wiltshire) (Con)]

The Defence Secretary has said, correctly, that Operation Midnight Hammer has alleviated a grave threat, but the Attorney General appears to be less clear and wonders if it was illegal, while the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary appear to sit on the fence. I am sorry to put the Minister on the spot, but does he agree with the Attorney General or the Defence Secretary?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Falconer]

With the greatest of respect to my predecessor, he will know that the Defence Secretary and the Attorney General do rather different roles. I do not think they are in disagreement, and in any case, collective responsibility would bind them both, and indeed me.

[Sir Julian Lewis (New Forest East) (Con)]

May I help the Minister share a little information with the House by asking him whether the Government know of any purpose for refining uranium-235 to 60% purity other than to build a nuclear weapon?

[Mr Falconer]

I am happy to be clear that that level of enrichment has no obvious civilian purpose. We are told that it was for research and development, but I think many observers have drawn exactly the same conclusion as the right hon. Gentleman.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

The Minister will know that I support absolutely the decision to remove the nuclear arsenal from the hands of Iranian terrorists, who have pulled the trigger on various acts of terrorism against this nation and others. However, it is also clear that we are left with a difficult situation in Iran, and the calls for regime change leave vulnerable children even more in need. Is there more we can do to ensure that aid reaches women and children living in oppression and fear in Iran and the axis of evil?

[Mr Falconer]

As ever, the hon. Gentleman asks an important question focused on those who are vulnerable. We have sustained an embassy in Tehran, and I am pleased to announce that it has reopened. One of the roles of the embassy is to maintain engagement that is as wide as possible with wider Iranian society. There are obvious constraints, with which the hon. Gentleman will be familiar, but we do what we can where we can.

West Bank: Forced Displacement

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Wednesday 2nd July 2025 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I am grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing the debate, particularly as it provides an opportunity to give a slightly more detailed commentary on the circumstances in the west bank. I recognise the many contributions from hon. Members. I hope that they will forgive me if I start and make some progress on the west bank specifically. I am then happy to come back to some broader points.

In that spirit, I will answer the Opposition spokesperson, the right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton), on consular assistance before making further headway. The flight from Israel on Sunday is expected to be our last. It was not full. We believe that we have assisted all those seeking our help in Israel. There are obviously different circumstances in Iran, where there are British nationals also affected by developments in the region. We hope to see airspace open up in Iran, but for reasons that all hon. Members would appreciate, the extent of consular assistance available there is quite different from that in Israel. However, those in either Iran or Israel should not hesitate to continue to be in touch with the Foreign Office if further things are required.

I am happy to provide some commentary on Gaza and East Jerusalem as I go, but I really want to talk about the west bank. Alongside Gaza and East Jerusalem, it is a core component of any future Palestinian state. It is a key component of any two-state solution, and it is in the light of that that we should consider developments, some of which have been referenced by hon. Members. My hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North referenced the 22 further planned settlements that the Israeli Government have announced. It is worth dwelling briefly on the extent of expansion of settler outposts. Between 1996 and 2023, an average of seven new outposts were established in any given year. In 2024, that went up to 59. There is a step change in the degree of settlement, as has been described by many. There are plans for over 19,000 more housing units and counting. That is an all-time record in 2025.

That is territory that must form the heart of a sovereign, viable and free Palestine. Violence in those territories is rife. We welcomed that Prime Minister Netanyahu condemned settler attacks on Friday. Those were settler attacks conducted against the IDF. The Israeli Government need to do much more to clamp down on violence and hold perpetrators to account; not only when IDF soldiers are attacked, but when Palestinians are.

Many of my hon. Friends and colleagues have described the difficulty of bringing to life the horror of what is happening to many in the west bank. I have received reports recently of one child shot by Israeli security forces 11 times. What need could there be for one bullet, let alone 11, to stop a child from throwing stones? It is a monstrously disproportionate use of force, and one that I know the whole House will join me in condemning in the strongest possible terms. Given those developments, I remain seriously concerned by Israel’s Operation Iron Wall, which has targeted Palestinian militants in the west bank and has been running for over 150 days. Any operations must be proportionate to the threat posed. The House will understand my hesitation on those points, given the story that I have just relayed.

Palestinians must be allowed home. Civilians must be protected and the destruction of civilian infrastructure must be minimised. Our position remains consistent: I have condemned it, the Foreign Secretary has condemned it, and the Prime Minister has condemned it. Israeli settlements are not just unhelpful; they are illegal under international law and harm prospects for a two-state solution. In all our engagements with Israeli Ministers we continue to call for a halt to expansion. We have taken action to hold violence to account, including three rounds of sanctions. They are sanctions against individuals, outposts and organisations that have supported and incited devastating and deadly violence, including through extremist rhetoric. On 10 June I announced measures against extremist Israeli Government Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich in their personal capacity for those very reasons.

[Warinder Juss]

Does the Minister agree that the UK Government recognising a sovereign state of Palestine now would add more weight to the pressure we are trying to exert on Israel?

[Mr Falconer]

My hon. Friend asks an important question, which has been discussed much in the House. The questions of recognition are vexed. We want to do it; we want to make a contribution to improving the lives of the Palestinian people. In the short period I have been Minister, circumstances in the west bank have been particularly susceptible to decisions by the Israeli Government. I will come on to those shortly. It is those consequences that we must weigh in the timing and the manner of our decision making.

As the situation in the west bank continues to deteriorate, we remain alive to the dreadful impact on Palestinians being forced to flee their homes. Many colleagues have spoken of some of the residential areas. In Jenin, Tulkarm and other northern towns, 40,000 people have been displaced by Israeli military operations. In East Jerusalem and area C, 800 structures have been demolished, displacing 960 Palestinians. Entire neighbourhoods have been reshaped, with the destruction of people’s homes, for which there can be no justification. The Israeli Government have said that the demolitions were because residents did not have building permits. Permits are near impossible for Palestinians to obtain.

As we speak, thousands more Palestinians and their communities face the prospect of demolitions and evictions. That includes more than 1,000 people in Masafer Yatta alone, which many hon. Members have referred to, hundreds in East Jerusalem, and 84 schools in the west bank, including East Jerusalem. That threatens the education of thousands of children determined to keep learning in spite of facing unfathomable trauma. Even schools funded by the UK have been demolished. That may be under the mistaken assumption that that sort of intimidation will do anything other than strengthen our resolve to help those who bear the brunt of it on a daily basis.

My officials in Jerusalem will continue to meet communities at risk of demolition and displacement, including communities of Masafer Yatta. We will continue to provide practical support to Palestinians and Bedouin communities facing demolitions and evictions to increase residents’ resilience and access to legal aid programmes, so that residents can stay on their land. In all but the most exceptional cases, it is clear that demolitions by an occupying power are contrary to international law. We are urging the Israeli Government to halt demolitions and evictions of Palestinian communities as a priority.

There are, sadly, many other factors undermining security in the west bank. Not least of those is the ongoing damage to the Palestinian economy. The economy of the west bank contracted by 21.7% last year, while that of Gaza contracted by 79.7%. All the while, closures across the west bank have prevented the free movement of Palestinian people and goods. Restrictions on access to Israel have left hundreds of thousands of Palestinians out of work. As of the end of 2024, unemployment reached 29% in the west bank.

Israel has not transferred Palestinian tax clearance revenues to the Palestinian Authority since May. Officials and security forces have been paid only a fraction of their salaries. Taken together, those pressures threaten the viability of the Palestinian Authority, and risk overall collapse of the Palestinian economy, as well as the stability of the west bank. We are calling now on Israel to release clearance revenues to the Palestinian Authority immediately.

We value deeply our continued friendship with the Palestinian Authority. The right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills referenced the landmark memorandum of understanding that the Foreign Secretary signed with Prime Minister Mustafa, when our Prime Minister welcomed him to the UK earlier this year. An effective Palestinian Authority has a vital role to play in achieving a lasting peace and progress towards a two-state solution. That is why we will continue to work with them on their vital reform agenda. Many hon. Members set out some of the challenges facing the Palestinian Authority. We will continue, through the work of the special envoy for Palestinian Authority governance, Sir Michael Barber, to support them in their vital efforts.

This year, we have pledged £101 million of additional support to the Palestinian people. That is both for humanitarian aid and for support with economic development. We will continue to work to strengthen and reform the Palestinian Authority; they are the vital alternative to Hamas, who must have no role in Palestinian governance.

We remain committed to supporting the Palestinian people. The situation we face is not only an affront to the rights of Palestinians but runs counter to Israel’s long-term security and democracy, as many colleagues have pointed out this afternoon. It is an assault on the fundamentals of a two-state solution. That is the only viable framework available for a just and lasting peace. It is supported on every side of this House.

[Chris Law]

I appreciate—as I am sure everybody in this room does—the update the Minister is giving. I asked a very specific question, and I think it would be helpful to get an answer to it. Goods from illegal settlements regularly flow into this country. The UK Government previously banned goods coming from another illegally occupied area—Crimea in Ukraine. Is there any impediment to the UK Government doing the same and banning goods that come from illegal settlements in the west bank entering the UK, and to start to put some serious action beyond the words the Minister has just said?

[Mr Falconer]

The UK does not recognise the Occupied Palestinian Territories as part of Israel, so no goods should be sold in the UK as though they were Israeli or under Israeli privileges if they emanate from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. I know the hon. Gentleman pays close attention to these issues. There are complexities in trying to ensure that goods from the Occupied Palestinian Territories are fully illegal—not least because, where they are produced by Palestinians, we would want to continue to enable their sale.

Those complexities are one reason why there is no European nation that has taken that step, but it is something we keep under close review. We encourage British businesses directly to take careful note of the difference between green line Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the labelling of their goods.

I know that a two-state solution is supported right across this House. We all want to see Israelis safe within their borders, living alongside their neighbours in peace, with Palestinians enjoying the dignity, stability and security of their own sovereign state. That is an enduring vision for a better future, and one that the UK will continue to pursue alongside our friends and partners in the weeks and months ahead.

Question put and agreed to. 

Resolved, 

That this House has considered the forced displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank.

Oral Answers to Questions

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Tuesday 24th June 2025 Commons Chamber

[Laura Kyrke-Smith (Aylesbury) (Lab)]

19. What steps he is taking to help ensure that humanitarian aid is delivered to Gaza.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

Israel must immediately allow rapid and unhindered aid into Gaza. The Foreign Secretary raised the humanitarian situation with Israeli Foreign Minister Sa’ar on Sunday. We recently announced £4 million of further UK humanitarian support for Gazans, and we will continue to urge Israel to lift restrictions on humanitarian aid to allow the UN and other aid organisations to operate safely and independently.

[Dr Opher]

This morning I heard from my medical colleague, Dr Rebecca Inglis, of Healthcare Workers Watch, that a GP in Gaza was killed by Israeli soldiers—shot in the head, Mr Speaker. He is just one of 1,200 healthcare workers who have been murdered by Israeli forces. Countless others have been unlawfully detained and tortured. Israel is deliberately destroying the Palestinian healthcare system. Will the Minister please raise these issues with his Israeli counterpart?

[Mr Falconer]

I can confirm that I have raised these issues with my Israeli counterpart. It is appalling that hundreds of healthcare workers have reportedly been killed since the start of the conflict. We continue to urge the Israeli authorities to ensure that incidents are investigated transparently and that those responsible are held to account and lessons learned. Healthcare workers, premises and facilities must be protected, allowing medical staff to do their work.

[Gill Furniss]

More than 450 Palestinians have been killed in recent weeks as Israeli forces have opened fire on those attempting to collect aid from the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. The people of Gaza not only face daily risks from bombs and bullets, but the ever-present danger of man-made drought and famine. Will the Government commit to using all resources at their disposal, including further sanctions and an arms embargo to ensure that aid is delivered to Gaza under the auspices of the UN and other suitably qualified bodies?

[Mr Falconer]

The killing of civilians at aid distribution centres in Gaza is horrifying. Israel must fulfil its obligations under international law to ensure unhindered humanitarian assistance. I will not speculate about future sanctions or arms embargoes, but we continue to engage with our partners and will not hesitate to take further action if the Government of Israel do not change course.

[Laura Kyrke-Smith]

Mussa Abu Darabi is just one of hundreds of Palestinians who have been killed trying to access food from the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation in recent weeks. Fifteen international human rights organisations have now warned that the GHF may face legal consequences for

“aiding and abetting, or otherwise being complicit, in crimes under international law, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide.”

Will the Minister join me in condemning the murder of desperate and starving people? What assessment does he make of the GHF’s legality?

[Mr Falconer]

No one should risk death or injury to feed their family. As I said in this House on 4 June, Israel’s aid delivery measures are inhumane. We will not support any mechanism that endangers civilians. We have continually called on Israel, including most recently on Sunday, immediately to allow the UN and aid partners to safely deliver all types of aid at scale.

[Sir Desmond Swayne (New Forest West) (Con)]

On three occasions in answering this question the Minister has said that “Israel must”. What will he do if Israel does not?

[Mr Falconer]

As the right hon. Gentleman knows, this Government have taken a series of actions in response to developments in Gaza. We will continue to take such actions until the situation changes.

[Alex Easton (North Down) (Ind)]

What is the Government’s assessment of how effectively medical aid can be delivered to those in need in Gaza, including the remaining Israeli hostages?

[Mr Falconer]

Aid can be delivered effectively into Gaza. There are established mechanisms through the United Nations and its partners, and we want to see those mechanisms in place. The hon. Gentleman raises the vital question of ensuring that the hostages themselves get sufficient access to food. Both my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and I have heard directly from Eli Sharabi, a released hostage, who has talked about Hamas’s deprivation of food from the hostages. That must stop, and they must immediately release all hostages.

[Wera Hobhouse (Bath) (LD)]

My constituents have watched in horror as Israeli forces have reportedly killed more than 400 Palestinians and injured thousands more at aid distribution centres in Gaza. Over the weekend, dozens more Palestinians were killed while trying to access humanitarian aid. Why are the Government still permitting the transfer of F-35 components to Israel through the international pool, knowing that these aircrafts may be used in operations causing mass civilian casualties?

[Mr Falconer]

We have set out the reasons why the Government have had to take special measures to ensure that the F-35 programme continued to operate, which includes our continued role in the global spares pool in the United States. However, I agree with the sentiments of the hon. Lady’s constituents; the deaths around aid distribution centres are clearly horrifying, and there needs to be a full investigation and action taken. Vitally, aid must get into Gaza at the scale required and from enough distribution centres in order to avoid the horrifying scenes that we have seen.

[Mr Speaker]

I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

[Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)]

We must not forget Gaza. Despite the eyes of the world now being turned to the Iran-Israel war, it is important that we continue to remember the suffering of the Gazans and continue to move on it. As a witness from Médecins Sans Frontières said to my Committee, there is “lethal chaos” in Gaza. There is one read-across from the Iran-Israel war that I think we should learn from: the clear closeness between Israel and America, and the fact that America can influence Israel. I ask the Minister to ensure that we continue to say in our conversations with the Americans not to give up on Gaza, and to use their influence to ensure that the Israelis do the right thing. There must be peace and the hostages must come home.

[Mr Falconer]

This Government will not give up on Gaza. I can confirm that the Foreign Secretary has raised Gaza in his engagements with the US. I have not forgotten about Gaza, and was speaking to Palestinian counterparts just last night. The situation in Gaza will remain a top priority for this Government.

[Mark Pritchard (The Wrekin) (Con)]

Israel dealing with Hamas and Hezbollah is to be welcomed, but the continuing blockage on medical and humanitarian aid going into Gaza is not welcome. As we continue to talk, children continue to die. I hope that the Foreign Secretary will make it very clear that the continuation of children dying every single day is unacceptable, and that he will stand up to the White House, the State Department and the Pentagon and to the Knesset and the current Israeli Government of Netanyahu. These deaths are just going on and on and on. How many more children need to die before something changes?

[Mr Falconer]

As I have said, the Foreign Secretary has raised these issues with both his American and Israeli counterparts, and I have done the same. We remain steely in our focus on the situation in Gaza, including the tragic scenes around the deprivation of aid and the impact that is having on civilians right across the strip, including children. We are trying to take every measure we can to reduce that suffering. That includes aid where it can be brought in; aid into the region, where that is the most appropriate way to reach the medically vulnerable; and in a few small cases ensuring that Gazan children can access medical assistance here.

[Mr Speaker]

I call the shadow Secretary of State.

[Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)]

The humanitarian situation in Gaza simply cannot continue. We have spent a lot of time in this House discussing the extent of that situation and the fact that food and essential supplies are not getting through to support innocent victims. What proposals has the Minister put to Israel about the opening of specific crossing points for aid delivery into Gaza? Will he give his assessment of why the Israeli Government may not be listening to this country and our Government on this particular issue?

[Mr Falconer]

The disagreement that the Israeli Government have is not simply with the British Government; it is with a wide range of their partners. As the right hon. Lady is aware, we signed a statement with 26 partners about the humanitarian situation. We made a leader-level statement with France and Canada. There is wide disagreement with the approach that the Israeli Government are taking in relation to aid distribution. At the weekend, the Foreign Secretary discussed these matters, including entry points, with the Foreign Minister of Israel. We would like to see the Israeli Government shift position. It is clear, for the reasons that she says, that that shift must come urgently.

[Mr Speaker]

I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman shares with the House a heartbreaking story. I know that it is one of thousands of such stories about lives lost in Gaza. The situation is intolerable, and we will continue to take further action. As I have said, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary raised this matter with the Foreign Minister on Sunday. Clearly, there have been significant developments in the middle east since 10 June. This is now the time for Israel to implement a ceasefire and to allow aid in; for Hamas to release hostages; and for us to try to draw a line under the horrifying suffering of Mohammed and many others like him.

[Edward Morello (West Dorset) (LD)]

2. What recent discussions he has had with Cabinet colleagues on the UK’s involvement in the Security Action for Europe initiative.

--- Later in debate ---

[Brian Leishman (Alloa and Grangemouth) (Lab)]

7. What assessment he has made of the adequacy of the Government’s policy on arms trade with Israel.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

The UK operates one of the most robust export control regimes in the world. One of our first acts in government was to review and suspend export licences that could be used by the Israel Defence Forces in Gaza. We have successfully implemented that suspension and have continued to refuse relevant licence applications. All export licences are kept under careful and continual review, and we can suspend, refuse or revoke licences as required.

[Brian Leishman]

The war criminals of Benjamin Netanyahu’s Government are carrying out the most vile human rights abuse and genocide. At the same time, the UK carries out the training of Israeli military personnel and facilitates almost daily spy flights that provide intelligence, and there is continued exporting of military equipment to Israel. With all that, will the Government support an independent public inquiry into UK involvement in Israeli military operations in Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

It is important to be focused on the facts at issue. We do not support spy flights; we have a limited presence to try and find hostages in Gaza, for reasons that the whole House would understand and support. There are fewer than 10 IDF personnel receiving any training in the UK, and that training is academic and non-military in nature. We are not arming Israel’s war in Gaza. We categorically do not export any bombs or ammunition for use in military operations in Gaza.

My hon. Friend asks about an independent inquiry. The Government welcome scrutiny and I welcome my time in this Chamber. On the questions at issue on arms sales, including on the F-35 programme, there is a judicial review on which we will hear findings shortly. There is plenty of scrutiny of this Government.

[Andrew George (St Ives) (LD)]

Will the Government let us know what assessment they have made of Israel’s stockpile of nuclear weapons?

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman will understand why I will not comment on those issues from the Dispatch Box.

[Brian Mathew (Melksham and Devizes) (LD)]

8. What assessment he has made of the contribution of water, sanitation and hygiene projects to achieving the Government’s international development objectives.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lewis Atkinson (Sunderland Central) (Lab)]

12. What steps his Department is taking to provide assistance to British nationals impacted by conflict in the middle east.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

The safety of British nationals is our first priority. We are providing support and advice to more than 1,000 British nationals as they seek to leave the region by land and air. We have deployed teams to Israel, Cyprus, Egypt and Jordan. Our embassy in Tehran has been temporarily withdrawn but continues to provide support to British nationals in Iran remotely. We have bolstered teams in neighbouring countries to support British nationals seeking to get to safety. When Israeli airspace opened yesterday, we ran our first RAF evacuation flight, and I can confirm to the House now that we will fly another today.

[Lewis Atkinson]

British nationals in Israel, including the daughter of my constituents, remain concerned about their safety. The advice has been for British citizens to make their way to Egypt via the border, but there have been some reports that the Israeli Government have suggested those journeys would be unsafe. Can the Minister clarify the advice to British citizens in that situation?

[Mr Falconer]

Travel advice is the best source of advice for British nationals in Israel. There are options for leaving by land, as my hon. Friend’s constituents are aware. There are now options for leaving by air as well, but, as he and the whole House will understand, the flow of flights out of Israel remains limited. British nationals in Israel will want to make their own judgments about whether they want to wait for a flight or make a land journey, and my officials are available to advise every constituent on the options before them.

[Josh Babarinde (Eastbourne) (LD)]

Two of my constituents are currently in Tehran, but they say that fuel shortages, long queues and poor internet access, as well as closed airspace, have made it almost impossible for them to leave Iran. They urgently need clear guidance, they need a way to formally register their presence, and they need consular support, which they are struggling to access. Will the Minister urgently meet me to ensure that my constituents get the assistance they need from the Government to come home safely to Eastbourne?

[Mr Falconer]

I am, of course, very happy to meet the hon. Gentleman. The whole House knows that we have advised against all travel to Iran for some time, and we have been clear that our ability to provide consular assistance in Iran is very limited for those reasons, particularly given the temporary withdrawal of our embassy. We would encourage those in Iran to be in touch with the Foreign Office, and we will provide what advice and support we can.

[John Milne (Horsham) (LD)]

13. What assessment he has made of the potential merits of recognising the state of Palestine.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

We are committed to recognising a Palestinian state at a time that has the most impact and is most conducive to long-term prospects for peace. UK bilateral recognition is the single most important action we can take towards Palestinian statehood, which is why it is important to get the timing right, so that it creates genuine momentum and is not simply a symbolic gesture.

[John Milne]

What is happening in Gaza is hard enough to watch, but if we are to prevent the west bank from going the same way in a few years’ time, we must act today. Does the Minister agree that recognising the principle of a Palestinian state, without making any judgment for the moment on its borders, is the strongest and most effective way to reaffirm the UK’s long-standing commitment to a two-state solution, while there is still territory left to form it with?

[Mr Falconer]

The hon. Gentleman makes important points about the situation in the west bank—points that we have discussed in this Chamber before. We have condemned the violence and the expansion of illegal settlements in the west bank. There are a range of issues on which we profoundly disagree with the Israeli Government in relation to their approach to the west bank, and we will continue to raise those issues with force. I refer him to my previous answer about recognition.

[Debbie Abrahams (Oldham East and Saddleworth) (Lab)]

Can my hon. Friend update me on the conference that was due to be held at the weekend but was postponed following the bombing of Iran by Israel, at which the potential for recognition was to be discussed?

[Mr Falconer]

I think my hon. Friend refers to the two-state solution conference that was due to take place in New York last week. It has been suspended for understandable reasons, given events in the region, by its French and Saudi co-hosts. We expect that it will be rearranged, and I have been in conversation with my Saudi colleagues about when that might be.

[Ms Stella Creasy (Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)]

15. What recent progress he has made on securing the release of Alaa Abd el-Fattah.

--- Later in debate ---

[Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Ind)]

16. Whether he has made an assessment of the potential merits of supporting Pious Projects’ paediatric hospital in Gaza.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

We are clear that Israel must immediately allow rapid and unhindered aid into Gaza, including desperately needed medical supplies. The UK continues to support the delivery of medical assistance through trusted partners, including UK-Med, which has completed over 500,000 patient consultations in Gaza since January 2024. We will continue to assess how we can best support those in need.

[Jeremy Corbyn]

The Foreign Secretary will understand my question, because I wrote to him on 18 June asking if he would meet Dr Mohammed Mustafa, who has assembled a children’s hospital in prefabricated form in Jordan and is ready to go into Gaza. It will be able to help the 400,000 children in northern Gaza who have no access to any medical facilities at all at the moment. This is desperately urgent. Will the Minister meet Dr Mustafa to familiarise himself with the opportunity here of doing something practical and good to help desperate children in northern Gaza?

[Mr Falconer]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his continued engagement on these questions. We have discussed across the Dispatch Box many times the restrictions on aid getting into Gaza, including in relation to construction materials. I am very happy to take a further look at this specific proposal and see if there is anything that we can do.

[Marsha De Cordova (Battersea) (Lab)]

The al-Ahli hospital in Gaza, which is run by the Anglican church in Jerusalem, has repeatedly been bombed. Earlier this month the hospital compound was hit, killing five people, including a father escorting his son to surgery. The Minister has spoken much about the need for aid to get in, but will he set out what concrete action he is going to take now? Saying that Israel must do something does not mean that it is going to act, so what action he is going to take to ensure that the attacks on hospitals, medics and patients ends?

[Mr Falconer]

I want nothing more than for the attacks on hospitals, medical personnel and aid workers to end. My hon. Friend is right that I have said many times from this Dispatch Box that I want that to be the case, yet these strikes have continued. We continue to raise these issues with the Israeli Government. We have taken a series of actions, many of which we have discussed already over the course of this morning, and we will continue to take action until things change. Until things change, this Government will not be satisfied.

[Daniel Francis (Bexleyheath and Crayford) (Lab)]

T1. If he will make a statement on his departmental responsibilities.

--- Later in debate ---

[Vikki Slade (Mid Dorset and North Poole) (LD)]

T2. The UN children in conflict report showed that violence against children increased by 25% last year, and that does not even include what is going on this year. The Israeli Government are listed as the most prolific perpetrator of grave violations against children for the second year running, making Gaza the most dangerous place on earth to be a child. What specific steps is the Foreign Secretary taking to protect children in conflict in Gaza and elsewhere, such as in Somalia and Haiti?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

The hon. Lady raises vital questions about the status of children in Gaza. In response to one of her colleagues, I set out some of the measures that we have taken already. Clearly, children in Gaza, like all civilians there, are under the most enormous pressure at the moment, and aid getting in is a vital next step. Where children from Gaza are outside the region, in particular in Egypt and Jordan, we have provided support to them there. In a very limited set of cases where specialist medical attention is possible only from the UK, we have brought children from Gaza to the UK.

[Catherine Fookes (Monmouthshire) (Lab)]

T5. Almost daily we hear reports of Israeli forces opening fire near aid distribution sites in Gaza. People cannot even access basic food supplies without risking their lives. Given the horrific level of suffering that we can all see taking place, is it not time to end all arms sales to Israel and to recognise the state of Palestine?

--- Later in debate ---

[Graham Leadbitter (Moray West, Nairn and Strathspey) (SNP)]

T10. Ministers have collectively restated their commitment to a two-state solution in the Israel-Palestine conflict, but only one of those states is currently recognised. I believe there is support in this House for recognition of Palestine, and that if the matter were put to a vote, that support would be expressed. Would that not strengthen Ministers’ hand, and will they bring the issue to a vote?

[Mr Falconer]

We have discussed these issues many times. Earlier, an hon. Friend asked me why, when Ministers say things at the Dispatch Box, they do not happen. The view of this House on the question of a two-state solution is clearly very important, but it is the job of Foreign Office Ministers to try to make it a reality in practice, through diplomacy.

[Gregor Poynton (Livingston) (Lab)]

T7. Does the Minister join me in welcoming the ceasefire between Israel and Iran announced by President Trump, and although the situation clearly remains fragile, does he see an opportunity to restore stability and develop a diplomatic solution to Iran’s nuclear programme—one that ensures that Iran never has access to nuclear weapons?

--- Later in debate ---

[Melanie Ward (Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy) (Lab)]

T8. I pay tribute to the Foreign Secretary and his team for all their diplomatic efforts on de-escalation in the middle east. With the rules-based order under enormous strain, upholding international law and multilateral institutions matters more than ever. It is almost a year since the International Court of Justice handed down its judgment on the illegality of Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Given that senior Government Ministers received advice last year on the implications of that judgment for the UK, when can we expect the Government’s response?

[Mr Falconer]

I recognise the appetite in the Chamber to hear more about the ICJ advisory opinion. It was a far-reaching and complex judgment, and we are taking our time with our response.

[Sir Julian Lewis (New Forest East) (Con)]

What practical steps can the Government take to support women and girls in Afghanistan who, after a period of being encouraged to liberate themselves, are now cast back into domestic servitude?

[Mr Falconer]

This is an incredibly important question. As I think some in the House know, I negotiated with the Taliban when I was an official. It is a source of incredible personal frustration to me that the situation in Afghanistan for women has got worse and worse as the months have drawn on. The Taliban need to change course, not just on the rights of women, but for the viability of their economy and their country.

[Jim Dickson (Dartford) (Lab)]

T9. I thank the Minister for the Indo-Pacific, my hon. Friend the Member for Hornsey and Friern Barnet (Catherine West), for her support for the family of Simone White, who tragically died last year after drinking a free vodka shot in Laos. I hear worrying reports that the hostel where that happened is due to reopen shortly under another name. What assurance can the Minister give me and the family that everything is being done to hold those involved accountable, and to keep travellers safe from the dangers of methanol poisoning?

--- Later in debate ---

[Llinos Medi (Ynys Môn) (PC)]

Holyhead Towing in my constituency has vessels in the middle east, specifically in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. The company is keeping its crew updated to the best of its knowledge. What official advice or guidance is available for UK maritime operators working in the region?

[Mr Falconer]

As I have said before, travel advice is the surest and most regularly updated advice for British nationals in the region. We changed the travel advice yesterday for Qatar, as my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary announced in the House. We hope, as he has said this morning, that there will now be greater stability in the region, that the ceasefire will hold, and that British nationals in the region will not be so concerned. Travel advice is the best place to look.

[Dame Chi Onwurah (Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West) (Lab)]

The all-party parliamentary group for Africa, which I chair, recently published its report on Africa’s just energy transition to accessible and renewable clean energy. What assessment has the Minister made of the report’s nine recommendations, including the recommendation on reforming carbon markets so that they work in Africa’s interests, and the recommendation on ensuring that international development funding is blended with private sector funding for investment in that transition?

--- Later in debate ---

[Andy Slaughter (Hammersmith and Chiswick) (Lab)]

The postponed French-Saudi conference on a two-state solution may take place as early as next month. Does the Minister think it will provide the significant opportunity that he seeks for us to recognise Palestine as a state, alongside UK allies?

[Mr Falconer]

We are talking to the French and the Saudis about their plans. Obviously events in the middle east are moving quickly, but I recognise the force of what my hon. Friend has said.

[Mr Richard Holden (Basildon and Billericay) (Con)]

Cousin marriage is often used as a cover for forced marriage. Have the Government raised the issue of the incredibly high rate of first-cousin marriage with the Pakistani Government, given that so many of those marriages are between UK and Pakistani nationals?

Political Prisoners

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Wednesday 18th June 2025 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Western. I will try to keep my remarks brief in order to be able to hand back to my hon. Friend the Member for Cities of London and Westminster (Rachel Blake). I will make some progress through the cases that have been raised, as well as the general policy, and then I will be happy to take interventions.

The Government remain gravely concerned by the politically motivated prosecution of Jimmy Lai, who is a British citizen, as so many Members have pointed out. His case remains a top priority. We continue to call on Beijing to repeal Hong Kong’s national security law, and we call on the Hong Kong authorities to end the prosecution of all individuals charged under it and immediately release Mr Lai.

As many Members know well from their constituencies —just as I know from Lincoln—the UK has deep and long-standing ties with Hong Kong, but the continued erosion of rights and freedoms threatens Hong Kong’s way of life. China’s imposition of the national security law has seen opposition voices stifled and dissent criminalised. Mr Lai is just one of those voices; prominent and outspoken, he has been silenced through a politically motivated prosecution.

The Foreign Secretary has committed to raising Mr Lai’s case with China at every opportunity. We have stood firm on that promise, and it is of the utmost importance to this Government. Ministers have regularly and repeatedly made clear the damage that Mr Lai’s ongoing imprisonment has done to Hong Kong’s reputation and the challenge that it presents to UK-China relationships more broadly.

Hon. Members asked me a number of questions about which Ministers have raised Mr Lai’s case and how. The Prime Minister has done so with President Xi, as my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Tony Vaughan) highlighted, and the Foreign Secretary, the Chancellor, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, Foreign Office Ministers—in particular, the Minister with responsibility for China, my hon. Friend the Member for Hornsey and Friern Barnet (Catherine West)—Trade Ministers and Science Ministers have all raised Jimmy Lai’s detention with their Chinese counterparts. We will continue to do so.

Our diplomats have attended Mr Lai’s trial throughout, alongside our partners, to make it known that the world is watching. I was asked about the role of other countries. We welcome the support from many of our partners in raising Mr Lai’s case. Just yesterday, the Foreign Secretary again met Mr Lai’s son, Sebastien, who has indeed campaigned tirelessly for his father’s release. The Foreign Secretary updated him on his recent engagements with China and offered his full support, including on behalf of the Prime Minister, who is closely following Mr Lai’s trial.

The Government are taking a consistent, long-term and strategic approach to managing the UK’s relations with China, rooted in the national interest, precisely so that we can have direct and often difficult conversations in the interests of the British people, including Jimmy Lai. I say in response to the Liberal Democrat spokesperson, the hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington (Bobby Dean), that the China audit should be published soon.

I turn now to the important points raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Tim Roca) on consular prisoner policy. As a former official as well as a Minister, I know well the terrible impact that being incarcerated has on not just the individual in question but their family. I know from my own personal experience how different every case is and how difficult it can be to secure progress. I know the importance of commitment, of determination and of finding every possible route to secure release. I can assure hon. Members that the health and welfare of detainees is at the heart of our consular work. We will support families wherever we can.

I recognise the complexity of Mr Lai’s case and some of the others that have been referenced. In such cases, we use a taskforce approach, drawing in expertise from specialist teams, geographic experts and our embassies around the world to determine our strategy. Teams examine the circumstances of each case individually and develop tailored approaches based on careful judgments of what is likely to be most effective. We are examining options to strengthen our approach, with the appointment of a special envoy to work with families on the most complex detention cases, and we will announce further details in due course. We are also committed to introducing a new right to consular assistance in cases of human rights violations, and consultations are ongoing.

The Liberal Democrat spokesperson made an important point about the accountability of Ministers. I am the Minister with responsibility for consular affairs. The appointment of an envoy will complement our efforts; it will in no way displace my responsibility to hon. Members and to this House, or, indeed, the responsibility of the Foreign Secretary and others to account for their actions on all these cases.

I will turn to some of the other cases that have been raised, including tirelessly by my hon. Friend the Member for West Dunbartonshire (Douglas McAllister). We continue to express concerns about Mr Johal’s prolonged detention to the Government of India at every appropriate opportunity, emphasising the need for a prompt, full and just resolution of his case in India’s independent legal system. We continue to provide consular support to Mr Johal and his family. The Foreign Secretary met Mr Johal’s brother on 8 May and raised Mr Johal’s case with his Indian counterpart on several occasions, including most recently on 7 June. The Prime Minister raised Mr Johal’s case with Prime Minister Modi on 18 November and with the Indian Minister of External Affairs on 4 March.

As several hon. Members mentioned, many Members are focused on Alaa Abd el-Fattah in Egypt and on his mother, Laila. The Government are committed to securing Alaa’s urgent release and we continue to engage at the highest levels of the Egyptian Government. The Prime Minister raised the case with President Sisi on 22 May and the Foreign Secretary with Foreign Minister Abdelatty on 1 June. I am, of course, concerned by the hospitalisation of Laila, Alaa’s mother. I have met her and the family on a number of occasions, and I met her with Prime Minister on 14 February. I share her desire for an urgent resolution. I have impressed the urgency of the situation on the Egyptian Government and the Egyptian ambassador on repeated occasions. I assure the House that the case remains a top priority for me personally.

I reassure my hon. Friend the Member for Cities of London and Westminster of the priority that the Government place on the fate of her constituent, Mr Lai.

[Jim Shannon]

With the utmost respect to the Minister, I made the case for Jimmy Lai being denied his right to religious worship. He is a practising Roman Catholic, but cannot have his mass or worship his God in the way he wants to. With that in mind, and as chair of the APPG for international freedom of religion or belief, I ask the Minister what has been done to ensure that Jimmy Lai has the freedom of religious belief that he should expect.

[Mr Falconer]

I welcome and commend the hon. Member’s efforts on freedom of religious belief, not just in Hong Kong but across the world. We have raised the circumstances of Mr Lai’s detention and will continue to do so. The UK will not stop pressing for consular access in that case, and indeed in all other cases where consular access is denied, and we will not stop calling for Mr Lai’s immediate release.

[James Naish]

I thank the Minister for that. I referred to Canada and the gestures that it has made. What more can we do, in gestures or actions, specifically in the case of Jimmy Lai? What more could be done practically? I appreciate all the warm words and the efforts that have been put in, but are there not more physical things that we can be doing?

[Mr Falconer]

In each case, different things are likely to make progress. I am very conscious of my own experience—I negotiated the release of British nationals with the Taliban over a long period. I am sure that in that case publicity would have made the release more complex. It will vary case by case, and I am sure the Minister responsible for China will be happy to discuss these matters further.

I will end my remarks there in order to give my hon. Friend the Member for Cities of London and Westminster the chance to respond.

Afghanistan

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Tuesday 17th June 2025 Written Statements

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

Today I am updating the House on UK efforts to support those most in need in Afghanistan. The situation continues to matter to the UK due to both the terrible humanitarian and human rights situation, in particular its impact on women and girls, and national security concerns, given risks related to terrorism and irregular migration.

Afghanistan remains one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, with 23 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2025. Women and girls continue to bear the brunt of this crisis due to systematic Taliban oppression. The challenging global context for aid financing means that the most vulnerable people in Afghanistan risk not receiving assistance that they desperately need. Over 298 nutrition centres and 420 health facilities have closed this year, jeopardising access to lifesaving assistance for over 3 million people, including pregnant mothers, infants and young children. The World Food Programme currently projects having enough funding to cover just 10% of the 12.6 million people assessed to be food insecure this year. Hundreds of thousands of vulnerable Afghans continue to return from Iran and Pakistan into a context where the economy remains stagnant and access to essential services and jobs is limited.

The UK Government continue to play a leading role in supporting the people of Afghanistan in this challenging context. Afghanistan remains one of the FCDO’s largest bilateral aid programmes. In financial year 2024-25, we allocated £171 million to provide vital support for vulnerable people. In 2023-24 we reached 2.7 million people with humanitarian assistance, including over 1.3 million women.

Despite an increasingly complex operating context, our independent monitoring shows that our assistance continues to reach vulnerable people, including women and girls. The UK Government remain committed to ensuring that at least 50% of people reached by UK aid are women and girls. Our results for financial year 2024-25 will be published in the summer.

We have adapted how we work to ensure we are providing early, flexible funding to partners to sustain lifesaving activities, while moving to an approach that can also support essential services and livelihoods for the Afghan people in the medium term. We have pivoted our portfolio towards lifesaving health services and malnutrition treatment and prevention for mothers and their young children. We are engaging with other donors and the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to protect health system capacity, including routine childhood immunisation and surveillance systems. As Afghanistan is the sixth most vulnerable country to the impacts of climate change, climate adaptation will be critical to addressing Afghanistan’s food crisis. We are launching new programming supporting Afghans to grow their own food, strengthen their resilience to climate shocks and water stress, improve their livelihoods, and reduce dependence on emergency aid.

Alongside our funding, we are using our technical and diplomatic capacity to shape and strengthen the international response and protect operating space for partners. We are leading a dialogue, bringing together key partners and donors to strengthen our collective approach to tackling food insecurity and malnutrition in Afghanistan. We lobby the Taliban on aid and human rights issues and speak directly with Afghans and civil society to inform our policy and programming. We also carry out visits to Afghanistan to see UK-funded projects at first hand. We continue to use our representation to the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to lobby for increased coherence and prioritisation of these essential funding streams.

We have repeatedly condemned the Taliban’s abhorrent policies towards women and girls, and remain united with the international community in our firm opposition to continued restrictions. Upholding human rights and gender equality is not only a moral imperative, but essential for building a stable, inclusive and prosperous country for all Afghans.

On 20 January, I convened a meeting in New York with senior representatives from the UN and influential countries to underline the importance of collectively addressing Afghanistan’s challenges. On 28 January, I hosted a roundtable with country representatives from WFP and the United Nations Population Fund to discuss the gendered impacts of the crisis in Afghanistan. At the UN in New York on 12 March, the UK’s special envoy for women and girls, Baroness Harriet Harman, jointly hosted an event reiterating support for girls’ education in Afghanistan with the United Arab Emirates, Norway, and UN Women.

In a renewed commitment to the people of Afghanistan, Mr Richard Lindsay has today been appointed special envoy to Afghanistan. Mr Lindsay will lead a new Afghanistan department from the UK, taking on the duties of the current chargé d’affaires, whose assignment concludes at the end of this month. The UK mission to Afghanistan in Doha will close on 30 June 2025. This new model will allow the UK to actively engage with a broader range of Afghans beyond Doha, particularly those calling for peaceful political change towards a more inclusive political settlement. Our resolve to support the people of Afghanistan for the long term is unwavering.

[HCWS703]

Genocide Convention: UK Compliance

Hamish Falconer Excerpts

Tuesday 17th June 2025 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Jardine. I am grateful to the hon. Member for North Herefordshire (Ellie Chowns) for securing the debate. As she alluded to, we have had many exchanges on events in Israel and Palestine.

Let me start by setting out a little of the legal position in relation to the 1948 convention on genocide. The convention was clearly born out of the horrors of the second world war. It was a solemn commitment by the international community to say, “Never again.” Today, upholding the convention is of paramount importance to the Government. I thank the hon. Member for her thoughtful contribution on the issue.

Complying with international law is a fundamental part of the Government’s commitment to the rule of law. I can confirm that we continue to treat all our international legal and humanitarian obligations seriously. That is what our assessments are focused on, and we abide by all of them, including those under the genocide convention.

[Ellie Chowns]

Will the Minister give way?

[Mr Falconer]

I will make a little progress, and then of course I will.

More than 75 years after it was created, we remain fully committed to the responsibilities set out in the genocide convention. As the hon. Member knows, the long-standing policy of the UK Government is that any formal determination as to whether genocide has occurred is a matter for a competent national or international court, rather than for Governments or non-judicial bodies. That allows a decision to be made in the light of all available evidence, in the context of a credible judicial process.

The hon. Member asked repeatedly for a risk assessment of genocide. There is a difference between the lower bar of the serious risks that we determined in the September assessments and the higher bar. I recognise that she would prefer different answers, but as a Minister I must attend to the legal questions on me, which are at the lower bar. I will not speculate about legal determinations beyond that. I have confirmed repeatedly, to her and to the whole House, that the Government understand our legal obligation under the genocide convention and we have met it. We have set out the assessments that we have made and we continue to keep them under review.

[Ellie Chowns]

The Minister is relying on arguments that, as I have articulated, do not answer my question. He says that the Government take their responsibilities under international law seriously, including the responsibility under article I of the genocide convention to prevent genocide. Does he recognise that we cannot wait for a court to determine that genocide has occurred if we are to prevent that genocide? We have to act before that. Does he recognise that by repeatedly relying on the assessments relating to export licences and IHL, he is not addressing the question? Has a risk assessment of genocide in Gaza been conducted by the Government? It should be, if we are to fulfil our obligations under international law.

[Mr Falconer]

I understand that the hon. Member does not like the answers that she has been provided with, but they have remained consistent, because our position is consistent. I can assure her that, armed with the full legal advice of the Government, I am confident that the Government are complying with the genocide convention. She raises the very—

[Ellie Chowns]

Will the Minister give way?

[Mr Falconer]

I will not give way again.

The hon. Member’s question—“Surely, we must not wait for a formal determination?”—is incredibly important. I want to reassure hon. Members that we do not wait. Where there have been provisional measures issued in the ICJ case, we have both abided by those measures ourselves and called on those affected, including the Government of Israel, to abide by them. We have taken a series of steps, and we have led the international community in many of those steps. We recognise the gravity of what is happening in Gaza, in the west bank and across the region. We are trying to take steps equal to the scale of that challenge and we will continue to do so.

[Ayoub Khan (Birmingham Perry Barr) (Ind)]

We have heard repeated constantly the stance that genocide is a matter for a competent court—that has been a long-standing position of the Government—but we also know that a determination has been made, or has allegedly been made, because lawyers acting for the Government in court have said so, that that matter has been considered and that there is no genocide. Does the Minister understand why the British public are perplexed by what is being said in the House vis-à-vis what has been said in court?

[Mr Falconer]

I understand the complexities of these questions. I recognise that the judge has not yet opined in the judicial proceedings to which the hon. Member refers. Once the judge has done so, we will all be in a position to consider his findings. I have set out the Government’s position, as I think the hon. Member said, at some length, over a series of appearances in Parliament and outside of it, and through written questions. I will try always to explain why it is that the—

[Rachel Gilmour (Tiverton and Minehead) (LD)]

This morning I was at a very moving service at St Paul’s cathedral to recognise the 30th anniversary of the genocide at Srebrenica. One of the VIP guests was His Excellency the Palestinian ambassador. Would the Minister have any idea why he was considered to be such an important guest at such an occasion?

[Mr Falconer]

I was not at the event and I cannot speak to who was invited or why, but obviously I speak to Dr Zomlot on a regular basis. He is personally affected by the crisis in Gaza and across the Occupied Palestinian Territories. There is no doubt in the Government about the depth of human suffering that is being experienced each and every day—that was experienced overnight—by people desperate to access aid in Gaza. The position that I am laying out in relation to the legal tests that the hon. Member for North Herefordshire mentioned is to reassure the House that we take our obligations under the convention incredibly seriously. The long-standing position about determination is that it is for a competent court. That does not stop us taking action in response to the tragedy that is unfolding before our eyes.

[Tom Gordon (Harrogate and Knaresborough) (LD)]

Recently, the Joint Committee on Human Rights published a report about accountability for Daesh crimes, including genocide. A number of recommendations in that report pertain to issues applicable to other situations that have been referred to today. I want to press the Minister on the issue of universal jurisdiction. Would he and the Government consider a change in the law to allow for the prosecution of genocide regardless of a perpetrator’s nationality?

[Mr Falconer]

I am of course very happy to consider the recommendations of the Committee. We do have extrajudicial—I will be careful on the legalities of it, but as I understand it, British courts can look into crimes of genocide outside the UK where a UK national is involved. If the recommendation of the Committee is that that should be expanded, we can take a look at that, but that is the current position. At the risk of stating the absolute obvious, it is a criminal offence to commit genocide in the UK and it is a criminal offence to commit genocide outside the UK if you are a UK national, and our courts have competence to hear that.

I want to be clear on our position in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We strongly oppose the expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza and its stated intention to hold territory indefinitely. Israel’s denial of essential humanitarian assistance is unjustifiable. Israeli settlements in the west bank and East Jerusalem are illegal under international law and settler violence against Palestinians is unacceptable. Extremist rhetoric inciting unlawful violence against Palestinians is abhorrent. The House has heard about steps we have taken in recent days to respond. We have equally been clear in our condemnation of Hamas for its heinous terrorist attacks on 7 October, which the hon. Member for North Herefordshire referred to, its cruel holding of hostages and its use of civilian infrastructure in conflict, which places civilians at huge risk.

The hon. Member for North Herefordshire talked of the International Court of Justice, which is considering a case brought under the genocide convention by South Africa against Israel. It has issued provisional measures, including on humanitarian access. We respect the Court’s independence and its authority to issue binding orders, and expect Israel to follow them under international law. Separately, the International Criminal Court is investigating what is happening in Israel and the OPTs. We fully support that Court’s role in investigating and prosecuting serious international crimes and holding those responsible accountable, including delivering justice for victims.

[Iqbal Mohamed (Dewsbury and Batley) (Ind)]

Nearly a year ago, in an advisory opinion, the ICJ ruled Israel’s occupation of the Palestine territories unlawful. It clearly specified obligations on all states not to provide any economic, diplomatic, political or military support that helps to perpetuate that unlawful occupation. The UK Government’s assessment of the advisory opinion has not yet been published. Will the Minister advise us when that assessment will be published and whether he believes that the UK Government are in full compliance with the advisory opinion?

[Mr Falconer]

I want to clarify about the advisory opinion, which we are still considering—it was long in the making and has broad implications—that the UK agrees with the central position that the hon. Member describes, which is that settlements are illegal and should cease. That is not a novel element of the advisory opinion for the UK Government. [Interruption.] I will make some progress, if I may.

[Ellie Chowns]

Will the Minister give way on settlements?

[Mr Falconer]

Let me make a little progress, and then I will be happy to.

Let me set out what the Government are doing. We have called on the Government of Israel repeatedly to comply fully with their international obligations. We do so in private, with Ministers, and in public, through co-ordinated public statements with partners. We have built strong international pressure on Israel to address the humanitarian situation in Gaza, including through the Security Council. We have voted repeatedly in the Security Council to that effect, demanding the lifting of restrictions on aid in Gaza in line with humanitarian law. We have also taken action to address settler violence and extremism, including the sanctions last week against Mr Ben-Gvir and Mr Smotrich for inciting extremist violence, which constitutes an abuse of Palestinians’ human rights.

I give way to the hon. Member for North Herefordshire on settlements.

[Ellie Chowns]

I thank the Minister. Will he address the question I have previously raised in the House? Trade in settlement goods is trade in the proceeds of crime, so will he ban it?

[Mr Falconer]

Ms Jardine has reminded me that I have one minute left, so I will answer the question and then conclude. Goods from illegally occupied settlements come under different trading provisions than those from green-line Israel. That is a question for His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs that we keep under regular review. As the hon. Member is aware, others are looking at these questions, but at the moment no European power bans settlement trade in the way that she describes. It is something that we talk to our partners and allies about.

Let me conclude rapidly in order to give the hon. Member the final word. I want to reaffirm that the Government are meeting their international obligations, including those under the genocide convention. We continue to maintain that genocide determinations are a matter for a competent—

[Ellie Chowns]

Will the Minister give way on that point?

[Mr Falconer]

I am about to hand over to the hon. Member. Our commitment to international law is firm. It applies everywhere without exception, and our record reflects that.

[Christine Jardine (in the Chair)]

The Question is—[Interruption.] Order. The Member in charge does not have the right to wind up a 30-minute debate.

Question put and agreed to.