(1 day, 14 hours ago)
Commons ChamberWelcome back after the recess, Mr Speaker. We remain committed to international development, but we must modernise our approach. In a changing world, we are not just donors; we are partners, investors and reformers. We must ensure that every pound delivers for the UK taxpayer, as well as the people we support. Sharpening our priorities on humanitarian health, climate and nature, and ensuring that they are underpinned by economic development; prioritising our work with multilaterals; and shifting how we work will help us maximise our impact.
Natural disasters like the earthquake in Jalalabad, recent wildfires and floods are becoming more and more frequent as a result of climate change. Support for Ukraine and for Gaza have survived the disastrous cuts to ODA, but what assessments has the Department made of the impact of ODA reductions on countries facing humanitarian and natural disasters, and can the UK still provide the amount of aid needed to prevent displacement and migration as a result of those crises?
The hon. Member raises important issues. We have seen horrific scenes in Afghanistan, and he will know that we gave £1 million yesterday. We have also seen terrible scenes in Sudan this morning. He will know that tackling the climate and nature emergency around the world is a priority for us, and we continue to support humanitarian work around the world. Of course, responding to disasters remains a key part of that, and we have demonstrated that repeatedly in a number of contexts, through the support that we have given.
Could the Minister update the House on the reduction in assistance to places including Myanmar, and on democracy there, and the imprisonment of Daw Suu?
We have to make very difficult choices as a result of the decision we made. We remain absolutely committed to international development. The detailed allocations will be set out in due course, and they will of course be informed by impact assessments before we publish multi-year allocations.
At a time when we face global development spending reductions across critical areas such as global health, women, peace and security, girls’ education, water, sanitation and hygiene, and nutrition, Ministers have chosen to increase energy and climate spending by £244 million—an increase of 59%. Could the Minister explain the rationale for that significant increase and outline how those funds will be allocated, particularly as, unlike in 2024-25, no breakdown of political priorities is available for scrutiny?
As I have just said, we will set out the detailed allocations in due course; they will be informed by impact assessments. The right hon. Member rightly raises the issue of women and girls. Of course, less money does not mean less action, and we see our work on women and girls as essential for development and our UK missions overseas. We have appointed Baroness Harman as a UK special envoy for women and girls. We are amplifying the voices of women’s organisations and movements, including in climate-affected contexts, and embedding gender equality across our international action. That is absolutely a priority for us, and we will set out the details of individual programmes, informed by those impact assessments, in due course.
With congratulations on her marriage over the summer recess, I call Louise Sandher-Jones.
May I begin by acknowledging the terrible loss of life in Tarseen in Darfur over the weekend? Sudan is facing its worst humanitarian crisis on record. Over 30 million people need aid, 12 million have been displaced, and famine and cholera are spreading. As the UN Security Council penholder, we are leading efforts to secure humanitarian access and the protection of civilians.
El Fasher has been under siege for over 500 days, and famine and cholera—all man-made problems—are rife. It has been described as the “epicentre of child suffering”. What is the UK doing to protect civilians and ensure that humanitarian aid can reach those who need it?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for the leadership that she has shown on this issue. I spoke to the UN emergency relief co-ordinator just yesterday and raised this issue. Of course, we are supporting the call of the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs for a pause in fighting, so that aid can get in and the suffering can be alleviated. I will of course be leading on this issue as we head towards the UN General Assembly in New York.
Do the Government actually have an Africa strategy—not just for north Africa, but for sub-Saharan Africa—and does the Foreign Secretary share my concern about the apparent lack of focus on the importance of sub-Saharan Africa to the security of the United States, let alone to our security and that of Africa itself? I encourage the Foreign Secretary to reach out to the US Secretary of State, and to join European partners in having a joined-up Africa strategy to deal with climate change, famine and terrorism in the Sahel and all across Africa—issues that are impacting on communities there, and on legal migration to this country. Will he work with his American partners?
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for raising Africa. The first thing that we did on coming into office was establish an Africa approach and a widespread consultation across the continent—that is absolutely right. We must be careful that authoritarian powers do not move in where the west exits. I reassure him that I have raised and discussed those issues with Secretary of State Rubio.
Given the devastation of the United States Agency for International Development, the temporary cuts in official development assistance and the growing desperate situation in areas of Africa, is the Foreign Secretary willing to meet me and colleagues who have worked in and care about the region, to understand our long-term strategy, particularly against China and Russia, which are moving in to fill that void?
I am grateful for the leadership that my hon. Friend showed on these issues before coming to this place; she continues to champion them now. On the Africa approach, and changes to development aid across the continent, whether they are made by us or by partners, either I or my colleague who leads on development will be very happy to meet my hon. Friend.
The Rapid Support Forces have trapped 260,000 civilians in El Fasher, half of whom are children, and many of whom are surviving on animal fodder. How are the Government working with allies to alleviate the effects on civilians of the terrible war in Sudan?
The hon. Gentleman will have seen that I led the Sudan conference, at which I brought third-party countries together to discuss those issues, co-ordinate across them, and ensure that nothing is done to exacerbate the conflict on that continent. As I indicated earlier, I expect to do more as we head towards UNGA, and to gather those third parties so that we get a pause and can get aid in.
In response to the deepening crisis, the Foreign Secretary yesterday announced a further £15 million of aid and medical care for Gaza and the region, taking our total funding to £75 million this year. We are working to get children with the most acute needs out of Gaza and into the UK for specialist NHS treatment. The Foreign Secretary and I continue to urge the Israeli authorities to address the famine and the catastrophic humanitarian situation immediately.
More than 20,000 Palestinian children have been hospitalised for acute malnutrition this year alone. Amnesty International has condemned Israel’s use of starvation as a “weapon of war”, and the UN deputy relief chief has called the aid blockade a “human-made crisis”. Will the Minister move beyond words of condemnation and commit to concrete action, including stopping all arms exports to Israel, and immediately and unconditionally recognising the statehood of Palestine?
The hon. Lady raises vital questions. The IPC—integrated food security phase classification—report over the recess was truly horrifying: 500,000 people in Gaza are facing famine. We continue to take the actions that we discussed in the House yesterday afternoon, in relation to recognition and the suspension of arms that could be used in Gaza.
I share many of my constituents’ despair and anger about the intolerable suffering in Gaza. Last year, I had the privilege of meeting one of my constituents, Becky, to hear about her heartbreaking experience of delivering medical aid in Palestine. Devastatingly, a year on, the situation is much worse, with Gaza now the child amputee capital of the world and thousands more families pushed to starvation. There have been some welcome moves from the Government in recent months, but clearly not enough has yet been done—nothing can be until the suffering has stopped. What further urgent action can we take to finally secure access to the aid that Gaza desperately needs, and end this intolerable suffering?
I thank my hon. Friend and his constituent, Becky. Over the recess, I met doctors who have served in Gaza. Hearing their first-hand accounts of the injuries that children are suffering there was truly horrifying. We continue to press the Israeli Government. They must act urgently to lift restrictions, open up aid flows and enable the UN and international non-governmental organisations to carry out their lifesaving work without obstruction. The Foreign Secretary delivered that message to Foreign Minister Sa’ar just last week, and over the past month we have delivered strong, co-ordinated messages with partners through joint statements.
The Minister will know that Médecins Sans Frontières has referred to the locations used by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation as sites of “orchestrated killing”. What pressure are the Government bringing to bear on both the Israeli and US Governments to stop using the foundation and reinstate the United Nations-led system of aid delivery?
The hon. Lady is absolutely right. The Foreign Secretary set out our very clear views yesterday afternoon. The GHF is not working and has led to thousands upon thousands of injuries and many, many deaths at its sites. I have heard of the considerable looting that is associated with the lack of UN machinery—machinery that was functioning effectively. I am glad to tell the House that there does appear to be more aid getting into Gaza in total, and the cost of flour has slightly reduced, but there is still considerable looting. The aid operation is not working as it should. The UK supports the UN and its agencies. The GHF is not working.
The UN has now confirmed famine in Gaza City. More than half a million people face catastrophic conditions of starvation, destitution and death. This is a man-made disaster, described by the UN Secretary-General as “a failure of humanity”. At least 600 daily truckloads are needed to avert further famine-related deaths, yet Israel continues to block aid. Will the Government commit today to concrete actions to pressure the Israeli Government to lift the obstruction, including sanctioning all members of the Cabinet, including Netanyahu, who are complicit in the illegal aid blockade?
I have been clear already about our views on the vital urgency of lifting aid restrictions. I have gone myself to the border to see our aid in al-Arish. I have spoken to our partners. UK-Med, for example, has been chasing consignments since March. We make these points with force to the Israeli Government, and we have already taken far-reaching sanction action, as discussed by the Foreign Secretary yesterday afternoon.
In famine conditions, new mothers often eat last and eat the least. This time next year, around 55,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women in Gaza could be at risk of death by starvation that is man-made. Following Belgium’s announcement today of new sanctions and a review of contracts with Israeli companies, can the Minister say what consequences Israel will face if it continues to starve the population of Gaza?
My hon. Friend has a long track record of raising such issues, and she is absolutely right to highlight the fate of pregnant women and those who have recently given birth in Gaza. I am pleased to tell the House that we are still able to get some supplies relevant to those challenges into Gaza, but clearly in a famine of this nature, pregnant women and recently born children suffer the worst. We have allocated a further £3 million via the UNFPA—the UN Population Fund—to try to provide the services needed. We will continue to do all we can with the Israeli Government to ensure that they provide the access required.
President Trump and envoy Steve Witkoff played an important role in securing the previous ceasefire agreement. At crucial moments, Netanyahu has been receptive to Trump’s wishes; we saw that earlier this year, when Israel and Iran stepped back from the brink. As the White House has a defining role to play here, will the Foreign Secretary, with our allies, urge the US to apply its full weight to its leverage?
I agree very much with my hon. Friend. The US of course has a key role to play in securing a lasting peace in the region. As the Foreign Secretary said yesterday, he has raised the issues directly with his American counterparts, as have the rest of the ministerial team. I confirm the Government’s full support for the US, Qatar and Egypt in their vital work to secure a sustainable ceasefire.
One hundred and sixty-eight days ago, the Foreign Secretary described the Netanyahu Government’s aid blockade of Gaza as a “breach of international law”, before correcting himself to describe it as only risking a breach. Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary told the House that Gaza faces a “man-made famine” and that he was “outraged” by the Israeli Government’s block on aid, so do the Government now accept that Israel has breached international law?
Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary set out the long-standing position of Ministers on such determinations. Under the previous Government, the threshold that this House set Governments was whether there was a real risk. We have applied ourselves to that test, and we have found that there is a real risk. Our actions from September onwards have flowed from that determination.
The Diego Garcia military base is essential to the security of the United Kingdom and our key allies, and to keeping the British people safe. The treaty was tested at the highest level of the United States’ security establishment, which supported the deal. The agreement has been backed by our key allies and international partners, including the US and all our Five Eyes partners. India, Japan and South Korea have made clear their support for the deal.
By not even trying to go to court or argue the case, the Government have cost the taxpayer £30 billion. Does the Minister agree with the Defence Minister who said that the deal represents “good value” for UK taxpayers?
As I have explained many times in the House, those figures are completely misleading. The net present value of payments under the treaty is £3.4 billion. The average cost of the deal in today’s money is £101 million per year. That is just a fraction of our Defence budget, and represents a few hours of spending on our NHS. This Government will not scrimp when it comes to the national security of the United Kingdom and our allies.
Given that the Foreign Office has not agreed with Mauritius a defined financial allocation for the Chagos marine protected area; given that no additional money has been secured or ringfenced for environmental protection; given that no one who would be involved in the administration of the marine protected area has so much as visited the archipelago; given the very little communication between the Mauritius Government and the British scientific community, who currently protect the area; given that the capacity of Mauritius to patrol the archipelago for poachers is unknown; and given that it is not clear whether the dispute mechanism set out in the treaty can even be used if the UK deems that Mauritius is in breach of its marine protection commitments, what are the Minister’s hopes for this absolutely unique and priceless marine protected area? Can that all be fixed by the memorandum of understanding?
Order. Sorry, but I have a lot of Members to get in. I have given the Chair of the Select Committee a lot of leeway. It might be worth her putting in for an Adjournment debate, if there is so much to say on the subject; I would be more than happy with that.
I thank my right hon. Friend for her interest in this important issue, which she and members of the Foreign Affairs Committee have raised with me previously. The Government have secured a deal that will help to protect the unique environment of the Chagos archipelago, supported by an enhanced partnership between the UK and Mauritius, under which we will support Mauritius’s ambition to establish a marine protected area to protect the globally significant ecosystems to which she refers. The agreement of the terms of the technical support and assistance is a priority within the ongoing implementation process with Mauritius. I have listened very carefully to what she says and she can be assured that I have already been asking questions about many of those issues.
The Government have now been forced to admit the real cost of the catastrophic Chagos surrender deal: it is not £3.4 billion—oh no, Mr Speaker—it is a mind blowing £34.7 billion, which is 10 times more that we were told. No wonder Mauritius is planning tax cuts of its own, and it is British businesses and families who will pay the price. This deal leaves our country poorer, our defence capabilities damaged and our standing in the world weakened. Will the Minister now apologise to the British people for this epic failure in diplomacy, withdraw his Chagos surrender Bill and keep the islands British?
How ever many times the hon. Gentleman, the right hon. Member for Witham (Priti Patel) or the Conservative party in its emails to supporters make this claim about the cost, it does not mean that it is true—it is not. The £30 billion figure is inaccurate and misleading. It is wrong to ignore the cost of inflation and the change in the value of money, over the real cost of a deal that lasts 99 years. The figures are verified by the Government Actuary’s Department, drawing on long-established methodology. I have set out the costs. We will not scrimp on national security. Quite frankly, the brass neck from Conservative Members, after they disinvested in our armed forces and our defence over the entire time they were in office, is quite extraordinary.
We are deeply concerned about the situation in Georgia, as I have discussed with my hon. Friend on a number of occasions. We are working closely with European allies to protect democracy in Georgia. In June, I convened a meeting of European partners to discuss and address the democratic backsliding in Georgia, and on 11 July the Foreign Secretary condemned the detention of opposition leaders in a statement with European Foreign Ministers. We remain committed to Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic path and democratic norms.
May I join you, Mr Speaker, in congratulating the Minister on his nuptials? I thank him for the lead he has taken on Georgia. He will know, because he has recently been in Georgia, that over the summer the situation has dramatically worsened: opposition leaders have been jailed, young democracy activists have been given life-changing prison sentences, and the civil society organisations that are trying to protect democracy have been threatened with prosecution. The complaint of the democracy activists I used to work with is that all of this brutality is happening while the regime’s money is washed through business associates in London. Will the Minister target the people who are responsible for this brutality and hold them accountable?
My hon. Friend raises important and serious issues. He knows that the Foreign Secretary and I prioritise tackling illicit finance more broadly. I will not comment on future potential measures, but he will know that we have imposed a number of sanctions on Georgian Dream Ministers, on police chiefs and on Georgian judges under the global anti-corruption sanctions regime. Indeed, in April we also sanctioned the general prosecutor, the head of the special investigatory service and other officials. I cannot comment on future steps, but he can be assured that I am following this issue daily.
I join others in congratulating the Minister on his nuptials—that is happy news for everybody. The Minister will be aware of the fantastic work that UK-based non-governmental organisations have done about civil society stability, which is crucial in these darker times. With the cuts to the international development budget, will the Minister assure me that work in that space in Georgia and elsewhere will not be undermined as a result of those cuts?
I set out the position on the changes to our aid budget earlier. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we recognise the important work that civil society does in Georgia, and indeed more broadly, in ensuring a free society. He will appreciate that the situation there is very difficult. We have suspended all our programme support for the Georgian Government, restricted our defence co-operation, limited our engagement with Georgian Dream representatives and frozen the annual strategic dialogue in response to the very disturbing direction of travel that we have seen in Georgia. I also thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind comments.
It is indeed time for a step change in the UK’s response to the sinister crackdown on freedom and political opposition in Georgia. It is welcome that the Minister is assessing asset bans and freezes on those responsible for this wholly unacceptable situation. May I ask that he steps up efforts for the Georgian civil society counter-destabilisation hybrid activities, especially in the information space and the actors that might be involved in that? What discussions has he had with the US Administration in the light of the MEGOBARI Bill going through Congress?
We engage regularly with international counterparts on Georgia and on wider stability in the south Caucasus. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the importance of media freedom. He will know that we condemned the disproportionate and politically motivated sentencing of Mzia Amaglobeli in August; she has been sentenced to two years in prison, and we call for her immediate release. I also discussed the wider situation with Georgia’s fifth president, President Zourabichvili, on her recent visit to the UK, and I expressed my support for her work supporting democracy in Georgia. The right hon. Gentleman will understand that I will not comment on further measures, but he can be absolutely assured that I am closely following matters, as are other colleagues across Government.
I have been working closely with the Home Secretary to ensure that students from Gaza, including Chevening scholars, can secure their UK visas. We are expecting nine Chevening students to start their courses soon. I am pleased to say that we are extending this support to students in Gaza with full scholarships.
Yara is a 24-year-old student from Gaza City. Her ambition is to study international law and global justice, and earlier this year she won a scholarship at the University of Sheffield to do just that. Yara is one of more than 80 scholarship students trapped in Gaza today, displaced again and again, with all her belongings packed into a small bag and ready to move at a moment’s notice. This scholarship offers her a chance to escape Israel’s genocide, famine and bombardment, which has flattened more than 1,000 buildings in Yara’s neighbourhood in just one week. Can the Foreign Secretary guarantee that Yara and other students like her will not be left stranded and will be immediately evacuated by the Government in time for their courses to start this month?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for bringing Yara to the attention of the House. Of course we want to see bright students like her able to achieve their ambitions. We are reliant on Israeli permissions and on students having a full scholarship, but what I can do is ensure that the Minister for the Middle East meets my hon. Friend to discuss this case in detail.
Along with thousands of other children, my youngest son is today going back for his first day at school. Unfortunately, more than 660,000 Gazan children—those who have not been butchered or maimed irreversibly by the Israel Defence Forces—are being denied schooling for the third consecutive year. That is not surprising, given that 97% of schools have already been virtually destroyed. What is the Secretary of State doing to ensure that the next generation of Palestinians can access education, alongside launching a bespoke visa system that enables students to come to study here in the UK? If not, why not?
The hon. Gentleman is right to raise with the House the plight of children in Gaza. Yesterday I mentioned my concerns about malnourished children and what that does for their educational outcomes. Yesterday he will have heard the Home Secretary and myself undertake to do more to support students with full scholarships to come to our country. Of course, as the hon. Gentleman would expect, I press the Israeli Foreign Minister on these very same issues.
The situation on the ground in Gaza is horrendous, and we urgently want to see a deal done to end the suffering on all sides. An immediate ceasefire is our overwhelming priority, alongside the unconditional release of all hostages and a large-scale delivery of aid. The ceasefire must be sustainable and lead to a wider peace plan, which we are developing with our international partners.
My constituency of Watford is a richly ethnically diverse community. When I speak to residents there about the conflict in Gaza, the overwhelming desire is for the killing to stop, for the hostages to be released and for the people of Gaza to be able to live in peace. Will the Secretary of State further outline what steps the Government are taking to aid international efforts to broker the ceasefire and what is frustrating it?
I am very grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this issue. Diplomacy, not bloodshed, is how we get security for both Israelis and Palestinians, and getting to a ceasefire is the immediate priority. I will be in the region again in the coming days, discussing with them the Prime Minister’s framework for peace, which is the only plan, and how we govern Gaza and move forward once we get to that ceasefire, building a consensus around a sustainable end to the conflict.
I reiterate the concerns raised last night by my fellow journalist and hon. Friend the Member for Earley and Woodley (Yuan Yang) in highlighting Gaza as the deadliest war for journalists. Over 189 have been killed since October 2023, despite reporters being categorised as protected civilians under international law. Israel seems set on a deadly campaign to silence journalists in Gaza while refusing entry to other international journalists. Can the Secretary of State join me in condemning that strategy and in paying tribute to those who are risking their lives to get news out of Gaza, and also commend our own domestic broadcasters—including the much-maligned BBC—for keeping us informed on what is going on there?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for bringing this matter to the House’s attention. I strongly condemn all violence directed against journalists, and call on the Israeli authorities to make every effort to ensure that media workers across the region can conduct their work freely and safely. Deliberate targeting of journalists is entirely unacceptable. International humanitarian law offers protection to civilian journalists during any armed conflicts, and those laws should be abided by. I call for all attacks to be investigated and for those responsible to be prosecuted.
Last week’s Nasser hospital bombings murdered many innocent people, including five journalists, and the double-tap method used was particularly barbaric. Article 79 of the Geneva convention states that journalists are civilians during war, and article 8 of the Rome statute makes it clear that attacking civilians in a hospital is a war crime. I agreed with The Guardian’s editorial yesterday when it stated that
“Israel wants to stop the world from seeing what it’s doing”.
Does the Foreign Secretary agree that the Nasser hospital bombings are a war crime, and what action will he be taking against Israel?
On 21 August the UK joined a Media Freedom Coalition statement calling on and urging Israel to allow immediate independent foreign media access and afford protection to journalists operating in Gaza. There must now be a full, independent investigation into what happened at the Nasser hospital, and my hon. Friend is right to call to mind the importance of abiding by international humanitarian law.
The world has watched in horror as humanitarian aid has been blocked from reaching Gaza, leading to a famine that is claiming the lives of those who survived the bombs. Meanwhile, in the west bank, the Israeli Government turn a blind eye to rampant settler violence and openly approve new settlements that could end the very possibility of a two-state solution. Can the Foreign Secretary assure the House that he is doing everything he can, not only to end the mass killing but to secure a lasting peace between two equal states in Israel and Palestine?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this issue. The confirmation of famine is utterly horrifying. I am appalled by the shocking levels of settler violence, and I have been clear that Israel must clamp down on that violence. The Government have introduced three rounds of sanctions related to settler violence, including the July sanctions on Ben-Gvir and Smotrich for the incitement of violence against Palestinian communities. The only way to deliver long-term peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike is through a viable two-state solution.
The remaining hostages in Gaza—those who are still alive—are being starved, persecuted and prevented from getting any form of medical aid. When the Foreign Secretary visits the region, will he force the International Red Cross to seek the hostages and ensure that they are given the medical attention they need?
The hon. Gentleman has always brought the issues of hostages to mind in this House, and I applaud him for that work. I met with hostage families just before the summer recess, and I will again in the coming weeks. The recent photos showing hostages malnourished and starved were obscene, and I will do all I can to ensure that they get the aid and support that they need, underground in those tunnels.
It is clear that the stated war goals of many elements of the Israeli Government are not a ceasefire and a lasting peace between two communities living side by side in peace, but ethnically cleansing Gaza and preventing a viable state in the west bank. Will the Secretary of State therefore commit to sanctioning the head of the Israeli Government, Benjamin Netanyahu?
The hon. Gentleman should look closely at the three packages of sanctions that we have had since coming to office. He will see that there is no other country in the world with the range of sanctions against those who incite in particular settler violence and expansion.
Israel has breached two ceasefires to date. Its bombing, its killing and now its starvation have continued for months. It is not just the hostages who are not getting food; it is also babies, children, women and men. The impunity that Israel has to continue to perpetrate war crime after war crime, atrocity after atrocity—when will the UK and the international community say enough is enough and take real action to put an end to the killing and to help the hostages be freed?
It is not enough to assert it or say it. That is why we restored funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. That is why we have had three packages of sanctions. That is why yesterday I announced an extra £15 million of aid. That is why I have spoken to my Israeli counterpart nearly every week—certainly every month—that I have been in office. It is why we have corralled the international community with the statements we have made. It is not about words; it is about action to bring this to an end.
The Secretary of State was very clear yesterday that if we want peace, we must ensure that the hostages are released. If we want peace, we must ensure that Hamas are ousted from Gaza. If that happens, we will have a peace that will last. I know that he is committed to that, for he said so yesterday, but will he reiterate that for the Chamber and those who are here?
The hon. Gentleman knows a lot about standing up to terrorists. Hamas are a proscribed organisation. There can be no role for Hamas. We need the total demilitarisation of Gaza. Those leaders who are there must leave and exit the country so that the Palestinian people can be freed from the plight of what Hamas are raining down on them.
We have been clear that we will recognise a Palestinian state by the United Nations General Assembly in September to protect the viability of the two-state solution, unless the Israeli Government take substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza and commit to a long-term sustainable peace.
The United Kingdom Government should never have placed conditions on the recognition of the state of Palestine—there is no place for it in international law. However, given that it is clear that Israel has failed to comply with these conditions, can the Secretary of State confirm that the UK will unconditionally and immediately recognise the state of Palestine at the UN General Assembly next week?
High-level week is not actually next week; it is in three weeks’ time. May I say to the hon. Gentleman that it is most bizarre to say to a responsible Government that they should not attempt to change the situation on the ground to encourage Israel to commit to a ceasefire and to a process? Of course we should use all diplomatic efforts to do that, notwithstanding what we said about the assessment we will make on recognition at the appropriate time.
We all want to see an end to the suffering and progress towards a two-state solution, but what assurance can the Foreign Secretary provide that in the recognition of Palestine there can be no role for Hamas in the governance of a Palestinian state?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this issue. Let me be crystal clear. Hamas must never be rewarded, and we will not reward it by the UK’s recognition of Palestine if we reach that point. Our demands of Hamas are absolute and unchanged: it must immediately release all the hostages who were cruelly taken on 7 October 2023 and held in the most atrocious conditions, which we have already discussed in the Chamber this morning.
Until Putin stops his barbaric assault, we will keep tightening the screws on his war machine with even more sanctions. Since coming to office we have sanctioned more than 680 individual entities and ships, more than double the number of designations made in 2023.
Vladimir Putin is in Beijing this week, where he has hailed the unprecedented levels of ties between China and Russia. For once I hope that the Government will actually take him at his word before China builds the super-embassy in our capital.
China has ceased exports of drone components to Ukraine, and both Xi Jinping and Kim Jong Un are propping up Putin economically. I commend the Prime Minister for uniting a coalition of the willing, but what tangible action is it taking to ensure that Ukraine wins against three adversaries?
I thought that one of our proudest moments was watching President Zelensky walk up the steps of No 10, and reflecting on the role that the Prime Minister has played in corralling the global community around the coalition of the willing. The hon. Gentleman will have seen the Prime Minister with President Zelensky again in Washington DC just a few weeks ago. In all that we are doing—on the oil price cap, in raising the issue of Russian sovereign assets with our G7 and European partners to try to resolve that issue, and through sanctions—we are leading the world.
May I join colleagues in sending my warmest congratulations to the Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty), on his recent nuptials?
Over the summer recess, reports emerged that the Russians had launched an online “catalogue” of the children whom they have stolen from Ukraine. This grotesque database allows Russian families to search for Ukrainian children by hair and eye colour. The Russians are advertising their war crimes in real time. What further action are the Government taking on this issue, and can the Foreign Secretary assure me that it will be the highest priority in discussions with the President of the United States during his visit later this month?
I thank my hon. Friend for raising this issue once again. It is absolutely a standing item on the agenda with our friends in the United States, and of course we discuss these issues with our friends in Ukraine. Very shortly, my hon. Friend will see a further announcement in relation to this terrible atrocity.
As Ukraine passes the grim milestone of its fourth independence day since Putin began his barbaric invasion, we have seen nothing but sustained aerial assaults and brutality from Putin. May I ask the Foreign Secretary directly what he will do to redouble his efforts in relation to sanctions—specific sanctions on those who are profiteering and making money from Russian oil? That is effectively what is fuelling Putin’s war machine and his barbaric assault on democracy.
I am grateful for the cross-party support in the Chamber on the issue of Ukraine. We have done a lot to lower the oil price cap, which I think has been essential. We, alongside the last Government, have the largest package of sanctions anywhere in the world against Putin’s war machine. I cannot comment from the Dispatch Box on further sanctions, but the right hon. Lady will see an announcement very shortly.
Yesterday I updated the House on the unimaginably bleak situation in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. I shared the latest on Iran’s dangerous nuclear programme, and my right hon. Friend the Defence Secretary set out Britain’s unwavering support for Ukraine. May I also mention the tragic earthquake in Kunar province in Afghanistan? We have announced a package of support for those who have been killed.
The Foreign Secretary wants to pay a huge amount of taxpayers’ money to Mauritius to lease back a military base that we already own. Why is he afraid of holding a vote on this policy?
I know that the hon. Gentleman has not been in Parliament very long, but he will see that there is a Second Reading next week, and of course there will be a vote.
I say to my hon. Friend that we have been clear right throughout this crisis that Palestinian territory must not be reduced in the conduct of this war, and we do not support the forced displacement of people. Palestinian civilians must be permitted to return to their communities and rebuild their lives.
The Joint Committee on Human Rights’ recent report into transnational repression recommended that China be placed on the enhanced tier of the foreign influence registration scheme, alongside Iran and Russia. Clearly, this follows concerns following the China audit and the national security strategy, so I have a very specific question for the Foreign Secretary: when will he recognise that China is a threat to our national security and put it on the enhanced tier of FIRS?
The right hon. Lady and I exchanged debate when we published the China audit. There was discussion at the national security strategy, and the Defence Secretary also set out his concerns about Chinese activity in the South China sea in the defence strategy. There have been a lot of debates and discussion in relation to China, and I have been very clear that there are areas where we will co-operate, but we will always challenge where we must.
On 7 August, I wrote to the Foreign Secretary about the deadly sectarian violence that we have witnessed in Syria, which threatens further destabilisation and fallout that we all know could come soon. While I have not received a response, I did specifically ask in that letter whether he would call for justice and accountability for those responsible for the recent killings—the reports are very shocking. Does he agree that there could be a role for the Commission for International Justice and Accountability, which I understand the Minister for the Middle East met and praised in Damascus just last week?
I am very grateful to the right hon. Lady for raising this issue. It was important for me to look into the eyes of al-Sharaa when I was in Syria, and the Minister for the Middle East was also in Syria very recently. I have been concerned about the increase in terrorist activity and about the position of minorities, and of course we continue to discuss this with the Syrians. We are also worried about those in the neighbourhood, like Israel, as some of the activity is destabilising what is going on, and of course I will look at the issue that she raises.
First, I express my deep condolences over Holly’s death. I know this is a very distressing time for Mr and Mrs Woodcock and the whole family. My hon. Friend will know about the consular support that is being provided, as we have spoken about that. I would, of course, be very happy to meet him and the Woodcock family to discuss the matter further, although he will understand that I cannot get directly involved in overseas investigations by authorities in France.
The Business Secretary is due to travel to China next week to restart trade talks. His trip will fall 50 days after Beijing announced its latest round of extraterritorial bounties, targeting 19 pro-democracy Hongkongers, including several more UK-based activists. In an earlier answer, the Minister laid out the many steps to sanction the Georgian Government for their assault on democracy. Will the Foreign Secretary implore the Business Secretary to cancel his trip and press for a block on all UK ministerial visits to China until Beijing rescinds those bounties?
In June, the Minister for Security, my hon. Friend the Member for Barnsley North (Dan Jarvis), and I met the UK activists targeted by the Hong Kong arrest warrants and bounties. We have raised concerns regarding the arrest warrants and bounties directly with the Chinese ambassador here in London, reaffirming that the safety and security of Hongkongers in the UK is of the utmost importance to the Government. The matter is being raised at all levels—by Ministers and by the Foreign Secretary, and will indeed be raised, if there is such an occasion in the future, leader to leader.
I thank my hon. Friend for her sustained engagement in these issues. As the Foreign Secretary has said, we talk regularly to hostage families in Israel and to participants in Israeli politics right across the spectrum, and we will continue to do so. We make our disagreements with the Israeli Government clear, both in private and in public, and we will continue to do that, too.
The Foreign Office seeks in its consular assistance to always provide timely support to British nationals overseas. I will investigate the case and report back to the hon. Lady.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for her work on these matters. We have seen those reports; the Foreign Secretary referred to them in the House yesterday afternoon. As I said earlier, the threshold that the Government must test against is the one we outlined in September, which is about the real risk. We have found that there is a real risk, and our actions have flowed from that determination.
I assure the hon. Gentleman that our National Security Adviser and I are in direct touch with the Ukrainians on these issues, and the Chief of the Defence Staff was in Washington last week following up on these matters. I think we are all grateful to Tony Radakin, who leaves today after 35 years of service to our country, for the work he is doing. Of course, the Defence Secretary is also co-ordinating via the coalition of the willing.
My hon. Friend has long advocated these questions. I pay tribute to the work of Save the Children and other UK non-governmental organisations that have continued to do dangerous and lifesaving work in Gaza. I met many of them over the recess. There are a number of restrictions in place in relation not simply to the passage of aid into Gaza, which we have discussed in this House a number of times, but to the function of the NGOs themselves. We keep a very close interest in this and have raised it with the Israeli Government.
I thank the hon. Lady for raising this important matter on behalf of her constituents. I can reassure her that the UK Government have called on Beijing numerous times to repeal the national security law, which provides for the autocratic treatment of people abroad, such as her constituents. We continue to work closely with the Minister for Border Security and Asylum to ensure that anyone here in the UK is safe and that their families in Hong Kong are also safe.
Mr Speaker, as there has been a number of different reports on this, let me clarify that we believe that it is the Houthi Prime Minister, rather than the Yemeni Prime Minister, who has recently been struck. The Houthis, as the House knows, are a threat not just to the people of Yemen and to the region, but to international shipping. I have engaged closely with the Yemeni Government, including with both the previous Yemeni Prime Minister and the current Yemeni Prime Minister, who I am happy to report is still alive.
Does the Foreign Secretary agree that one of the worst aspects of the actions of the Israeli authorities is the continual stripping away of the dignity of the Palestinian people in Jerusalem and the west bank? Only last week, the Greek Orthodox patriarch learned that, for the first time in history, Israeli authorities launched a property tax on Greek Orthodox churches. There was international outrage at the freezing of bank accounts. That has made a difference. Can this House and this Government stick up for the rights of the Palestinian people? Not even the Ottomans tried to impose a church tax.
I am grateful to the Father of the House for bringing to mind the situation in the west bank. Of course it is important that Israel has its full security, but the violence, the expansion, the denial of funds and the chilling effect on civil society are all of huge concern, which is why we fund and support organisations on the ground and work with civil society.
We are at a pivotal point in our defence procurement. Is the Minister engaging with allies like Morocco to use defence exports as a way to bolster trade relations?
My hon. Friend has extensive experience in defence and I am grateful to him for his question. During the UK-Morocco strategic dialogue in June, both sides agreed to deepen our defence industrial co-operation. I am glad that two memorandums of understanding between the UK and Morocco have since been signed thanks to the work of the Foreign Secretary.
It has now been some weeks since President Trump invited the leader of the Russian Federation to the United States of America. Since then, Putin has increased his assault on the civilian population of Ukraine and shown no sign whatsoever of reaching the ceasefire that was desired, so Trump’s initiative has failed. Will the Foreign Secretary use his visit to the United Nations next week to call again for real United States sanctions on Russia?
We applaud President Trump’s efforts to bring about a sustained and sustainable peace, and there are detailed discussions going on about security guarantees and what role the United States may play as a result of the summit, but our assessment is that Putin is not up to seriously negotiating. We condemn the killing and the loss of life that has continued, and the injuring of a security guard at the British Council.
We need to recognise that, due to climate change, conflict and population growth, forced and economic migration is only going to increase. My Committee will shortly publish a report on displaced people, covering both the drivers and possible solutions. I note with concern that Jordan—a country that houses many refugees—is receiving a 35% cut this year. Will the Foreign Secretary outline his strategy to keep people safe and economically viable in their own or host countries, and how that can be achieved with a dramatically reduced ODA budget?
I am very grateful for the work that my hon. Friend continues to do on her Select Committee to champion the cause of people across the world who are suffering. She will be pleased that climate remains a priority, notwithstanding the changes that we have had to make in our development spend. We recognise that climate often drives migration routes, so our very important upstream work has to continue.
Given communist China’s predictable support for the killer in the Kremlin’s campaign of murder and mayhem in Ukraine, why are the Government rewarding China with a super-embassy in London?
There is no reward. The right hon. Gentleman will recognise that this is a quasi-judicial process that must be approached properly. Under the Geneva convention, all countries are entitled to an embassy.
First, I pay tribute to my constituent Anne Strike for her constant campaigning for the eradication of polio. Sadly, we have seen cases of polio in warzones like Gaza. What is the Foreign Secretary doing to ensure that we eradicate this disease once and for all?
I thank my hon. Friend for his important question; polio is an issue not just in Gaza but in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Eradication is vital, and we are committed to an eradication campaign. We have helped 600,000 children and we will continue to work on this vital question, including in my region.
The Secretary of State reiterated the issue of the conditional recognition of the state of Palestine. If the Government want to do that, would it not be better equally to make it a condition that any future state of Palestine does not threaten the right of the state of Israel to exist, and that if anyone carries out terrorist actions from any future state, they will be handed over to the international authorities?
There have been important commitments about the future nature of any Palestinian state, including from President Abbas, who said that any such state would be demilitarised. There was absolute clarity in New York—where we made the announcement about the recognition decision—that Hamas can have no future role in Gaza and that a future Palestinian state must pose no threat to an Israeli state. Two states requires two states living in safety and security and posing no threat to each other.
I welcome the sanctions that the Government have put in place on the Israeli Government, as in their current form they are not a reliable or trusted partner. Has the Foreign Secretary ordered a review of the UK’s relationship with the Israeli Government over the last 13 months? If not, why not?
I set out the detail of the sanctions to which my hon. Friend refers, and the Foreign Secretary has announced a review of some of the elements of our bilateral co-operation with Israel, including a number of steps in relation to free trade agreements and so on.
I am grateful for the leadership that the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the Middle East showed over the summer in their visit to Syria and in engaging with the Syrian Government, especially on the violence that took place in Suwayda. As UK special envoy for freedom of religion or belief, I was particularly worried to see that the violence especially affected the Druze and Christian minorities in that country. What more can we do to work with the Syrian Government to ensure that they protect all their citizens, regardless of their religion?
My hon. Friend asks a vital question, which I raised directly with the Syrian Minister of Justice and the Syrian Foreign Minister last week. The violence—in coastal regions, targeting Alawites, and in Suwayda in the south, targeting Druze and others—was deeply concerning. The Syrians have conducted an investigation relatively independently in relation to the violence at the coast. I called on them, as the Foreign Secretary has done before, to do everything they can to ensure that minorities in the new Syria feel safe and protected by the Syrian Government.
Despite the strategic dialogue referred to by the Foreign Secretary, the Government have decided to veto the UK-Morocco power project, so what are they doing in practical terms to maintain the momentum in our relationship created by the association agreement signed with Morocco in 2019?
There was no veto. It is right that the Government look at all projects through a value-for-money lens. I was very pleased to be in Morocco, I remain engaged with its Foreign Minister, and I will build on that strategic visit. There is much to do over the coming months.
I was pleased to read that the Government are finally taking steps to rejoin the Erasmus+ programme—something for which the Liberal Democrats have been calling for some time. Will the Minister now set out a timetable mandate and expected terms for UK reassociation with that programme?
I do not want to go into the details. We are involved in many different discussions with the European Union following our historic summit on 19 May. I attended the Gymnich with Foreign Ministers in Denmark last weekend. We are progressing this alongside the Paymaster General and Minister for the Cabinet Office, and we will provide details in due course.
Save the Children reports that 61% of pregnant women and new mothers in Gaza were malnourished in early August: a sharp rise linked to the blockade and health system collapse. Will the Government consider enabling the medical transfer of pregnant women needing specialist care to the UK and outline their strategy for supporting Gaza’s long-term recovery, stability and maternity health? These children are the future of the two-state solution.
My hon. Friend is right, as was my hon. Friend the Member for Luton North (Sarah Owen), to raise the fate of pregnant women in Gaza, and indeed of those who have recently given birth. I am happy to meet her to discuss these issues in greater detail.