Commons Chamber

Monday 18th May 2026

(began 3 weeks, 2 days ago)

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14:33
None Portrait Issue of Writ
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Order, Order, order. Order, order. Kirsty Order, order. Kirsty Blackman.

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Mr. speaker, my two colleagues have been elected to Scotland's national Parliament, and so this is national Parliament, and so this is a bittersweet task for me here. I beg to move that, Mr. Speaker, do issue his warrant to the clerk of issue his warrant to the clerk of the Crown to make out a new writ for the electing of a member to serve in this present Parliament serve in this present Parliament for the Borough constituency of Aberdeen South, in the room of Stephen Flynn, who, since his Stephen Flynn, who, since his election for the said Borough constituency, has been appointed to the office of Steward and Bailiff of His Majesty's Manor of I.



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The question is that I do issue my warrant to the clerk of the Crown to make out the new writ for the electing of the member to serve the electing of the member to serve in the present Parliament for the Borough constituency of Aberdeen South, in the room of Stephen Flynn, who, since his election for the said Borough constituency, has been said Borough constituency, has been appointed to the office of Steward and Bailiff, His Majesty's Manor of Northstead, in the County of York.

Northstead, in the County of York. As many of that opinion say, I. I think the ayes have it. The ayes have it. I never thought it would represent a Yorkshire constituency

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in England. Kirsty Blackman. I beg to move that, Mr. Speaker, do issue his warrant to the clerk do issue his warrant to the clerk of new route for the election of a member route for the election of a member to serve in this present agency of Arbroath and Broughty Ferry, in the room of Stephen Patrick Gettins, room of Stephen Patrick Gettins, who, since his election for the said county constituency, has been appointed to the Office of Steward appointed to the Office of Steward and Bailiff of His Majesty's Three Chiltern, hundreds of Stoke, Desborough and Burnham in the

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County of Buckingham. The question is that I do wish you my warrant to the clerk of the you my warrant to the clerk of the Crown to make out the new writ. The electing of the member to serve in the present Parliament for the the present Parliament for the county constituency of Arbroath and Broughty Ferry, in the room of Stephen Patrick Gethins, who, since Stephen Patrick Gethins, who, since his election for the said county constituency, has been appointed to the office of Steward and Bailiff of His Majesty's Three Chiltern, hundreds of Stoke, Desborough and Burnham in the County of Buckingham.

As many of that opinion say, I. I think the ayes have it. The ayes have it. Even farther south for an English constituency right. We now come to private business. Motion to be moved, sir. Mark Tami the question is on the Order Paper, as
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David Lammy Portrait Rt Hon David Lammy MP, The Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice (Tottenham, Labour)
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Yeah, yeah, yeah. >> Yeah, yeah, yeah. >> Well, I'm very grateful, Mr. Speaker, with permission I'd like to make a statement on the youth justice system in England and Wales. Today I'm publishing a white paper with a once in a generation set of reforms to build a youth justice system that intervenes early, that responds more effectively and does more to turn young lives around so that we can better protect the public. And for this, I'm very grateful to the Member for Rother Valley and before him, the Member for Scunthorpe, for all their hard work in getting us to this point.

Over the past two decades, the number of children entering the youth justice system and detained in custody has fallen dramatically. This progress is the result of a real cross-party consensus, a modern new justice system that begun under Tony Blair's government and was continued by Lord Cameron, who famously said he would hug a hoodie during his time as Prime Minister who with Lord Gove, asked me to carry out the Lammy review. But this success has brought a new challenge.

Our justice system is now working with significantly fewer but significantly more vulnerable young people at significantly higher risk. Most begin their journey into crime long before they come to the attention of the police, their lives shaped by instability, by trauma, and often by neglect. The kind of childhood that most of us in this house could barely imagine. Some grow up surrounded by violence, addiction and abuse. Others are moved endlessly around children's homes or foster care placements, never staying in one place long enough for the stability to feel safe, let alone the love and care that would enable them to really thrive.

All are factors which make them more likely to end up in the justice system. And when we fail to intervene early enough, the consequences can be devastating for those children, of course, but for the victims also and for entire communities. Because, Mr. Speaker, around 80% of prolific adult offenders first enter the justice system as children. The risk children face have also changed. Of course, today's children are navigating online harms, criminal grooming through social media and exposure to extremist content.

Too often, the system has struggled, frankly, to keep pace. Opportunities to intervene are missed. Warning signs go unnoticed, and agencies do not consistently share information. This means children can slip through the cracks between services, which of course risks escalation, and responsibility between those agencies becomes blurred. The lessons emerging from the Southport inquiry following the tragic murders of three young children by Axel Rudi Cabana, a violent 17 year old who was known to authorities, are a terrible reminder of what can happen when systems are not sufficiently coordinated, not sufficiently decisive in the face of escalating concerns.

We must learn those lessons and also strike the right balance. The system must recognise that they are still developing and that most have huge capacity to change. We should not over criminalise, but at the same time, avoiding criminalisation must never mean overlooking risk or failing to act. Benign. Neglect, however well-intentioned, is still neglect where behaviour causes harm. Timely, proportionate and effective intervention is essential to protect the public and support children to change course. That principle is reflected throughout this White Paper.

First, we will intervene earlier, investing an additional £46 million over the next three years in our turnaround programme, which is already showing promising results in diverting children away from crime and by strengthening join up with other programs that support children on the cusp of offending. We'll also strengthen and expand the use of parenting orders, which can compel parents to address their child's behaviour, including attending counselling or guidance sessions, and if they do not act, they will face penalties and we will deliver on our manifesto commitment to introduce an offence of child criminal exploitation.

Building on the work carried out by others, including, of course, Baroness May placing the focus where it belongs on the adults who groom, the adults who coerce, the adults who profit from exploiting children. And through the new diversion orders, we will tackle the increasing number of young people who commit terrorism offences, allowing agencies to intervene before that risk escalates. Mr. speaker, where offending does happen, we will make sure children get the right response at the right time. Diversion must be firm, fair and effective.

We will fundamentally reform the youth out of court resolution framework to improve consistency and public confidence, so children receive interventions that genuinely address their behaviour and cut crime. We will also pilot problem solving, youth intervention courts, laser focussed on rehabilitation and prevention. They bring together judges, youth workers, specialist support to tackle the root causes of offending, whether mental ill health, school absence, addiction or exploitation, while still demanding accountability from young offenders. Of course, Mr. Speaker, custody will always be necessary for the most dangerous offences.

But for many children, even a short spell inside can deepen their problems, exposing them to more violence and criminal influence. So we're setting an ambition to cut the number of children remanded into custody by 25% over this Parliament, alongside an intention to reduce the use of short custodial sentences, which so often are ineffective. With more than two thirds of children going on to reoffend. Instead, we'll invest £5 million in intensive community placements and stronger bail support, protecting the public while giving children a genuine chance to change course.

Mr. speaker, we will also reform the childhood criminal records regime, because the mistakes made at 13 should not become a life sentence of closed doors and lost chances, not least where this prevents young people from getting a job. A crucial factor in helping offenders turn their lives around. And we will carefully consider the age of criminal responsibility in this country, which currently sits at just ten years old. This bill reflects modern understanding of childhood vulnerability and development. We'll also strengthen local youth justice services so they're better equipped to meet the needs of today's children.

We will soon set out detailed proposals for a new approach to youth justice, oversight and funding arrangements, so that children receive consistently high quality support wherever they live. This includes reforming the Youth Justice Board to sharpen its focus on continuous improvement of local services, and transform some key board functions to the Ministry of Justice so that Ministers are fully accountable for how the system performs. And while I've been clear that custody will, where appropriate, be necessary for public safety, we will take further action to improve safety and education across the youth estate while setting a clear, long term direction of travel away from large, outdated institutions towards smaller settings that can better rehabilitate children.

Mr. speaker, this White Paper is also about fairness. Not all children in our justice system are equal. Those in care are still far more likely to be drawn into the system. Black children remain vastly overrepresented. Some 22% of the youth custodial population, compared to just 6% of 10 to 17 year olds, but also as victims themselves, being around six times more likely to be victims of homicide. I warned about this disproportionality when David Cameron asked me to do the Lammy review nearly a decade ago.

The fact it still persists today should shame us all. These reforms begin to address that building a system that's fairer and more consistent. Mr. speaker, that is not a choice between punishment and rehabilitation. It's about what works protecting the public, cutting reoffending and stopping vulnerable children, so often victims themselves from becoming tomorrow's dangerous adult offenders. This government will do whatever it takes to give more children the chance of a better future and to keep the British public safe.

I commend this statement to the House.
14:47
Nick Timothy Portrait Nick Timothy MP (West Suffolk, Conservative)
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Nick Timothy thank you, Mr. Speaker. We are. It's obvious now in the legacy hunting stage of this government, less a range of government, less a range of exhausted volcanoes, more a row of trampled molehills. Ministers are desperate to be remembered for something. This morning a word cloud was published by the pollsters at More in Common, the public was asked for the Prime Minister's greatest achievement, emblazoned across the page in huge capital letters was the sad word nothing. But today's announcement is a fitting tribute to the Justice Secretary and his predecessor.

So desperate are they to find the causes of crime. They sometimes forget that their job is to prevent and punish crime itself. The truth is, Labour just don't have it in their DNA to be tough on crime. They've let 60,000 criminals out of jail early. They're abolishing short term sentences. So almost all shoplifters and the majority of criminals will no longer be sent to prison. And they're pretending they're doing these things because they have to, but they're doing them because they want to.

The prisons Ministers says only a third of prisoners should be locked up. The sentencing Ministers says a pretty big chunk of the overall population shouldn't be in prison. And today's announcement is more of the same. So I have some specific questions for the right hon. Gentleman. He wants to increase the age of criminal responsibility to reflect a modern understanding of childhood vulnerability and development, from smoking bans to voting rights. This government has a confused view of childhood. So what should be the age of criminal responsibility? With the wave of sexual and violent crime committed by illegal immigrants, many of whom pretend to be children, can he guarantee that these people will not escape justice a second time by faking their real age to the police? The government says it will review the function and purpose of criminal courts for child defendants, but the purpose of a criminal court is obvious it's to try criminals.

So can the Justice Secretary rule out abolishing criminal trials for under 18 seconds? The government also says it wants to end lifelong disclosure requirements for the under 18 seconds. Can he guarantee that those requirements will still apply for those guilty of violent crime and prolific offenders? The government says it will slash custodial remand for young offenders by a quarter, but remand should be used in response to need, not arbitrary targets. So what is his alternative? Will he just send criminals home and will he stick to this target regardless of the level of violent crime and repeat offending? The government wants more parenting orders.

But this morning the Justice Secretary said they are not used much at the moment because all judges can do to enforce them is issue a fine. He was unclear on this question. So will Ministers who don't comply face jail? The figures you were asked. The right hon. Gentleman was asked on the radio this morning whether parents who do not comply will face custodial sentences themselves, and he fudged that question, so I'm asking him to answer it now. The figures should. The figures show young repeat offenders often start with theft and move on to drug offences and violence.

Yet the government's big idea is to stop punishing swathes of crimes committed by under 18 seconds. The gangs who swarmed shops to steal goods in places like Oxford Street, Ilford and Clapham, do not need to be put on a course. They need clear punishment and that can include prison. Mr. speaker, the results of soft touch liberalism are visible in towns and cities up and down the country. Yet. Yet the changes the Justice Secretary is announcing today risk amounting to more of the same.

This is a big call. And if youth crime goes up as a result, it will be on this government.
14:51
David Lammy Portrait Rt Hon David Lammy MP, The Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice (Tottenham, Labour)
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Well, Mr. Speaker, the Tories have a mixed record when it comes have a mixed record when it comes to youth justice and keeping young people out of criminality. We people out of criminality. We should remember their cuts to local authority spending saw a huge fall in council services for young people, about 70% in real terms. A billion was lost whilst they were in power. This led to the closure of many youth clubs, a reduction to outreach work which was vital to keeping those young people on the right track.

Youth workers completely undermined all that early intervention work, stopped an entire generation sacrificed at the altar of austerity, they all say, and the Member for West Suffolk will know about this because he was right at the driving wheel of this. They cut 20,000 police officers, 7000 PCSOs, leading to a collapse in visible neighbourhood policing and on their watch over. And this is this is this this really is just he really should listen to this on their watch. Over a thousand Sure Start centres closed early intervention demolished on their watch.

But I said it was a mixed record because there was a fall in the number of first time entrants into the youth justice system. It peaked at around 110 000 back in 2007, but it had fallen to just 7500 whilst they were in office in 2023. When they entered government, there were around 2000 children in youth custody. By the end of their tenure, it had fallen to just over a thousand. These were great achievements. It's interesting that the hon.

Gentleman doesn't want to celebrate those achievements that begun under my David Cameron and Michael Gove. He asks about the age of criminal responsibility. He will know the Bar Council is consulting on this issue, and I look forward to receiving the conclusions of their work. He's asked about foreign national offenders. It's. We're absolutely clear in this consultation that we will look at those 16 and 17 year olds that arrive in our country from somewhere else, commit a violent crime.

I'm afraid they'll be deported. We're really clear about that. And we've driven up deportation in our country. He asks about whether we are abolishing the youth court, whether we are abolishing the criminal standard. Of course we're not, but we are consulting on youth intervention courts because just as we've seen in the family area, in our courts, problem solving approaches gripping the young person, gripping their parents, gripping those that work with them, looking at the addiction issues that sit there looking at mental health, giving them support, holding the multidisciplinary teams to account can really make a difference.

And we stand by that. He asks about young people on remand. We want to recruit the new generation of specialist foster carers. Much better to have a responsible, loving adult. We used to have them, they abolish them, we want to bring them back and grow them so we can support these young people. A range of things that we can do in this white paper, and I encourage him to read it in detail, because a lot of his predecessors would agree with him.

It's a good work and we need to get on with it.
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14:56
Jess Brown-Fuller Portrait Jess Brown-Fuller MP (Chichester, Liberal Democrat)
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Liberal Democrat spokesperson Jess Brown-Fuller. Government's White Paper represents a truly critical opportunity to transform the youth justice system and, importantly, reduce lifetime and, importantly, reduce lifetime offending. We know that most offenders in our prisons today are repeat offenders, and that persistent offending often begins early in life, with 8 in 10 prolific offenders in England and Wales committing their first crime as a child. So we must stop this chain of escalation, and the earlier we intervene, the better. Nowhere is this more applicable than for children in care.

Those from ethnic minorities and those with special educational needs who are disproportionately represented in the justice system. Will the Ministers set out how this overhaul will ensure that these children, given their specific vulnerabilities, will receive the targeted support that they so desperately need? And can I take the opportunity to highlight the great work of the organisation, shift and encourage the Deputy Prime Minister to engage with them? Because I do believe that their model could be rolled out across the the country before these young people even commit their first crime.

Education for young offenders can be a crucial step in diverting them from a path. To reoffending, we're pleased that the Children's Commissioner will undertake a review into education in RYO. But can the Justice Secretary ensure that this will take into account 80% of young people sentenced, have special educational needs and make sure that the support that they're getting in those institutes is fit for purpose. Mr. speaker, the Youth Justice Board provides vital, independent oversight of the youth justice system. Yet the government has chosen not to act on the report it commissioned from Steve Crocker, instead bringing a number of its functions more directly within the remit of the Ministry of Justice.

What is the purpose of these reforms? What benefit will they gain from bringing it in-house, and will the Justice Secretary address the concerns across the sector that they risk reducing specialist experience and weakening independent accountability? And finally, will the Ministers set out how the use of parenting orders will affect the recruitment of foster parents, those being asked to take on special guardianship orders or or kinship arrangements, or those considering adoption. And if they won't apply to those families, how will they be supported effectively to ensure that it doesn't lead to further family breakdowns and more children ending up in the care system?
14:58
David Lammy Portrait Rt Hon David Lammy MP, The Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice (Tottenham, Labour)
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Yeah. Lady for the manner in which she puts her remarks and her understanding that we have seen understanding that we have seen this revolving door, that two thirds of children and young people released from custody are going on to reoffend, and we've got to do something about it, and that many of those young people are extremely vulnerable. Thank her for mentioning the cohort of young people, way too many who are within the care system. And I'm very grateful that the Ministers for care is alongside me and takes a huge interest in the work that we do together as departments to deal with this area.

She raises young people who are adopted. She knows that I'm a parent of an adopted child. I take these issues extremely seriously. And she's right. We are looking in totality at the way that parenting orders have worked. She will recognise that there must be something going wrong. If the amount of parenting orders that were issued over the last decade have fallen from over 1000 to just 33 last year. So we've got to look at it in the round and ensure that our judges have the right tools to support parents and guardians over this next period.

She raises the reforms we're making to the Youth Justice Board. It's still the case. If you look across the country that there's a postcode lottery and we've got to eliminate that postcode lottery also because of online harms, because of grooming, because of mental health, because of neurodiversity. And I was in Feltham recently and I saw the good work that they're doing with young people who are neurodiverse. It is important that the department itself, working with our colleagues in DCFs, working with our colleagues at health, do bring some of these powers back to the centre so we can get coherence across the country and end that postcode lottery.

Very great.
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Sarah Pochin Portrait Sarah Pochin MP (Runcorn and Helsby, Reform UK)
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Sarah Pochin thank you, Mr. Speaker. My 20 years experience in the courts has watched a change in attitude from young people. There is no respect anymore for the is no respect anymore for the courts when they walk into the courtroom. There is no fear of the police, and prison sentences are no longer a deterrent, or whether it's young offenders institutes because they're simply not given out. When you're in court, you very rarely see any parents in support for lots of different reasons, often because these children are always neglected, whether it's through parents already battling alcohol or drugs themselves, or financial issues out at work, or whether it's children in care system that's letting them down.

I visited care homes where I know they let youngsters below age go out at night and prostitute themselves, because nobody could keep an eye on them, nobody could control them. So the care system fails these kids too. But what I witnessed in places like Runcorn and Helsby, my constituency still now are kids that are going out in gangs subject to organised crime

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gangs. They need opportunities. They need apprenticeships. One of us is going to give way.

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One of us is going to give way. It's not going to be me. No. Order. Order, please sit down immediately. In this question. I'm going to get everybody in. If you want to put a statement in adjournment. I'm sure statement in adjournment. I'm sure there's many other ways, but you can't just hog the whole of this debate. So.

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This is one of the few occasions I think ever that I've agreed with the hon. Lady on the context for
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None Portrait Debate on the Address: Continuation of the debate on the King’s Speech on backing business to create economic growth
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the Humble Address be presented to His Majesty as on the Order Paper. I now call the Secretary of State,

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Peter Kyle. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I heard your your call for decency and respect, and I hope that that will
15:36
Peter Kyle Portrait Rt Hon Peter Kyle MP, Secretary of State for Business and Trade (Hove and Portslade, Labour)
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be the watchwords for the debate as it unfolds today. Mr. speaker, my it unfolds today. Mr. speaker, my right hon. Friend the Chancellor is with her G7 colleagues today, so I'm grateful for the opportunity to I'm grateful for the opportunity to open the King's Speech debate on backing British business to create economic growth. It is economic growth for a purpose, not simply to exceed the growth rate of other European members of the G7 achieved in the last year, not simply to have the highest growth rate in the G7, which we achieved in the last quarter, not simply to deliver on the government's primary mission, but for the purpose of achieving greater social justice for all.

Economic growth is the surest path to having higher living standards, improved public services and better quality of life for people up and down our country. Mr. speaker, we know that economic growth is the catalyst for new opportunities, the pathway to greater prosperity, and the vehicle for greater equality and security for working people. That is why it matters so much. The growth figures published last week show that despite the many international headwinds, the UK economy grew by 0.6% in the last quarter, the fastest growth among G7 countries.

Silence over there. I would have thought the. The party that champions Britain and calls for economic growth would be celebrating economic growth when they see it. But no silence, silence, silence. And it is much better than we inherited from that side, continuing to exceed the forecast of the doom and gloom mongers on the benches opposite in the right wing media, and even beating market expectations in government, the party opposite and their strangely related first cousins reform let down Britain's economic future.

Now in opposition, they talk down Britain's economic present, and you can bet your bottom dollar that they will do so again today. Ignoring the facts. The facts are the UK experienced the highest GDP growth among European countries in the G7 last year. Just today, the IMF have upgraded the UK growth forecast and the IMF forecasts that the UK is projected to have the fastest cumulative growth among European G7 economies over 2026 and 2027. None of this happened by accident.

Just like the damage done to the economy by the Tories. Didn't happen by

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accident, I give way. To GDP per capita is down. And can he tell me that a single one of

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can he tell me that a single one of his constituents, apart from those on welfare, feel better off under this government? Yeah.

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Yeah. Well, the whole purpose of this debate is that economic growth matters. In the last year, in the matters. In the last year, in the last full year that they were in last full year that they were in office, economic growth 0.4% in the first full year of this government, 1.4%, zero 1.4%. Economic growth matters. That's the purpose of this debate. And she should be apologising for the state in which she left the economy for us to pick up the pieces.

The growth has been driven by an activist, interventionist government that backs British business, by a government that isn't afraid to roll up its sleeves and make the big calls when big times demand from Jaguar Land Rover in the West Midlands to Ineos in Scotland, Margarita's in the southwest, Tata Steel in Wales and Harland and Wolff across the United Kingdom. We step in to invest, modernise and protect British industry when necessary. We step back by reducing unnecessary regulation when possible and we step up to modernise our critical national economic infrastructure where vital, supporting the third runway in Heathrow, that party opposite curtailed expanding the Oxford-cambridge corridor.

The party opposite hesitated, backing the Northern Powerhouse Rail, while the party opposite cancelled. This government has confirmed £45 billion of funding for Northern Powerhouse Rail to upgrade lines east of the Pennines and along

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forward a brand new route connecting Liverpool and Manchester. I give way. Thank you for giving way.

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Thank you for giving way. That was that was a great list, but something missing from that list was the oil and gas sector, specifically the £17 billion of investment that was lost by the government, not scrapping the EPL and the £50 billion of investment because of their ban on new licences and other hostile policies. Will you reflect on these and actually the damage that the

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government is doing to growth in the north east of Scotland, but also the UK as a whole? Yeah.

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This government has invested in industry up and down the country from Akritas in the southwest. from Akritas in the southwest. We're investing in Gigafactories to Ineos in Scotland. We are investing Ineos in Scotland. We are investing in the industries that are keeping our country going and we have got growth into the economy. I give way.

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growth into the economy. I give way. To the Secretary of State. He was kind enough to mention Harlow Wolf, and successive governments have put in place a number of support measures and ensured that that company can thrive itself. But in taking at face value what he has said, does he recognise that if this government continues to refuse to designate Project Euston as a defence project and opens it to international tender, then not only will they not support British business and yards like Arnold Wolf, but the project will be three years delayed if he wants to inject business growth and economic growth, then he should designate it as a UK defence project and keep the work

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and the investment in the UK. I'm grateful for his intervention. He knows full well intervention. He knows full well the commitment that I personally have to Northern Ireland and its economic success. All of the issues economic success. All of the issues relating to national resilience are things that we have to consider in this moment in time, unlike any other moment in time. In peacetime. These are issues I look at very closely in the days and weeks ahead, I'll be talking a lot more about how we can support industry and business across Northern Ireland.

I

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give way. Jim Shannon Mr Speaker. First of all, can I commend the Ministers of State for for what he's saying? And since he's a regular visitor to Northern Ireland, which I know he is, and he does it which I know he is, and he does it because he loves the country and we appreciate that. And thank you very much. The Federation of Small Businesses highlights that over Businesses highlights that over half of the enterprises trading between Great Britain and Northern Ireland face severe friction, with over a third halting trade entirely.

over a third halting trade entirely. So what can the state do to explicitly outline how the proposed regulations for growth Bill can actually help? That Federation of Small Businesses in Northern Ireland is committed to this. Everybody's got to say thank you.

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Yes, I'm aware of those issues from opposition into government. And of course, rebuilding the And of course, rebuilding the relationship with the EU is also partly about smoothing that barrier across the Irish Sea, and we will continue to do so. Now. We're also building the critical national economic infrastructure that the party opposite consistently failed party opposite consistently failed to deliver on runways, on reservoirs and on railways. Just as reservoirs and on railways. Just as we modernise Britain's critical national economic infrastructure, we are maximising Britain's industrial strength by delivering our modern industrial strategy.

Written for business with business, our strategy creates the right conditions for business to succeed. Since its publication, we have been tackling the high costs of energy. Our supercharger saves firms hundreds of millions of pounds every year, and our British Industrial Competitiveness Scheme will help over 10,000 eligible manufacturing businesses, saving them £40 per megawatt hour from next April. I am very aware of the challenges that ceramics sector faces too. I am meeting with representatives of the sector tomorrow to discuss how government might be able to support the sector, and hope to be able to say more about that very soon, through to cut the red tape, holding back British British businesses back.

We are ending mandatory strategic reports for medium sized companies and ending director's reports on businesses of all sizes, saving firms £230 million each and every year. We are stripping out unnecessary rules and regulations through the regulation for growth Bill announced in the King's Speech. We will create regulatory sandboxes, economic growth laboratories where innovators can trial cutting edge technologies safely and speedily, where the party opposite with their destructive ideology of deliberate deindustrialisation, from monetarist Thatcherism to Brexit isolationism, drove British manufacturing businesses to the wall and destroyed the jobs that depend on them.

This government is determined to maximise the UK's competitive advantage, not just through reindustrialisation, though that is necessary but through new industrialisation, in advanced manufacturing, in clean energy, in artificial intelligence and new technology. That is why we have rolled out new AI growth zones and confirm the site of the UK's first small modular reactor, a milestone

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on the journey to becoming a clean energy superpower. I give way. The Ministers for giving way and

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The Ministers for giving way and he was talking about deregulation, but does he not accept that adding 330 pages worth of employment 330 pages worth of employment rights bill at a cost of £1 billion to the economy, is having the opposite effect, and which is why opposite effect, and which is why that the youth unemployment in my constituency has gone up by 28% in

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just one year. Yes. I am grateful that he has given me the opportunity to point out that in my department, the overall net regulatory burden is reducing, not expanding. And and I will not I will not stand here in front of the Tories and apologise for giving new rights to workers for the age that we are living in. They failed for an entire period in office for 14 years to make sure that people have the protections and the rights in work that are fit for the age that we are living in.

We can move forward with growth in the economy. That takes forward businesses and the people who work in businesses that is to be celebrated, not condemned. Like the Tories. I give way.

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Right, hon. Gentleman. And quite reasonably setting out the assertions around where he wants assertions around where he wants this government to go. But does he not see the irony, after all the not see the irony, after all the events of last week, where the cost of borrowing is growing higher and of borrowing is growing higher and higher than many of our competitors, and the instability that all and the instability that all business leaders say they feel that his words today won't ring very true to those people who seriously wonder about the future direction of this government, with putative leadership contenders talking about fundamental changes in directions

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with different fiscal rules. He mentions irony from the party that gave us the Liz Truss mini Budget that wreaked havoc on our economy. That meant mortgages went economy. That meant mortgages went up for every mortgage holder across the country, inflation peaking at 12%. And they talk about instability. This country still lives with the instability that they wreaked on our country. Now, I made a major expansion of drive 35 is channelling investments into batteries, electric motors and power electronics, part of the biggest government investment in British car industry since the Second World War.

Invest, modernise and protect the watchwords for new. The new industrialisation of Britain with our biggest industries, in our biggest sectors and for our boldest companies. I give way.

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Hon. Friend, for giving way. He talks about deregulation. We've seen where. Deregulation has led to in the

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Deregulation has led to in the finance sector, in the banking sector, in the water industry, consumers end up paying the price. consumers end up paying the price. And he talked about AI, Stephen Hawking, speaking way back in 2014, Hawking, speaking way back in 2014, said cautioned us and I quote, the development of full artificial intelligence could spell the end of intelligence could spell the end of the human race. So why does this government believe that deregulating AI is going to assist with its growth mission instead, and put consumer lives and the human race at risk.



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From that? Is investing in AI infrastructure, but also making sure the regulatory and legislative landscape is up to date for the landscape is up to date for the time that we're living in. What he wants to do is turn the clock back. AI is a technology that is a AI is a technology that is a washing the world. We can't stop it coming to our country. We can shape how it interacts with our economy how it interacts with our economy and its people.

That's why we are investing in the training of 7.5 million people throughout the million people throughout the economy, a million students, to make sure we can seize the opportunities that AI presents, but make sure that we protect people from the damages that could be there, and not just are we creating the conditions for the new industrialisation. We are ambitious for the success of Britain's small businesses. Our programme Backing Your Business Plan is one of the most generous packages of support rolled out by any government.

With new hospitality zones. We are, we are and reduced red tape for bars and cafes. We've brought in an £11 billion lending package to help small firms grow internationally, to take advantage of the trade agreements that we have negotiated with India, South Korea and the United States. And, Mr. Speaker, be warned this might trigger the other side, but we are going to deepen the Britain's trading relationship with the European Union, Britain's most significant international market place. That's what our European Partnership bill is all about.

I think somebody I give way.

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And I, I absolutely welcome the. Deepening relationship. With the EU.

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And the measures on the late payments. But the elephant in. The room. Is that while the jobs tax.

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Is that while the jobs tax. Exists and the changes and the government hasn't made the most of the business rate changes in retail, the business rate changes in retail, hospitality and leisure, the benefit to small businesses is more than outweighed by the extra difficulties those small businesses difficulties those small businesses are facing. Will the Ministers accept that there does need to be changes on that front, even if we

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have to wait to the Budget for it? Yeah. I'm grateful. Once again, the

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I'm grateful. Once again, the Lib Dems condemn every fundraising measure that we have brought in to measure that we have brought in to invest in our public services in order to make, get get our country back on its feet. But they never back on its feet. But they never say how they will pay for the alternative. Never say how they will raise it the money themselves. So I'm not going to apologise for any of these measures, and I will come to the investment that we have made in small businesses and in hospitality in a moment, and I will give way with her again if she wants to at the time.

But can she please just say what the alternative is from her perspective? Because the Lib Dems, they want to spend, they want to spend all the money in the world, but they don't want to tell people how it is now. The lending commitment that we have secured. The UK's five lending banks will support Britain's small businesses to succeed and to prosper. Our business rate support packages worth £4.3 billion to protect ratepayers from seeing large overnight increases in bills. We've introduced permanently lower monthly multipliers for retail, hospitality leisure properties worth nearly £1 billion a year and benefiting over three quarters of a million properties.

I know that many businesses, particularly in hospitality sector and retail, would like us to go further. I get that they are impacted by changes in the shopping and social habits of their customers, as well as the financial and geopolitical pressures in the wider economy. We are absolutely aware and attuned to that. But the crocodile tears from the party opposite about these industries is laughable and lamentable. They are the party that urged us to join the costly military action in the Gulf, and they will.

That will heap further pressure on hospitality and other sectors throughout the economy. It is not our war, but the party opposite would make. Would make

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British businesses and consumers pay the price. I give way. I thank the Ministers for giving

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I thank the Ministers for giving way. He talks about crocodile tears. What would he say to the hospitality industries in my constituency who have been impacted constituency who have been impacted by the national Insurance contributions rise, the minimum wage rise and the business rates that you just talked so effusively about, what message would he give to them as they struggle to deal with the outcome of that Budget?

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Well. Well, unfortunately, none of them were just listening to the words that I just said outlining the measures we are taking, but also also the admittance that we get it and we are listening. But fundamentally and foundationally, what they need is what every business in this country needs a growing economy. The last year they were in office 0.4%, the first year in this office of this government, 1.4%. That's what every business needs across the country. And when it comes to specific sectors or specific moments in time, we are watching and we are attuned, and I am acting where necessary.

Mr. speaker, when the hon. Gentleman opposite addresses the House on that, and so much more, I am certain that he will. He will display all of the symptoms of the economic illiteracy and ideological incompetence that for too long has engulfed the party opposite. By contrast, Mr. Speaker, we are taking practical action to end these conditions. We are bringing in new measures to tackle late payments. The Small Business Protections (Late Payments) Bill Bill will give the UK the strongest legal framework in the entire G7.

Late payments cost the UK economy £11 billion a year, forcing the closure of 38 businesses every single day. And for 14 years it was the same with them and they did nothing. The bill tackles the scourge of late payments, brings in stronger powers for small business. Commissioner sets out strict maximum payment terms of 60 days and bans the deduction of of rent renditions in construction contracts. The FSB has said that tackling late payments is one of the biggest things that government can do to help small businesses grow.

That's the difference. And activist, interventionist Labour government makes. Finally, let me turn to another example of that difference. The ghost of free market Thatcherism still haunts many of the industrial areas of this country. It can be seen in the scars of deindustrialisation still marking to many communities around our country. It is high time to exorcise the ghost of deindustrialisation. When I publish that, when I publish the steel strategy. Last month, I told this House I would never hesitate to fight for British industry in defence of the national interest.

The legislation we are bringing forward is proof positive of that

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commitment. I give way to my hon. The grateful. To my right hon. Friend. Sorry. Forgive me. I shouldn't call him that. He'll be embarrassed, but I'm very grateful to the right hon. Member for his point about the Member for his point about the steel industry. He's understandably, he's chosen to support one particular aspect of industry the particular aspect of industry the steel maker, and to the expense and to the cost of every other steel industry, the steel consumers. How industry, the steel consumers.

How is he going to balance that, and what provision is he going to put in for those who are going to see

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their steel prices rise because of his intervention? Exactly. I'm grateful for his

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I'm grateful for his intervention. I have committed to invest, to modernise and to protect invest, to modernise and to protect where I need to the steel industry. These are watchwords that I apply throughout the economy in highly throughout the economy in highly volatile times, investing up to £2.5 billion to modernise and transform the steel sector. From blast furnaces to electric arc furnaces. These are the kinds of transformations we need to do now. If I had invested that money, but not also protected our sector, that would be pouring vast amounts of public public money straight down the drain.

In certain circumstances, I have had to step in and use measures to protect the domestic British industry. I am not putting measures on any products which are not manufactured in the UK. I am doing so wisely. I'm doing so in order to protect and make sure we can build and retain a steel industry that is fit for the future and sustainable. These are the ways that we will move forward and make sure that in an era of global instability, we have the key aspects of our supply chain that we need for our resilience as a nation.

Yes in defence, yes in industry, and yes, in all of the money. We are investing in infrastructure and we must preserve that capabilities. I am listening and engaging with all parts of the steel sector and those manufacturers and those businesses which depend on it. I'm listening closely to them. If there are any impacts, then of course I will be engaging with them to understand it and see how it would be possible, where necessary, to support. No, I'm going to carry on, but thank you very much.

I appreciate the kind offer to come in again and again, but I look forward to all, all of your your speeches, their speeches, the steel, the steel industry nationalisation bill will give us the authority to bring British Steel into public ownership, not as an ideological exercise, but as a practical means of safeguarding the national interest. It will allow us to retain the Scunthorpe plant as a critical piece of our national infrastructure, one that is essential to British economic resilience. Britain has long been a proud steelmaking nation.

Whatever I have to do to make it so, Britain will retain its capacity and capability to manufacture steel. This is my commitment to hon. Members in this House and to the remaining steel communities of our country. The steel the strength of that commitment can be measured in our determination to boost domestic steel production, to ensure that 50% of our steel used here is made here. Mr. speaker, Britain can not, cannot make its way in the world as a services only economy.

We have to make our way, earn our way to greater prosperity, equality, security and opportunity. We can't do that by economic isolationism. We can't do it by neoliberalism, greater protectionism, nor a command economy. We cannot regulate our way to prosperity. We can only achieve it through practical and pragmatic policies that support British businesses to be profitable, to scale up, to create jobs, and to grow. We have to end the outdated free market ideologies, failed economic theories and siren voices that all but destroyed Britain's manufacturing base and drove the British public towards Brexit.

Britain's future prosperity can only be built by business success. There is no other way, no shortcut, no easy option, no magic bullet, no matter how attractive and and simplistic slogans and superficial soundbites may appear to some, I

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give way. For giving way. He's making a wonderful speech

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He's making a wonderful speech about the 1980s, and whilst I agree with him on many of the points he's making, the truth today is this country's come a long way in all sorts of sectors, and I'm proud to have done my bit on it. I want to ask about regulation. He, I know agrees with me that actually leadership in regulating the new industry sandboxes test beds is a industry sandboxes test beds is a great UK strength. He also wants us to get closer to the European market.

Is he worried that in doing that, we may end up losing the competitive advantage, say, in agritech, in gene editing, in a

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number of areas where we could genuinely attract investment to new industries. So I'm grateful. But just to

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So I'm grateful. But just to clarify, I'm talking about how we recover still from the scars of the 1980s, learn the lessons of it, and 1980s, learn the lessons of it, and make sure that we never repeat it so that the scarring endures for so that the scarring endures for generations to come again. I, I address the answer directly, as if address the answer directly, as if as if I wouldn't. For as a courtesy to the hon. Gentleman, where we align, we will do so in the national interest and in the national interest alone.

Nor can we turn back the clock to build future success. The partnerships this government has built with businesses, local government and trade unions is delivering resilient growth and helping build a stronger economy. A fairer country with wages up and public borrowing down with six, with six interest rate cuts and half a million children being lifted out of poverty, with a FTSE 100 reaching historic highs and the UK raising more venture capital funding this year than France, Germany and the Netherlands combined.

This government faced enormous challenges on taking office, and the conflict in the Gulf presents us with even greater challenges in the future. Despite that, we are making progress. We know that it will take time for the benefits of progress to be felt sufficiently and seen sufficiently and properly felt. The recent election results. They show that the only sure route to proving that the benefits of change is by growing the economy, and the only certain way to grow the economy is through British business success.

Our task is to create the right conditions for Britain's businesses, to invest, to succeed and to win in an increasingly competitive global marketplace. We have made the start and we will see it through to

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finish. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Sir Mel Stride, Shadow

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Chancellor of the Exchequer. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. This king's speech is an empty vessel, which is a surprise because only last week, Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister was telling anybody who Minister was telling anybody who cared to listen that the government would be leaning into economic growth in a more radical way, eschewing managerial incrementalism. And yet we have heard nothing other than that, at best from the right hon. Lady, just now. Of course, gentlemen, just an.
16:03
Mel Stride Portrait Rt Hon Sir Mel Stride MP (Central Devon, Conservative)
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Easy mistake. >> To make. >> If only the Chancellor were here, Mr. Speaker, I'd be right about everything. But it was also, of everything. But it was also, of course, the Prime Minister who said it was also the Prime Minister who said that Labour would now tread said that Labour would now tread more lightly on our lives. Well, we've seen what that has meant in the last few weeks. It was also said by the Chancellor that, of course, it would all be growth, growth, growth.

And whilst the right hon. Gentleman trots out and trumpets the latest uplift in the forecast, very modest uplift of the IMF, he neglects to mention that they were actually forecasting back in January 1.3%, not the 1% today. He neglects to mention that that increase in the first quarter of this year is on the back of a reasonable growth performance in Q4 of last year, exacerbated according to the OBR and the Bank of England, by the fact that his party and his Chancellor flew every single possible tax rise going and had a material impact on depressing the economy.

So some of this growth is simply a bounce back from the mistakes that were made. At the end of last year. He refused to answer. I will momentarily. He refused to answer the question from my hon. Friend as to what had happened to per capita GDP. So let me tell him. It has been utterly anaemic throughout this government's period in office. And also he failed to mention, Mr. Speaker, that in the notes to the IMF comments on upgrading the growth forecast for this year, they point to domestic uncertainty, possibly weighing down on consumer spending and investment decisions.

I wonder what they could possibly be referring to, Mr. Speaker, when they talk about domestic uncertainty. And as to our record, I need to remind him that on the day of the general election, we had inflation bang on target at 2%. It's now 50% more than that. We have the fastest growth in the G7. We had employment at near record levels. We had near record low levels of unemployment, and we had 13 consecutive months of real wage

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growth. And I give way to the gentleman at the back. I thank the shadow Chancellor for giving way on the subject of for giving way on the subject of mistakes made and growth. Does he accept that the Brexit that he left us and his party left us has

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us and his party left us has knocked between 4 and 8% of our GDP? Yeah. Well, as I will come on to argue, Mr. Speaker, our problems actually rest a little bit closer to home than anything to do with our than anything to do with our relationship with the European Union. This party promised stability. They also. And please try not to laugh too loudly, said that they would create the most pro-business government in the history of our country.

None of that, Mr. Speaker. None of that has come to pass. In fact, it's not just the Prime Minister that is the problem. Whoever goes on to lead the Labour Party, if this Prime Minister is replaced, will not do any better. And the reason is this, that the party opposite had no plan as to how to improve our economy. They had no plan at all. They had a plan to win an election, which was to keep your profile as low as you can, to hold the Ming vase and tiptoe across the shiny floor towards that loveless landslide.

But they had no plan for the people of our country, and they are in hock to their own back benches. Mr. speaker, we know that every time they try and do something that requires some backbone, they are stopped by their backbenchers. And, Mr. Speaker, the record of this government is appalling, not just on growth, unemployment. I notice the right hon. Gentleman did not mention unemployment once, and he certainly didn't mention youth unemployment because the record is appalling. The highest unemployment in five years under this government, youth unemployment nudging up towards 20% under the last Labour Government.

I will in a moment. Under the last Labour Government, Mr. Speaker, youth unemployment increased by over 40% under the last conservative government. It

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reduced by over 40%. And I give way to the honourable. I'm grateful. To my right hon. Friend, isn't

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To my right hon. Friend, isn't it shameful that the government is now having to subsidise employers now having to subsidise employers and taking on young people, when in fact it's the government's very actions in imposing higher national actions in imposing higher national insurance charges, higher minimum wage, higher burden in the Employment Rights Act that have caused the problem in the first

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place. Hon. Friend is entirely right. It's like trying to apply the accelerator whilst having the brake on full tilt. That is what this government is doing. The total illogicality of the approach that they are taking when it comes to inflation. Inflation is up compared to where it was under us. It's about the highest in the G7. It certainly was last year. And as we lean into the challenges of oil price and gas price spikes, that is a weak position to be in.

And most economists will make that point when it comes to borrowing. Mr. speaker, the party opposite has borrowed a full quarter of £1 trillion more across this parliament compared to the plans that they inherited. No wonder that our borrowing costs are the highest in the G7. They are higher than Greece. They are higher even than Morocco. And why has this happened? Mr. Speaker? We know why it's happened because it's what socialists do. What socialists do is they believe that you can tax your way to prosperity.

I tell the right hon. Gentleman you cannot. The £25 billion of additional tax on businesses, National insurance increases has crucified business in this country. It has fallen predominantly. I will in a moment. It has fallen predominantly on young people because it was not just an increase in the rate. It was a reduction in the threshold at which that tax cuts in. And that means that young people have borne the brunt of that tax increase. And the sectors that rely predominantly on first time jobbers, young workers, part time workers, female workers have been crucified in turn, and that includes the retail, hospitality and leisure sector, where over 100 000 jobs have been destroyed by this government.

I

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give way to the. I thank my. Right hon. Friend for giving way, and in Bognor Regis and Littlehampton I Bognor Regis and Littlehampton I opened the new Premier Inn on. On Friday this week, a project that Friday this week, a project that was passed under the last conservative government. But in my conservative government. But in my constituency, many businesses are failing because of the increased costs and regulation with the right costs and regulation with the right hon.

Friend agree that this is an absolute travesty for our country.

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My hon. Friend is absolutely right, and I've had great pleasure in visiting her constituency in the past to speak to businesses, and past to speak to businesses, and it's exactly what they complain of. The government has taken no effort The government has taken no effort to get on top in this King's Speech of the benefits bill. There is a reference to it and the Timms reference to it and the Timms Review and what we know with the Timms Review on Personal Independence Payments, Mr.

Speaker, is within its terms of reference, is within its terms of reference, is an explicit statement that this is not about controlling the welfare bill. There will be no savings as a consequence of the Timms Review. That is not good enough. We have got to be about getting people off benefits and

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back into work. I'll give give way. Does my hon. Friend not agree that we're seeing not only the letting down of young people, but actually a deeply immoral act of keeping people on welfare when we keeping people on welfare when we know that in 5 or 10 years time, when they've been on welfare for so long that they won't have any options, they will be left options, they will be left effectively slaves of a state that has no concern for them and nobody will have any.

Nobody in this chamber today will have any power over how the welfare state will behave then, that they will have no options, and it will be this House's fault, and that government's fault for having kept them there and imprisoned them.

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That is entirely right, Mr. Speaker. On this side of the House we know that work matters. We know that it matters to get people off that it matters to get people off benefits. We know that people's mental health is improved by people going to work, having that social going to work, having that social interaction, that routine, that sense of pride and self-worth that comes with work. And that is why comes with work. And that is why the unemployment levels and the failure of this government to tackle benefits is so appalling.

I

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tackle benefits is so appalling. I give way to the hon. Lady. I thank. Thank the Shadow Ministers for giving way. I actually used to work in the employment service and under Thatcher she was encouraging us to take people off of signing on and sign them on the sick. You created a whole generation of people on the sick just to manipulate the numbers.

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How do you like those apples? Well, Mr. Mr. speaker, I think all these flashbacks to the 1980s are a slightly desperate attempt to get away from the the 2020s. I think the other thing that socialists love to do, I will in a moment. I'll make some progress. Socialists I'll make some progress. Socialists love to do, Mr. Speaker, is they love to borrow and borrow and borrow and spend and spend and borrow and spend and spend and spend until they run out of other people's money.

And that is precisely what this government has done when it comes to fiscal rules that the right hon. Gentleman mentioned, of course, he failed to mention that this Chancellor, in the run up to the election, said she would abide by our fiscal rules. She promptly changed them so that she could borrow more, flipping from public sector net debt as a definition of debt to public sector financial liabilities. It allowed her to take the brake off and to to borrow and spend even more.

As a consequence, I give way. I'm flashing back to the 1980s and with the right hon. Member like to remind us when the Conservatives last balanced a Budget, the current account went into a slight surplus just around 20 1516. Around that sort of level, the current account, the current account did actually. And that was on the back of inheriting a £160 billion deficit from the party opposite in 2010, running at over 10% of GDP. Another example of the disasters of a Labour government in action, and the right hon.

Gentleman earlier spoke of artificial intelligence and the opportunities. And he's quite right to do that. He's quite right to do that. But what we know of artificial intelligence in the labour market is it will have a profound effect on the labour market and a very uncertain effect. And what we know is that we need a flexible skills offer to deal with that, and we need flexible labour markets. But what this government is doing for employment, right rights Bill is making the labour market more rigid, and that is going to hurt particularly younger people who do not have a track record in employment.

So do not be surprised if youth unemployment continues to hover around 1,617% as a consequence of the actions of this government. Now, of course we are. We know that when it comes to leaning into these challenges, there's no plan. This government's not going to do anything. It's just involved in internecine introspection, a civil war. Now within the Labour Party, they said that they would tread lightly on our lives. In fact, they're now stampeding all over them. And the rivals to the Prime Minister now are going to be looking to double down on the very policies that I have just set out, these ruinous policies.

We've seen the real effects of this in recent days. On Friday, when the hon. Member for Makerfield said that he would step down in order to ease the passage of Andy Burnham to this place. What happened to gilt yields on that day? They spiked up 18 basis points. Now, I've done a little bit of research, Mr. Speaker, and I can tell you that if sustained through the forecast period, that would mean over a £5 billion of additional debt servicing costs. That's about £300 for every working family in this country.

That's the effect of Andy Burnham. And he hasn't even arrived here yet.

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Yes. We are on the edge of a precipice economically, leaning precipice economically, leaning into a very turbulent time. These are the policies of the madhouse. are the policies of the madhouse. And yet we're told not to worry. The hon. Member for Liverpool, Wavertree, who I believe is an Wavertree, who I believe is an outrider for Andy Burnham, said of the bond markets that they would just have to, and I quote, fall in line. The bond markets will just have to fall in line.

Andy Burnham himself said in the New Statesman, and I quote, we've got to get beyond this thing. We've got. I

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will in a moment. We've got to get. Just point of order. But my. Understanding is.

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But my. Understanding is. If an hon. Member is mentioning another hon. Member in the chamber, they are supposed to give advance

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they are supposed to give advance notice. That's not the case. The case is if the member is not here, they if the member is not here, they should have informed them as you sat there, quite rightly. And what I would say is, I'm sure that the

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shadow Chancellor is ready to give way immediately. So Mel Stride. Right. Always ready to give way, Mr. Speaker, and to take your direction, the. Andy. Yes, if you'd like to. Well, the hon. Lady was

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still seated, I wasn't. Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and thank you to the Shadow Ministers thank you to the Shadow Ministers for giving way. I agree that that might not have been the most might not have been the most eloquent of answers. However, what I would say is that people in this I would say is that people in this country are fed up of bond markets, dabbling in the democracy of our

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country. I think, Mr. Speaker, that's a rather unfortunate example of doubling down or continuing to dig, if I might say so. But the right hon. Ladies comments, I think, sort of pale when it comes to Andy Burnham's comments in the New Statesman when he said of the bond markets, and I quote, we've got to get beyond this thing of being in hock to the bond markets. He also suggested that defence spending should lie outside the fiscal rules, as if spending and borrowing to defend our country is a different form of borrowing than any other borrowing.

This government might entertain. He's not so much the king of the North. He's more like King Canute, sitting in his chair on the sand, dressed in his football kit, trying to push back the tide of the bond markets, saying things like, you've got to fall in line. It's ludicrous as the waters lap up around his ankles, and we all ultimately will get swept away. In The King's Speech, Mr. Speaker, we had a holiday tax that's going to clobber the cost of holidays for the most Budget holidays in this country.

For people that have saved up hard, just want to have some memories with their children. We've also got the nationalisation of steel, which seems to me to just be some kind of political sop to the left on the Labour benches, we've got oil and gas. We're going to. They're going to put a stop to new exploration as a result of this bill. This is lunacy. When we are importing gas from Norway, extracting it from the same basin, we are also importing liquid natural gas formally from Qatar, now predominantly from the United States, which has four times the carbon footprint compared to if we had extracted it ourselves using our own resources.

All that energy security blown, all those jobs destroyed, all that tax revenue foregone simply because of the ideological madness of the party

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honourable. I thank I thank the shadow Chancellor for giving way. And he's completely right to reflect on the plight of the oil and gas sector under this Labour government. But on jobs, 1000 jobs being lost a month every single being lost a month every single month in the oil and gas sector, affecting constituents of all of us, not just those in the north east of Scotland. Does the Shadow Scotland. Does the Shadow Chancellor share my dismay that a Labour government does not take that more seriously?

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that more seriously? I do, indeed, I have been, I have been up to Aberdeen. I have met with the hon. Lady, with my hon. Friend, and I have heard firsthand about the effect that this is having economically. It is utterly madness, and if we have an opportunity in government we will put that right. I have already mentioned benefits. Nothing about welfare of any substance in this bill, nothing about the Defence Investment Plan. Where is the Defence Investment plan? It was promised back in September and then we had the Regulating for Growth Bill, an oxymoron if ever there was one.

Regulating for Growth Bill speaks to the heart of all you need to know about this Labour government. They know nothing about the economy, nothing about job

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creation, nothing about businesses. Yes. Briefly, briefly. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Can I

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Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Can I thank the Shadow Ministers for what he said? Does the Shadow Ministers share my concerns and the concerns of public money in this House that of public money in this House that when it comes to small and medium businesses in particular, they will suffer more than most in Northern suffer more than most in Northern Ireland? I think the figures are between 85 and 89% of of the job creators in northern are small businesses. So what Northern businesses.

So what Northern Ireland needs is something special from this government. Does he see something special coming or are we just wondering what's going to

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happen? No. What I see coming, I'm afraid, Mr. Speaker, is what's already baked in, which is business already baked in, which is business rates going up through the roof, in some cases, small businesses in our some cases, small businesses in our high streets facing 140% increases in the amount that they're having to pay by way of business rates to pay by way of business rates this side of the House. Mr. speaker, we believe in enterprise. We believe in opportunity. We believe believe in opportunity.

We believe in aspiration. We believe in markets. We believe in risk takers. We believe in people that work hard, people that get up in the morning early and do the right thing, go out and create wealth, create jobs, and grow our economy. And because of that, we set out at our last conference, £47 billion worth of savings, including predominantly on the welfare Budget, 23 billion. And with that, you can do two wonderful things. One is you can start to bear down on the deficit and get on top of that debt, which is out of control under this government.

But secondly, you can get taxes down, particularly on the productive parts of the economy. So we announced the abolition of stamp duty and a tax cut for young people. And there is more in our alternative King's Speech, a bill to back our high streets, to cut business rates for a quarter of a million of our high street businesses, a Get Britain working bill to reverse the damage done by the Employment Rights Act, a Reducing Bureaucracy Bill to remove the mountain of environmental, social and governance regulations.

A Save British Industry Bill to get rid of the Climate Change Act and to abolish the Zev mandate. A cheap energy bill to get rid of renewable subsidies and bring down bills for households and businesses, and get Britain drilling Bill to reinvigorate our North Sea oil and gas industry, creating jobs and boosting our exports, and a welfare reform bill to get the benefits Bill under control and to restore the two child cap. That is the serious plan that our economy needs.

That is the plan to back our businesses and to deliver growth. That is a conservative plan for a better Britain.

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Ruth Cadbury thank you, Mr. Speaker. As the chair of the Speaker. As the chair of the Transport Committee, my remarks on the Gracious Speech will mainly the Gracious Speech will mainly focus on transport and if. Time. I plan to touch on some of the other measures that. Where the measures that. Where the government's proposed legislation will benefit many of my constituents directly. Mr. speaker, constituents directly. Mr. speaker, this debate is entitled Backing Business to Create Economic Growth. Our transport system is key to growth.

Economic growth is central to the ambition of the £45 billion investment to deliver Northern Powerhouse Rail, it will start to address the 10% productivity gap between northern England and the UK. Average residents and businesses in
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Ruth Cadbury Portrait Ruth Cadbury MP (Brentford and Isleworth, Labour)
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the north endure longer and often unreliable journeys compared to international comparators. For instance, only 38% of residents can instance, only 38% of residents can access the city centre of Leeds within 30 minutes by public within 30 minutes by public transport, compared to 87% in Marseille, a similar sized city. With the new rail infrastructure With the new rail infrastructure proposed from Liverpool to hold the whole of the economy across the north of England, will benefit from Northern Powerhouse Rail.

I now move on to the Highways Financing Bill, which will introduce a new funding model for road infrastructure by introducing a regulated asset base or Rab funding model to unlock private capital investment in road infrastructure, with a Lower Thames Crossing to be the first road scheme to use this model. And whilst the government points out that the Rab model has been successfully used in sectors like energy and aviation, I'm also aware, such as from Heathrow, those paying the bills. In that case, the airlines say that capital costs can be be excessive and poor value for money.

But then it seems natural that as the Lower Thames Crossing will be a whole new road, it could be funded by tolls, as the Severn Bridge was and is the norm for motorways in many similar economies. But what plans for the future is the government considering implementing tolls on projects to improve and repair current highway infrastructure? And surely the government isn't seriously considering building new roads, significant new capacity. Otherwise we could be going back to the 70s with Predict and provide creating, creating more road capacity, which in a system of infinite demand just continues to deliver congestion while eating up more and more of our present land.

And I would like the Ministers today or subsequently to just explain more of the role of the Office of Road and Rail in the context of the regulatory role mentioned in the government briefing. I now move on to the Civil Aviation Bill, which will deliver consumer enforcement powers to the Civil Aviation Authority and allow for timely regulatory intervention to improve aviation safety, modernise UK airspace and provide for a revised slot allocation system to deal with unplanned disruptions. I welcome the additional consumer enforcement powers proposed, including compensation rules.

When airlines damage mobility aids. This must be very welcome for disabled passengers whose mobility is dependent on high powered wheelchairs, for instance, and the current compensation is wholly inadequate. However, His Majesty the King announced that the bill will be introduced to unlock the benefits of airport expansion. I'm not quite sure I quite see the direct link between that statement and the subsequent deal and detail that I've just covered. Moving on, Mr. Speaker, the overnight visitor levy brings UK tourist destinations into line with many places into line with many places.

I, and I'm sure others in this House, have visited in other countries. It will enable local areas to invest in their transport infrastructure and other facilities that benefit both visitors and residents alike. Whether it's shuttle buses to reduce the traffic jams on country lanes or improving facilities at busy stations, the draft taxi and private hire vehicle bill is also very welcome. The proposed bill addresses almost all the issues witnesses raised in our recent inquiry into taxis and private hire licensing, giving regulators.

I

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certainly will. Can I thank the hon. Member for giving way in specific in relation to private hire drivers? We have to private hire drivers? We have some 300,000 private hire drivers up and down this country. Uber has up and down this country. Uber has been incrementally increasing their fees whilst the drivers have been getting fairly stagnant increase in getting fairly stagnant increase in their pay. We've just learned that Uber will be introducing driverless driverless vehicles, which would impact 300,000 workers.

Does the hon. Member agree that there needs to be some sort of action to

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prevent that from happening? The hon. Member is absolutely right, and I'm well aware of the right, and I'm well aware of the concerns of drivers up and down the country, not of improved licensing such as the government is talking such as the government is talking about. They welcome that. But of some of these other threats existing under Uber, Uber's existing under Uber, Uber's processes at the moment, but also the fear of the impact of

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autonomous vehicles. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the hon. Lady for taking intervention. She will know my passion. When it comes to taxis and taxi licensing, would she agree with me? It's really important that we deal with this licensing loophole to ensure that we don't have taxis that are licensed in other and local authorities acting on our authority. And that doesn't

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just affect the drivers themselves, but also is a safety concern for passengers. I very much welcome the work of

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I very much welcome the work of the Ministers for roads and the work she's done on on the proposed work she's done on on the proposed changes. So I just find my place. I welcome the commitment to replace a patchwork of outdated rules with a single, consistent framework, which single, consistent framework, which will go a long way to address the out of area operations and problems that the hon. Member has outlined. It will fix a system that has too often failed passengers and drivers.

Baroness Casey's national audit on group based Child Sexual Exploitation and abuse found that the inconsistent taxi and private hire vehicle licensing creates vulnerabilities that can and was exploited by grooming gangs. The announcement of this legislation follows from the welcome commitment in the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Act to introduce minimum standards on drivers, operators and licensing authorities. But many fear that minimum standards could perpetuate inconsistencies that protect vulnerable passengers. They are seeking not minimum, but absolute standards in taxi licensing.

I just want to touch on something not directly connected to transport, and that's the draft ticket tout bill. And while I well, I welcome a bill to stop ticket touts selling on constant and events tickets for vastly inflated prices, vastly inflated prices. I wonder if it could be extended to apply to car driving test slots sold by the DVSA, or will we have to wait until the agency updates its IT systems? Or actually, possibly and perhaps successfully manages to recruit and retain sufficient driving instructors so there's no longer more demand for tests than slots available, which is fuelling the ticket touts.

If the Evanses have managed to stop the ticket touts making a killing on Glastonbury tickets, surely a government agency should have been able to do so before now. On the railways, the rollover Railways and Passenger Benefits Bill establishing Great British Railways as a new publicly owned company and setting up a new passenger watchdog that will set consumer standards for railways and investigate poor service, as well as simplifying fares and ticketing. A passenger focussed GBR could not necessarily will, but could improve reliability, simplicity and accountability across the network

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for passengers and for freight and moving away from transport. Now, Mr. Speaker. Other bills, bills

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Speaker. Other bills, bills mentioned in the King's Speech and the government's subsequent briefing are very welcome to many of my constituents. The Social of my constituents. The Social Housing Renewal Bill will benefit the many constituents who will never be in a position to buy a never be in a position to buy a home in west London. They just need a safe, secure, affordable and stable place they can call home stable place they can call home without being overcrowded or having to keep on being forced to up sticks, lose their jobs and their support networks, and disrupt their children's education to find themselves in another overpriced, priced, overcrowded, damp, tiny space with shared facilities.

I also welcome that young people aged 16 and 17 will be able to vote, as they have been in Scotland for a decade, and as someone who voted in here nine years ago to remain in the single market and the customs union, I also welcome proposals to bring the UK closer to Europe. Our exit from which has been one of the most devastating shocks to the UK economy. Many parents and teachers in my constituency welcome the consultation to Reform Send, although they are keeping a watching brief on whether the resources their children need will be adequate.

And finally, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Commonwealth, the Commonhold and Leasehold Reform Bill. Whilst it would be virtually impossible to scrap leasehold entirely overnight, the ban on new leaseholds for flats, the cap on the cap on ground rents and the new process for converting to Commonhold are all very, very welcome, as will making it cheaper and easier for leaseholders to extend their lease or buy their freehold. And I also welcome the remediation bill for those living in homes with unsafe cladding.

Too many residents in Hounslow, Isleworth and Brentford are still living in fear of the consequence of a fire breaking out in their

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block. Daisy Daisy. Spokesperson for Liberal Democrats. Daisy.

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Thank you, Madam Deputy. Speaker, for too many people. The promise that hard work would The promise that hard work would help them get on in life is broken. The promise that each generation would do better than the last is broken, and the expectation that big corporations will be made to play by the rules and pay fair taxes like the rest of us, is broken. So it's hardly surprising that so many people feel that the whole system is broken, that nothing works, and that they are now demanding action to fix it.

The King's Speech was another chance for this government to be bold, to tell us what it stands for and why, but sadly, it failed on Europe. Ministers once again talk about pursuing a closer partnership through gradual regulatory alignment. But if the government is serious about repairing the damage caused by Brexit, it must go further and faster. Brexit has left us poorer and more isolated in what is now a more dangerous and volatile world. At home we must build real sovereignty in energy and food independence, but our economic and national security will only come from a much deeper relationship with our closest neighbours in Europe.

The tax revenue lost every year due to Brexit has now been estimated to now reach £90 billion a year. That is three mini budgets in a year. We Liberal Democrats have a road map to rebuild our relationship with the EU and to reach full membership again, starting now with a customs union to cut red tape, to support exporters, to strengthen supply chains and grow our economy. Going for growth with Europe would end the cost of living crisis. And at a time when businesses are crying out for certainty, when our economy desperately needs a shot in the arm, when families and businesses are paralysed with a never ending cost of living crisis, the government's approach is too timid.

When what is needed is bold. Action on the late payments Bill. Small businesses are the backbone of our local economies.
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Daisy Cooper Portrait Daisy Cooper MP (St Albans, Liberal Democrat)
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In my St Albans constituency and across the country, but they were offered little more than a bill offered little more than a bill aimed at tackling late payments. Now, this bill is welcome, but it barely scratches the surface of the barely scratches the surface of the challenges facing businesses. Every single day, businesses are asking single day, businesses are asking where is the action on soaring energy costs? Where is the relief from the government's damaging jobs from the government's damaging jobs tax? Where is the meaningful reform of business rates? New Liberal Democrat analysis reveals that 40,000 businesses are still waiting on decisions to appeal their business rates.

Evaluations from 2023, with average waits now hitting nearly a year. And when those cases are finally heard, more than half are overturned. Business owners just want to get on with running their businesses. Instead, they're being stuck in a slow, broken, expensive, impenetrable business rate system. The Conservatives promised reform in 2015. Labour promised it at the last election, but after a decade of inaction, businesses are still paying the price. In my own constituency of St Albans, 11 pubs now have rateable values of more than £100,000 because of the revaluation, even though they can't all be considered large business premises.

One of those, the beach house, is on our main high street, Saint Peter's Street. They saw their rateable value soar from £97,000 to £125,000, and just last week they took the decision to shut up shop for the final time. Hotels have been particularly hard hit as well. The Samuel Ryder Hotel in St Albans told me in January they will see their bill increase by 157% this year, and play centres have been penalised too. DJ's play jungle, a soft play centre, has been frozen out of the 15% U-turn discount offered to pubs and music venues.

Many play centres will see their rates bills quadruple over the next few years. And what will be the result? Children will be priced out of indoor play. The government is introducing a competition reform bill, a Regulating for Growth Bill and an Enhancing Financial Services Bill. Taken together, these bills are aimed at improving regulation. Now, as liberals, we recognise that regulation has an important role to play. We believe that good regulation can be a win win win, protecting consumers, promoting innovation and competition, and delivering on economic growth.

But regulation only works when it is effective, proportionate and responsive. Too often, compliance costs are high. Regulation is focussed on process, not outcome, and our regulators are far too slow, lagging far behind the industries they are supposed to oversee. This is especially true in financial services and fintech, where companies can spend months waiting for approvals and authorisations while investment dries up and opportunities disappear. For start-ups operating on tight funding runways. Those delays can be devastating. So if the government is serious about growth, then it must ensure our regulatory system is agile, modern and capable of keeping pace with innovation.

And it must deliver competition and growth without abandoning consumers. And at a time when financial cooperation with Europe is more important than ever, it is deeply disappointing that the stronger UK, EU Financial Services Corporation appears to have been overlooked in the government's so-called reset agenda on the Electricity Generator Levy Bill. We Liberal Democrats welcome the principle behind this bill. It is right that the excess profits of electricity generators are taxed fairly, and it is right to break the outdated link between electricity prices and wholesale gas prices.

And we Liberal Democrats were the only party at the last election to commit to that decoupling. But the government must go further. The revenues raised should tackle the cost of living crisis head on. And emergency home insulation program for low income households and energy security. Bank action on heating oil and fuel costs, and stronger protections for small businesses struggling with energy bills. Finally, let me turn to the Overnight Visitor Levy Bill in principle. Liberal Democrats support devolving more economic powers to local areas.

Different communities face different challenges, and local leaders are often best placed to decide whether a visitor levy is appropriate for their area. But there is real concern that the government will use this levy not as an additional source of local investment to boost tourism, but as a mechanism to quietly offset future cuts to local government funding. We have seen this approach before. The government has already relied on council tax rises to compensate for reductions in central support to local authorities.

So can I ask whether Ministers will make it absolutely clear today on the record that any revenue raised through a visitor levy will genuinely be additional funding for local communities, tourism, infrastructure and public services? It will not be a way for central government to sneakily offset future cuts to local government funding. And if the government does hand new powers to mayors in this area, then it must also go hand in glove with extra support for tourism and hospitality sector properly by exempting hospitality from the jobs tax.

Considering lower rates for part time staff, introducing a temporary cut to VAT for the sector and launching a serious strategy to promote Britain's tourism industries overseas. To conclude, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Labour leadership hopefuls say they want a battle of ideas, not personalities, while Liberal Democrats are fizzing with ideas. We have the ideas to fix our broken social care system. We have the ideas to fix our broken social care system, ignored by this government for 18 months. We have the roadmap to fix our broken relationship with Europe.

We have the plan to fix our broken voting system, something which Labour hopefuls said they would fix and now say they won't. We have the ideas to save our high streets, to fix the broken business rates system, the broken energy market, to tackle the cost of living and to unleash everything this great country has to offer. So I hope, I genuinely hope that Labour leadership contenders are listening, because for our country's sake, I will hope they can match our level

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of ambition. Justin Madders. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. So it's undeniable in the face of the local election results last week, that what we've done so far week, that what we've done so far is not enough, that the long tail of austerity means we have so much more to do. People see a world more to do. People see a world moving at a rate of knots and are frustrated with what they say is a government's slow pace of change. government's slow pace of change. We now live in a world where you can order almost anything you want in the morning, for it to be delivered.

Later that same day. The consumer satisfaction now is almost instantaneous, instantaneous. But this is complete contrast to government, where improvements are seen as slow. The expectations and the challenges that we face are there for all to see. So what does the King's Speech do to address some of the things that I consider to be my holy trinity of what a good Labour government does, which is jobs, homes and health? Well, first of all, on homes, there are two pieces of legislation. The
16:43
Justin Madders Portrait Justin Madders MP (Ellesmere Port and Bromborough, Labour)
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Social Housing Renewal Bill will alter the right to buy, increasing the eligibility requirement by ten years, amending the percentage years, amending the percentage discounts to better align with new maximum discounts and exempt newly maximum discounts and exempt newly built social housing from the right to buy for 35 years. Like so many other Thatcher legacies, the sugar other Thatcher legacies, the sugar rush felt in the short term for those able to buy their home at a substantial discount, has long been substantial discount, has long been replaced by a broken social housing market, where people living in identical properties next to each other can pay massively different rents.

Where the taxpayer often subsidises those inflated rents through housing benefit, and where millions of young people who might want to stay in a council home as their natural route into adulthood have this option forever denied to them. And we can see where the logic of Right to Buy takes you. Between April 2012 and March 2025, 133,000 social homes were sold, but only 51,000 were replaced, and with 1.3 million people on council house waiting lists, the problem is obvious for us all to see.

And secondly, on housing, the long awaited draft leasehold and commonhold reform Bill will bring us closer to ending the feudal leasehold system. It will finally ban the use of leasehold on new build flats. It will place a cap on ground rents, and it will create a new legal framework for Commonhold. The demand for this to be done as soon as possible is, of course, huge, and I know the Ministers is going as fast as he can, but he also needs to tackle rip off estate management fees.

He's got to stop that model in its tracks. And if we are determined to tackle the cost of living crisis, that is one obvious and indefensible practice that we can end alongside addressing the problems that people face now, the government also must also take steps to address the problems that are coming down the track. I believe that the unwritten social contract that if you work hard and play by the rules, you can expect in return, a good standard of living is disintegrating and under real threat.

Economic growth no longer translates across this country to better outcomes in life. This is only set to continue with the increase in AI in the workplace and developments in automation. Graduate roles have already been hit with a fall of more than one third of graduate vacancies this year. This trend will only continue and diffuse across other areas of the labour market. Young people are therefore growing up and entering a world of work which is detached from the previous norms, and we are nowhere near ready for the changes that will be seen as a result of this in the next decade.

The state needs to be ready to respond to these shifts to ensure that not only those entering the workforce, but those already in it and displaced, are able to properly, properly skilled for the needs of the future labour market. And I have no doubt that our future labour market has got to include significantly more manufacturing roles. And I'm pleased to hear, I think the Secretary of State acknowledged that when he spoke today. The more we can make ourselves, the more insulated we will be from the inevitable disruption that AI is going to cause jobs, particularly in the service sector.

But it will also better protect us from the global supply chain shocks that we are far too exposed to at the moment. The moves to protect UK steel are, I think, the right step, the first step to recognising that we need to do much, much more to protect our manufacturing base. I'm not proposing we nationalise everything. I think I'll leave that for other people to do, but my visit to the local Vauxhall car plant last week was a clear lesson in how we need to sharpen up across the whole of government to protect manufacturing and the UK automotive sector in particular.

The decision in the last Budget on Ecos was welcomed, as is support for energy costs next year. But of course, as you would expect, they would like that to be much sooner and much stronger than what is proposed. There are a number of factors challenging the automotive sector, but the biggest one, and the one that actually the government has the most control over, is the Z mandate. That has been huge investment in the Ellesmere Port plant, so it can manufacture electric vehicles.

And I believe that most of the UK automotive sector is supportive of an electric future. But the reality is that the level of sales now are nowhere near where they need to be to hit the Z mandate. And of course, that gap is only going to get bigger each year. And we need to be clear that this isn't just a case of, oh, well, we aren't going to hit the target. Every sale short of that target has direct financial consequences for UK manufacturers, and we need to look around the world.

Most countries have put in place electric vehicle sales targets, but have had to row back from them in light of the evidence that uptake just isn't where it was predicted to be. So we need to bring that review forward, make that decision. Now that the escalation of targets under the Z mandate needs to be turned off. This isn't something to be looked at in the abstract corridors of Whitehall on a graph. It's something that needs to be looked at in the cold reality of consumer choice, and of the importance of protecting UK manufacturing.

Let us not lose good manufacturing jobs in pursuit of the unattainable. All that will we do in those circumstances is supercharge the Chinese automotive sector. That isn't going to help the planet as much as we'd like, and it certainly isn't going to help this country. We have a great tradition of building vehicles in this country, and we want to be at the vanguard of taking the industry into the future. But let's do it in a sustainable way that protects and builds on what we have, and we need to do more to support UK manufacturing through procurement.

I was delighted to take recently one of the Royal Mail delivery vans for a spin, as that had been made with permission of the owner, I should. That was made in Ellesmere Port, an electric van made down the road delivering mail to my constituents. We need to see much more of that. We need to encourage UK companies to buy from the UK. Every part of the public sector should be required to buy British. Every council, every hospital, every school should seek to maximise that because every taxpayer pound that is spent on UK goods goes back into our economy.

We can do a lot without legislating, but we absolutely need to pursue that with a great amount of zeal. And this is all about levelling the playing field as well, because more needs to be done. Because when people see barber shops and vape shops proliferate on their high streets, they know that something isn't right as there simply isn't the market to sustain them all. And when they see some shut down, perhaps a sign of illicit goods or illegal working, it confirms their suspicions that they are not competing with legitimate businesses.

And when we see them reopen a few months later, perhaps under a different name, they see a system struggling to cope with the scale of organised crime that is infecting our high streets. And yes, there is going to be a doubling of time for which a shop can be closed for breaching the law. Let's go after the landlords too, for failing to do due diligence and at worst for being complicit in illegal in illegal activity. So we can do more to support our small businesses on the high street and actually get a level playing field that we desperately need.

We need that as well in the way we treat people at work. We have to accept that bogus self-employment is a business model that is based on denying workers basic protections at work, and is absolutely the wrong direction for this country to go in. So we promised that we would tackle this in our manifesto, so we should get on with it. On a related note, the proposed strengthening of the growth duty, which will apparently reduce unnecessary risk aversion, is misguided. Good businesses want their staff to work in safe environments.

They want them to be treated well. This so-called unnecessary risk aversion, which is referred to in documents the government have produced, is an illusion. It is a straw man, and it's been used to put up with other shortcomings. So there are many challenges that we face. We're on, I think, the right track, but we need to go much further and much faster. The the public are telling us that they need to see results. We're two years into this government now, and for as much as the new cycle is hyper focussed on personality, the King's Speech is all about policy.

It's about how we shape a better future. And we show voters that they were right to put their trust in the Labour Party to deliver for them. We all know here, don't we, the perils that lie ahead if we're not bold enough, if we're not determined enough, if we don't use the time that we have here to deliver real change. We are nearing the halfway point of this Parliament and whilst progress has been made, it is abundantly clear that we need to go much further if we are to show that we have the power to transform the lives of ordinary people in this country.

The clock is ticking. Incrementalism will not cut it. We now need a response that rises to the urgent challenges that our country faces. So let's go out there and do it.

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Yeah. Sir Desmond Swayne. Yes. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

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In calling me so early on, what is the third day of five that we are investing in scrutinising this government's programme at a time when the party of government is when the party of government is abandoning its unique selling point, which was bringing political stability to our economy after a time of so much churn, of so many
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Desmond Swayne Portrait Rt Hon Sir Desmond Swayne MP (New Forest West, Conservative)
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prime Ministers in such a short prime Ministers in such a short space of years that. Irrespective of who is responsible, the question of who is responsible, the question is. The question is what is happening now? And the reality is that we're facing a danger, notwithstanding the investment of time we're putting into scrutinising the government's scrutinising the government's programme, that it won't remain the government's programme for very much longer, such as the very different priorities of those who are lining up to take the Prime Minister's job.

Now, when the Prime Minister warned his party last week that unleashing a leadership election would bring about chaos, he was quite right. But that chaos comes also with a cost. Such is the horror at the prospects of those who are lining up to take the Prime Minister's job. The markets that fund our gargantuan and growing appetite for borrowing are charging a risk premium, a risk premium higher than was charged of the Truss regime and higher than is charged for Greece when they seek to borrow, I do.

I'm not a particular fan of the current Prime Minister, but I would ask members opposite and indeed the voters of Makerfield, who apparently are going to have a rather more significant input in settling this matter. I would urge them to take account of her belloc's cautionary verses, and in particular, the tale

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of poor Jim, who ran away from nurse and was eaten by a lion. Yeah.

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Yeah. Hold on to nurse for fear of finding something worse. Now the. finding something worse. Now the. That's true. His Majesty told us that there would be. In the that there would be. In the legislative programme a bill to strengthen our relationship with the European Union. It's far from the European Union. It's far from clear as to what that actually means. Do the. Does the Prime Minister's red lines of no return to a customs union, or to free movement, or to the single market? Do they still hold firm, and do they hold firm? In the view of those who have expressed much more enthusiastic agenda for returning to closeness with the European Union? Among those candidates that are lining up behind him, seeking his job? The fact is that the Labour manifesto said that it was going to make Brexit work, but it's become the excuse for the lacklustre performance of the British economy.

Now there is a measure of cakeism going on opposite, where we have Ministers and we've had one today. The Secretary of State today tell us how wonderfully they've been doing. They've delivered the fastest economic growth in the G7, much faster than the the countries that he identified in the European Union. They've delivered a reduction in inflation. They've delivered. Interest quite right. Interest rate reductions. They've done all these wonderful things. But at the same time, they languish because we're not members of the European Union.

We've heard that criticism several times already today. Should we be doing so much better if we were members of the European Union? The reality is that the European Union is not doing as well as Ministers are trumpeting that we're doing, and that's no one lady has had her turn. The. The reality is, no, I won't give way. I will not give way. The reality is that they're trying to have cake and eat it. To say that the British economy would be doing so much better than.

It's its performance if it were a member of the European Union. Whilst trumpeting. At the same time its performance. I'm with him. I believe that the reality is that the British economy is performing in a lacklustre way. But I put it to you, Madam Deputy Speaker, that the cause of that lacklustre performance is the huge imposition of regulation that was in the preceding King speech and the delivery of new taxes on employment on every enterprise in the land that came as part of that deal.

And the best King speech that we could have had would have been a very, very short king's speech containing only a statute of repeal to remove all the impositions that were

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imposed by the last one. Andy Slaughter very much.
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Andy Slaughter Portrait Andy Slaughter MP (Hammersmith and Chiswick, Labour)
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>> Andy Slaughter very much. >> Deputy Speaker, an abrupt end that was.

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that was. Was written. What a.

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Was written. What a. What a cliff-hanger. I would like to speak briefly on the like to speak briefly on the justice measures in the King's Speech. There are important bills being introduced or carried over, and it's disappointing that the opposition did not nominate Justice and Home Affairs for a full day's debate, even more so because the other place is today spending its King's Speech debate debating those very same subjects. And important, they are indeed the.

Oh, it's a bit early. All right.

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I thank him for giving me. On the subject of home affairs, is the Liberal Democrat Home affairs spokesperson. I, too, am disappointed. There is not a day disappointed. There is not a day for me to have my say on this, and I will try in this brief intervention on Home Affairs when I intervention on Home Affairs when I am the spokesperson and I'm opposite the Home Secretary, who makes great play in shouting things makes great play in shouting things at me as if I'm a terrible liberal, making reasonable statements.

She. She tends to imply very strongly She tends to imply very strongly that moving to the right, the authoritarian right. The Labour Party is seeing off the challenge of the Reform Party. I wonder whether Labour members opposite are reflecting on that in the wake of

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the recent election results. Well, I think I'll just confine my comments. That's a bit off subject to saying that, as usual, subject to saying that, as usual, we're all disappointed by the official opposition, but. Well, we'll we'll leave it to that. Fortunately, the Justice Committee has been involved in scrutinising some of the legislation being carried over, namely the Courts and Tribunals Bill, now reborn, I Tribunals Bill, now reborn, I believe, as the Courts Modernisation Bill and the Public Office Accountability Bill, by which I mean the Hill for a bill.

I hope you're keeping up with these these nomenclatures, and I'll just deal with those before outlining what the committee is doing. So firstly, the Courts Modernisation Bill, the Justice Committee has been engaging closely with the government's proposals for reform of the Crown Court, holding evidence sessions and collecting written evidence to gather views. We've heard from Sir Brian Leveson, who the independent review of the criminal Courts formed the basis for the proposed changes and from a wide range of practitioners including barristers, solicitors, magistrates, judges, retired judges and victims representatives.

The government declined to allow the committee to undertake pre-legislative scrutiny. So we have conducted our own on behalf of the House and next week will be publishing a major report with our findings. The passage of the Bill through the Commons has been rapid, and there's been little opportunity for scrutiny by members and, indeed the wider public of its contents. Despite their profound constitutional implications. I hope that the Justice Committee's report

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will. As a fellow committee chair,

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As a fellow committee chair, does the hon. Friend from Hammersmith and Chiswick not agree with me that the government could reconsider how its relationship with select committees and provide more opportunities for pre-legislative scrutiny by committees which provide such an committees which provide such an important role in addressing legislation prior to it coming into its formal stages in this House?

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Well, I thank my hon. Friend and neighbour, and the answer is it's a balance. We all we all want the balance. We all we all want the government to press on with all the wonderful things it intends to do that are in the in the King's that are in the in the King's speech, but that must be mitigated with the guiding hand of experienced practitioners like my experienced practitioners like my good friend and in their Select Committee roles. So I hope that our Committee roles.

So I hope that our report on the on the bill will make a significant contribution to members understanding and analysis of the provisions and aid their scrutiny and deliberations. I also hope that Ministers will take on board the issues that we're going to raise. Secondly, the the Hillsborough Bill. I would like to welcome back this legislation, the result of years of committed campaigning, led by the families of the victims and survivors of the Hillsborough disaster and other public tragedies. I spoke a Second Reading to highlight the areas in the bill where I thought further clarity was required, including the application of the duty of candour to subcontractors, not just those with the direct contractual relationship.

The scope of the exemption from the offence of misleading the public for acts done for the purposes of journalism, and how the expansion in legal aid will be funded. I'm pleased to see the government has now published its proposals for the last of those. When the Bill remaining stages take place, I intend to propose amendments to require the government to consider the merits of a national oversight mechanism. This is an independent body tasked with collating, analysing and following up the conclusions and recommendations made in the course of inquests and inquiries.

I'll also have my support for amendments relating to the role of the independent public advocate and its information gathering powers, and the extension of the duty of candour to subcontractors used by the vast majority of service providers, including, for example, Fujitsu during the horizon scandal. I look forward to the bill returning so that these issues can be considered in more detail. The national oversight mechanism championed by the charity inquest is getting considerable traction. The Pacac and Liaison Committees are discussing what the best method of ensuring recommendations of inquiries are implemented may be, and the Justice Committee also has an interest in this.

We are also exploring the wider issue of how information from inquests can be collated and presented to prevent future deaths, whether or not there is a formal Prevention of Future Deaths report and to this end, I am tabling amendments to the Bill, which would establish a national coronial database. Thirdly, the Immigration and Asylum Bill. Since it was announced last August, the Justice Committee has been engaging with the government's proposal to create a new independent appeals body to speed up decision making on asylum appeal cases to be implemented via the via the bill.

In February, we visited the Taylor House Tribunal Hearing Centre in London, where we spoke to senior judges to try and understand the causes of the current high appeal backlog. From speaking to them, it was clear that the failures in the current system, which have led to higher pure backlogs, are operational. They included a shortage of administrative officers to check validity and collect papers, a shortage of court lawyers to issue directions and prepare cases for hearing, inadequate legal aid provision, causing essential legal and evidential groundwork to be performed far too late or not at all.

Poor or absent home office representation at hearings and failure to comply with tribunal directions on both sides. Replacing judges with adjudicators will not solve these problems. Operational investment in the tribunal infrastructure is clearly required. The committee will endeavour to shine a light on this as the Bill goes through the House, but our initial thoughts are that replacing or supplementing judicial decision making by the first tier tribunal with Home Office administrators will complicate, rather than speed up the process and simply move contentious cases to the upper tribunal or administrative court.

In addition to scrutinising this significant legislation over the coming months, the Justice Committee will be concluding and reporting on our inquiries on rehabilitation and resettlement of offenders and access to justice, and progressing our inquiry on children and young adults in the secure estate. And it was a. It was very good news earlier to see the White Paper on youth Justice being launched by the government. We'll be holding individual sessions with senior office holders, including the Attorney General, the DPP and the Lord Chancellor.

We will expand our work on tribunals by launching an inquiry on delays in employment tribunals, which currently have a backlog of over half a million active claims. We will also want to scrutinise the impact of the reforms contained in the Sentencing Act 2026, both in terms of their effect on the prison population and the probation service, but also on offender rehabilitation and public safety. Finally, there are admissions from the Gracious Speech, which are a matter for regret. Despite broad consensus, there is no measure to reverse the Supreme Court's ruling in Packard, the committee heard in its access to justice inquiry how this is adversely affecting litigation funding.

There is no anti-SLAPP legislation proposed, despite substantial evidence of the use of litigation to stifle free speech, nor is there anything to help the victims of press harassment. It is disappointing that calls to introduce a legal right to consular assistance for British nationals arbitrarily detained or abused by foreign governments have been ignored, and the proposals mooted to reform the position of cohabiting couples are absent. Nonetheless, this is a substantial King's Speech with a full programme that includes full wholesale reform of leasehold and commonhold and social housing renewal, and closer ties with the EU and nationalisation of the steel industry.

It is to be commended and supported in all these aspects, ones that are firmly based on sound

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labour principles. And who can argue with that? Yes. Thank you, Madam Deputy

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Yes. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. And can I start by congratulating the right hon. Lady, the Member for Northampton North, the Member for Northampton North, on her elevation to her new position, but also reflect on the position, but also reflect on the fact that the subject I want to focus on today, Enhancing Financial
17:08
John Glen Portrait Rt Hon John Glen MP (Salisbury, Conservative)
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focus on today, Enhancing Financial Services bill, it does make me look back to the time I was in office for 1640 days, and the fact that we have had seven Ministers as economic Secretary since, and I fully concede that there were several from my party. But it is really regrettable that in that role there is not a degree of continuity, because one of the most fundamental challenges facing the financial services sector, which is so important to securing enduring growth, is actually having Ministers who are able to maintain a relationship with the regulators and work through what is contrary to the way that our politics is conducted these days, quite complicated and delicate changes to regulation, to capital requirements, to the way that the consumer interacts with banks and financial services.

And I think it is deeply regrettable that that has come to pass. But I do welcome some of the measures in the legislation put before us in the King's Speech. The changes to the senior managers regime, removing the degree of certification necessary, the streamlining of the essential functions of the PSR into the FCA, the re-anchoring of the. The falls into the FCA removing a degree of arbitrage that was existing in the marketplace and adjustments to the ring fencing regime.

Those are good things, and I'm sure on the Treasury Select Committee and across this House, we will examine the detail of them. But I want to make three other points, if I may, about some of the challenges that we face in the economy and in financial services, because we have got to own the trade offs that exist, the trade offs that exist between financial stability and lending capacity. We, post 2008, made a number of decisions as a country to try and secure stability on an enduring basis, and we have now become too reluctant to recognise that the world is in a completely different place.

And the question that this House needs to answer in 2026 is whether the same calibration remains appropriate, and whether the proposals in the bill, for example, in ring fencing, go far enough. Are we used to holding on to a framework that protects and apparently gives stability that, in fact, is stopping significant tranches of capital being available to grow businesses and to grow the economy in an area that the second area that I'm very preoccupied with is the area around consumer duty.

And in the other place, the Lords Financial Services Regulation Committee published a report last year called Growing Pains, which explicitly identified the consumer duties lack of clarity as a source and I quote, of regulatory penalty on investment in UK businesses. And I think that what we must do is say, has the time come where responsibility must lie more to the individual consumer on where to invest and how to invest? We are advancing this notion that somehow we in this place are able to define all the checks and balances.

We delegate them to the regulator, but at the moment something goes wrong. We expect that regulator to step in and to offer compensation. And I think that the emphasis should now be on reforming the Consumer Credit Act, something that I think the government is going to announce today. But it's something that has been taking too long. It was first mooted when I was a Ministers several years ago, and we have got to be real about that reset. That needs to happen as we redefine the level of responsibility that individuals take when investing.

I welcome the growth bills sandbox measures. They are welcome as a concept of bringing in innovative businesses for which this country continues to be very strong in financial services. But we have got to be real about the fact that it is dominated by large firms. And the new economic secretary will need to work with the regulators to see how we can bring firms in at a earlier stage, so that those smaller firms, who may have only achieved a few million in seed round investment, can actually access the acceleration through that considerable regulatory burden.

But I want to finish my remarks by making a few other observations about the state of the economy, because, of course, all governments intend to do the right thing. And the narrative of this government in its first year was, well, we need to reset, bring stability, and from that, growth can come. But I have to say, when I speak to businesses in my constituency and beyond, the burdens of that National insurance increase of the national living wage, of the uncertainty around fiscal events, and then what happened with the burden of regulation has had a material impact.

And it's not enough to suggest that somehow those small businesses or those retail businesses, those hospitality businesses are not where future growth in the in the economy as a whole is going to come from. They say something about the level of confidence that the man on the on the high street feels about where the government is going and where the economy is going. And I fear that what we have created and widespread reports, notwithstanding the welcome news from the IMF today, if it proves to be true, the overall consensus is that the burden of taxation on business and wealth creators in this country has reached a level that people will not invest in this country.

And unless that fundamental truth is grasped by this government, we are going to be in a a spiral of every few months. There might be a little bit of hope with an adjustment of a prediction, but that fundamental trajectory of confidence in the British economy is just not there. And it is reflected in the cost of borrowing, which, whether we like it or not, is the fundamental measure of confidence that the markets have at a time of high borrowing in the future of this economy.

So I always try and take a constructive view. And as I have done in my remarks today, I pointed to significant positive things in the Enhancing Financial Services Bill. And there are other elements in the regulatory growth legislation, which I also welcome. But let's have some real fundamental honesty about where we are now, notwithstanding all the mistakes that the governments that I've been part of may have made, we are where we are now, and we've got to be real about the challenges that we face to secure enduring confidence and growth in this

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country. Sullivan. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I chose today to speak in this debate on the subject of backing British business, because resilience and innovation is where my constituency of Bathgate and my constituency of Bathgate and Linlithgow punches above its weight. Like many in the post-industrial Like many in the post-industrial heartlands, my constituency has changed over the years with the loss of industry, the coal pits, Motorola, Plessey and British Leyland all long gone gone, leaving deep scars of inequality in our
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Kirsteen Sullivan Portrait Kirsteen Sullivan MP (Bathgate and Linlithgow, Labour )
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communities. Yet in Bathgate and Linlithgow, we have a skilled workforce that is strategically located at the heart of Scotland, and it continues to embrace innovation and new industries. Madam Deputy Speaker, after years of underinvestment in national infrastructure and capabilities, we infrastructure and capabilities, we are now entering a new era of industrialisation, fuelled by this industrialisation, fuelled by this government's ambition. Indeed, this House will vote on nationalising British Steel after this Labour government stepped in, saving our steel industry and the future of nearly 2000 workers, and vocational work and apprenticeships are at the heart of the government's mission for our young people, closing the skills gap and securing the future of our infrastructure, research and innovation.

But our appetite for risk and advancement must also hold space for learning and recognise that success is not built overnight. In my constituency, Linlithgow host Origin peptides, an innovator producing peptides without the nasty forever chemicals supported by a £7.7 million innovate UK Sustainable Medicines Manufacturing grant to scale safer and cheaper production of peptides. Now we are in an era where global conflicts have inflated energy, fuel and food costs. The Energy Independence Bill is vital for our future and I look forward to scrutinising it as it comes forward.

In Bathgate, infinity produces the UK's only grid ready non lithium batteries. These long duration, transportable batteries are ready to store renewable power for thousands of homes across Britain. Last week, these batteries were installed at Europe's largest site of its kind, capable of powering 3000 homes. The batteries will harness the power of the sun through solar technology and help deliver the UK's energy security. But how was this achieved? The National wealth fund DESNZ and private industry in lockstep scaling, manufacturing and exporting to the world.

And this matters not only for business but for workers and households in Bathgate and Linlithgow and for new manufacturing across the central belt of Scotland, and indeed for our critical energy independence. Madam Deputy Speaker Barking British business is a choice to invest in our people to close the skills gap and new £400 billion of public procurement to champion British firms. The measures set out in the King's Speech are not just about telling a different story, but they're about delivering the future that we want to see in our cities, our towns or villages and in our high streets.

Many of our local high street businesses have struggled to recapture the audience that was forced online during the pandemic. And one stubborn issue that we have heard about today, time and again, is late payments, late payments, weak excuses and silent clients create cash cash flow problems for our sole traders and small businesses alike. The late payments Bill, long sought after by the Federation of Small Business, is a game changer and just one step to back our high streets.

Our plumbers, our builders, gardeners and retailers. But Madam Deputy Speaker, we must also recognise the success of our Prime Minister and Chancellor, who have steadied business confidence, and that is reflected by the IMF upgraded forecast today and who are standing side by side with our allies during global uncertainty. Rallying partners across the world. And it would be remiss not to give credit to His Majesty the King, a true statesman who returned home from America having demonstrated British values at their best care for the world around us and dedication to Democratic allies and most deservedly, His Majesty can enjoy a tariff free dram.

Back in British business means the UK being a proud and ambitious hub for global trade. And this Labour government has delivered trade deals with India and America, creating new markets for our industries. But we must also speak about Europe with the same sense of ambition, and I very much welcome the steps that have been taken thus far, especially with our return to Erasmus+, our future economic and defence security relies on our collective strength with our European neighbours. So I look forward to considering the European Partnership Bill from advanced Manufacturing in Bathgate to Life Sciences in Linlithgow, we can see what is possible when government and industry move forward together with purpose and this King's speech spells out that ambition to rebuild our industrial strength to secure our energy future and ensure that opportunity and and investment is felt in every community across these isles.

Words with action, deeds with purpose to deliver the security, the prosperity, and the deserve.
17:23
Helen Morgan Portrait Helen Morgan MP (North Shropshire, Liberal Democrat)
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Thank. back business and create economic growth in rural areas. Because around a fifth of the British population live in rural areas and population live in rural areas and they have great untapped potential. What we're not seeing is the infrastructure sector put in place infrastructure sector put in place in those areas to allow them to to reach that potential and to provide the economic growth that we need. So I've just picked on four areas, five areas. Sorry to illustrate that point today.

Now, the first is digital connectivity. Now Project Gigabit, which was put in place by the previous government. It seemed like a really, really good idea. The idea of Project Gigabit was to roll out fibre broadband across rural areas, in places where it would otherwise not have been commercial, and connect businesses and homes so that people could do all the things they need to do online. Now, whether that's work from home, start up a new business, or just connect their existing business. Now in Shropshire, that project, that contract was awarded to a company called Freedom Fibre, and they were going to roll out fibre broadband to 12,000 properties, but they stalled at 3500.

They couldn't get the funding they needed to connect the rest. And the remaining properties will now be connected by Openreach. But that isn't going to happen until 2030. And that matters because in rural places, perhaps you might have a farm and you will be allowing other businesses to run from your redundant farm buildings that are beyond past their sell by date and no good for keeping animals in. For example, those places don't have fibre broadband, and it means they're not suitable places for start up businesses to begin to operate from.

And the absence of that broadband is really beginning to hold us back. And it's the same story with mobile coverage. Now, Ofcom reports that 1.45% of postcodes aren't with good voice capability in Shropshire North Shropshire and everyone who lives there knows that that's complete rubbish, because you can't make a phone call from lots and lots of places driving down the A5 pre screen is a particular black spot that tends to cut me off when I'm speaking to my husband on my way home on a Wednesday night.

There are all sorts of places where you really can't make a phone call, and that holds businesses back to. In fact, the River Severn Partnership found that 15.33% of postcodes are without good coverage, and the Rural Services Network says that 65% of rural residents across the country experience unreliable mobile signal. And that really matters if you're trying to run a business, particularly if you're on the road with that business or you're trying to work from home, it it holds us back and we need to see government put a regulatory environment in place for those businesses that connect us digitally to ensure that rural places are getting the service they need, because at the moment they're being held back by that lack of that lack of availability.

And just to give you an example, I spoke to a business owner last week who was actually talking to me about cash and getting to the bank, which I will come on to later, but they can't accept payment cards at their premises because they are without a decent signal on any network. And so what they do is they give their bank details to their customers and their customers, go home and make a bank transfer. Hopefully, that business is taking on all the risk simply because they can't operate a simple swipe and pay system.

So those are the kind of impacts that lack of digital connectivity has on businesses in my area. And and if you're a farmer, there are over a thousand farms in North Shropshire. It really impacts on the way in which you do your business. They're often the worst connected properties. They need to be online to deal with the regulatory environment that they operate in. They might be needing to use GPS systems to work their farm

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machinery. All of that is a problem if the digital digital connectivity is poor. Will the hon. Lady give way? I will give way.

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I will give way. I thank the hon. Lady for giving way and the stories that she's telling about the poor. Connectivity in her constituency Connectivity in her constituency echo what I'm experiencing in mine. Some of the worst broadband, full fibre broadband coverage, certainly fibre broadband coverage, certainly in the South east and potentially in the country. Despite only being an hour away from London. I did a an hour away from London. I did a survey recently of constituents about mobile coverage and actually against contrary opinion.

Many of them, in fact, over two thirds of them were willing to have more masts in their area because of the change of people working from home. And and that change of how people are doing business. Does she agree with me that actually we need to be looking forward, making sure that we do have the connectivity in

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areas, rather than looking back to a time when people were operating very differently. Well, I agree with him entirely,

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Well, I agree with him entirely, actually, and I would question this perception that people's objection to mask is what's holding us back to mask is what's holding us back in Shropshire. Passive infrastructure must have got planning permission. They're ready to go. And what they can't achieve to go. And what they can't achieve is a mobile phone operator willing to put their equipment on that mast. So we really need to work with the mobile network operators to make sure that we get the connectivity that we need.

But I'll move on to public transport now. Shropshire has lost 63% of its bus services since 2015. Sorry, it's bus miles, compared with 19% on average across England and places like War, which is a village of around a thousand people in my constituency, have in one second have no bus service at all. Others, like have one bus a day. Weston, Rhyn Residents do have a bus service, but at the moment it just doesn't turn up because of a road diversion. And this is really helping holding people back.

And I will give way to my friend.

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I thank the honourable. Lady like me, she represents a very rural constituency, albeit not

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very rural constituency, albeit not quite as beautiful as Tiverton and Minehead. I completely. Concur with her points about rural transport.

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rural transport. It's an absolute blocker for economic development, for education and for so many other things. But and for so many other things. But would she agree with me that growth is not conjured by debate? It is built by political will, and my built by political will, and my constituents and businesses need a functioning road from Watchet to Blue Anchor, a rebuilt school in Tiverton, and a government that fosters the conditions for enterprise to flourish, and that to date this political will has been

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lacking. Well, I thank you for your intervention because I think it speaks to the point that rural speaks to the point that rural areas have been looked past by the current government and indeed by the previous government. They've the previous government. They've been neglected for many, many years. And if we're going to unleash the potential of those rural areas, we need the political will to invest in them. Now, I mentioned that Shropshire has lost more bus service than pretty much anywhere service than pretty much anywhere else in the country, but in the funding that was provided early in 2025, Shropshire was the 53rd lowest of 73 allocations, despite being one of the worst served counties in the country.

And local businesses tell me and the local job centre tell me that not being able to get staff into their businesses are the biggest problem facing them. They struggle to recruit skilled labour, they struggle to get people to them and that's because there's very, very poor public transport. And if you're someone that can't afford to run a car in Shropshire, you're pretty much stranded where you are. That means if you're a young person looking for their first job, looking to learn the skills needed to work, you probably will struggle to get to work because of the the lack of public transport and trains are a real problem too, and we have been overlooked both in terms of accessibility at Whitchurch Station and the connection between Austria and Gobowen and the trains could be transformational for our area.

I mentioned banking services earlier. I welcome the government's review into in-person banking services that was announced last week. There's only one town with a bank in my constituency, and we need to ensure that everybody can access those services that they need, because things like changing a signatory shouldn't require a business owner to drive for many, many miles in order to achieve that. I've had a lot of feedback from businesses in my business that say that banking services are critical, and I will speed up.

Madam Deputy Speaker, but I do want to come on to the point of council funding because it's really, really important. Councils are critical for economic development. Shropshire has lost its plight, hasn't got pride in place funding. It's lost the local growth funding. It hasn't been given shared prosperity funding. Now that's been phased out. That really impacts our ability to attract people into tourism and to regenerate the area. And I would also say that education funding is part of that picture, because skills are essential and where you have low outcomes for your children, having very, very low input into their schools is really problematic as well.

Finally, I just want to talk about farming. The family farm tax has held back over 1068 farms in Shropshire. Milk prices are a real problem. Many of our dairy farmers are producing at lower than cost, and fertiliser and diesel prices soaring because of the war in Iran are causing a huge crisis of confidence in the farming industry. So I look forward to hearing to what the government's going to do about generating confidence in our farming industry, thrive.

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Thank you. David Siobhain McDonagh thank.

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David Siobhain McDonagh thank. You. Madam Deputy Speaker. The King's Speech sets out this government's commitment to remove government's commitment to remove the barriers holding back a Britain and break through the failed status quo, and nowhere is that more quo, and nowhere is that more urgently needed than in life sciences and medical innovation. sciences and medical innovation. Britain cannot become a world leader in life sciences, while patients and researchers are trapped inside systems that move too slowly. That matters because behind every delayed trial and
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Siobhain McDonagh Portrait Dame Siobhain McDonagh MP (Mitcham and Morden, Labour)
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every missed opportunity, our families running out of time, this families running out of time, this country is uniquely placed to become a world leader in medical innovation. We have extraordinary scientists, extraordinary universities, extraordinary universities, extraordinary clinicians. Our life sciences sector is one of the greatest strengths of the British economy. strengths of the British economy. From pioneering NHS research to fast growing British tech, bio companies like Relation Therapeutics, the potential for this country to lead the world in medical innovation is enormous.

The challenge we face is not whether we have the talent or the capability to lead, it's whether our institutions are capable of matching the urgencies patients need, because too often, brilliance collides with a system that moves cautiously when it should move decisively in few areas are the consequence of the slowness felt more acutely than in rare and aggressive cancers. Since losing my wonderful sister Margaret to glioblastoma, the biggest cancer killer for people for children and adults under 40, I have worked closely with clinicians and researchers searching for a cure.

That work has included establishing a new glioblastoma drugs trial in her memory, which is now underway at UCL, and showing encouraging signs. And in doing so, I have seen first hand how difficult our systems can make innovation. What struck me throughout that process was that even with funding secured, research ready and patient searching for further options, progress still becomes bogged down in systems moving painfully slowly. Glioblastoma is one of the most aggressive and deadly forms of cancer.

At diagnosis, patients are told they have months to left, not years. For those patients, delay is fatal. Lord O'shaughnessy's review into commercial trials found that countries like Spain and Australia are consistently setting up trials more than two months faster than in the UK. Too often our clinical trials environment is still characterised by complexity, duplication and inertia when it should be characterised by urgency. There is not a criticism of the brilliant people working within the NHS or our research institutions.

Far from it. Time and again I have met exceptional clinicians and researchers working tirelessly to push boundaries and give patients more options. But I have also met clinicians who feel constrained by systems that are too slow to turn research into treatment for patients. Britain too often treats innovation as something too cautiously managed, rather than urgently to deliver. Lord O'shaughnessy's review warned that Britain risks losing its world leading position unless we become faster, more agile and more ambitious and the warning signs are already there.

With the UK falling from fourth to 10th globally for commercial trials between 2017 and 21, the countries that the countries that led the world in medical innovation will increasingly lead the world economically too. The global race for investment, talent and scientific leadership is intensifying, and Britain should not simply aim to participate in that race. We should aim to lead it. That's why the NHS modernisation Bill announced in The King's Speech matters because in NHS modernisation cannot simply mean changing structures, it must be meaning building a system capable of getting innovation to patients faster.

Because if we are truly going to modernise the NHS and remove the barriers holding Britain back, innovation and clinical research must sit at the heart of that mission. Britain has the talent, Britain has the institutions, Britain has the scientific capability. Now we need a system capable of matching that ambition so that it is our country that stands at the forefront of innovation, where the next generation of medical breakthroughs are discovered and delivered. And for the families facing terminal illness today, that progress cannot

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come quickly enough. Robert Jenrick thank you, Madam.

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Robert Jenrick thank you, Madam. Deputy Speaker. Well, what a complete shambles. Less than two years ago, this government was years ago, this government was elected with the largest majority. Any government has been elected by 1 in 100 years. People across our country, including most in my home county of Nottinghamshire, put their trust in this party. Why? Because they promised change. They said they would do things differently. They would be better. They would end the chaos.

They would put country before party. And where are we? Where are we? Less than two years later.
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Robert Jenrick Portrait Rt Hon Robert Jenrick MP (Newark, Reform UK)
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You're in a different party. >> You're in a different party. >> We're here. We. We're here. Where are we? We're here. You used Where are we? We're here. You used to be there. We're here. Well, the to be there. We're here. Well, the hon. Member says, why did I change party? Well, I'll tell you why I changed party. I'll tell you why I changed party because. Because millions of people across this country look upon the performance of the last government as this one.

And they say these are wasted years, that our country needs real change. And yet we see nothing for it. This government, let's be honest with ourselves, lies in ashes. It's failed that an air of unreality hangs over this debate. Members queue up to speak as if this is a normal king's speech. The Prime Minister summoned the king, the crown, the golden carriages, the fanfares of the trumpets. For what? To paper over the cracks of his failing government.

This, as we all know, is a lame duck government presiding over. Presided over by a lame duck Prime Minister. Where is the Prime Minister? He's in his bunker. Where's most of the Cabinet? They're plotting. I'm surprised that so many members are here. Maybe they're filling in the time before the change of government. These have been wasted years. This is what Winston Churchill said of the 1930s, when he described them as years, that the locusts eaten totally wasted time at a moment where in our hearts, each and every one of us know this country faces the most profound challenges, at least since the 1970s.

Perhaps more so. We have stagnating economic growth. We have rapid de-industrialization of our country. We have demographics that pose immense challenges. We have public finances that are on the rocks and getting worse with every passing day. We've got out of control illegal migration, we've got social cohesion challenges. At the time, we've never known as a country. Our streets feel increasingly lawless, our town centres are hollowed out and these problems cannot all be placed at the door of this Labour government.

They are, as a result. Let me finish my point. They are as a result of 25 years of failed politics in this country by both of the two main political parties and all those that have gone along with it. And yes, yes, I hold myself partly responsible for that. That is why I chose to walk away from that party and to do something new. But I'm afraid today we see on each and every one of those measures, things are getting worse.

70,000 people have crossed on small boats. I'll give way in a moment. Mass migration remains rampant. The public finances are getting worse. Look what the markets are saying, bear. The cost of borrowing is going up and the pound is falling. Unemployment is rising. Great proud industries. Like one of my constituents the other day, NSK, a business that makes steel ball bearings gone bust because of uncompetitive energy prices and unfair competition from China. Hundreds of people thrown onto the scrap heap now looking for new jobs in north Nottinghamshire.

Unemployment, youth unemployment, the worst that we've known it record high taxes and borrowing. Our country is in a mess. Britain is broken and yet so little is being done. And even where the government has acted, we all know it's made things worse. Look at our. Look at our farmers. Look at our farmers. The attempt by by the by the Chancellor to impose the family farms tax only partially U-turned upon has caused immense pain and suffering to thousands of farmers across our country, including many in my own rural constituency of Nottinghamshire.

I went earlier last year to meet a farmer in West Yorkshire whose father had taken his own life by hanging himself in a barn the night before the Budget, because he had read the briefing that the Chancellor had put out correct, but wrongly feared that the measure would come in. The next day. He killed himself. He's not alone. Think of the pain and suffering that some of the members of our armed forces have felt as a result of the thus far failed attempt to deal with the issues in Northern Ireland.

The bravest of the brave. The men who served in Northern Ireland during the period of the troubles, now facing a knock on the door or a letter through the letterbox, whilst the last government, for all its failings, attempted to give a degree of immunity to those men so that they would never have to live out the last days of their life facing prosecution in the courts or wasting their life savings on legal fees. Think of what's happening to businesses, the length and breadth of our country, the cost of employing people going through the roof.

As a result of the Chancellor's National Insurance increases, making it more difficult to employ people. Just at a moment where unemployment is rising, where AI is transforming our economy, we're in 1,995% service based economy, one of the most exposed economies in the Western world, to AI. Just the moment to increase the cost of employing people. Look at small businesses like pubs being battered by increases in business rates and every single cost. I will give way. In one moment. I'll come back to the Oliver Dowden on every measure where the government has tried to do things, it's made things worse.

I'll give way.

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Thank you. Thank you, Madam Speaker. And I do thank him for giving way. He's clearly rehearsed this speech well in front of the this speech well in front of the mirror. And so I do thank him. But he's been speaking now for seven he's been speaking now for seven minutes. I fear as well. He's he's learned well from his master. And I don't mean the one in Thailand. don't mean the one in Thailand. There's long description with all the problems in the country, but no solutions.

Seven minutes without a positive policy offer for this positive policy offer for this people in this chamber and also for his constituents. Seven minutes.

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Let me give the hon. Gentleman some then, because we all know this King's speech is not worth the paper that it's written on. There's paper that it's written on. There's nothing in it. It is, as a former Ministers, made up of the very Ministers, made up of the very policies that officials draw out of the third drawer of a desk and hand to weak, inept Ministers who have to weak, inept Ministers who have no ideas of their own and say, here you go, Ministers.

Here's a substitute for your own thoughts. Well, I'll tell you some things that we would do. I'd tell you some things that reform would do. Were there reform government, number one, we would get a grip on the ballooning benefit bill. Let's get the millions of people in this country who are out of work back into the workplace in order to get the benefits bill down as a moral imperative. Why write off millions of our fellow citizens, especially the young? How can people be off work with mild anxiety? How can we have people claiming PIP, who haven't even been to a face to face appointment with a genuine clinician? This is madness.

It has to change. Of course we want, as a country a proper safety net. But that's not what we have today. We all know it. At the moment we have a farce where people are choosing not to work. That can change. It won't change under this Labour government, but it can change and we can save billions of pounds for it. OK, I'll give you a second. Then we'll scrap net zero so that we end the deindustrialisation of our country. Steel, chemicals, fertilisers, glass, ceramics, car making jobs.

2 million jobs depend on high energy intensive industries. All will be gone within the next ten years. And I wager that many members opposite represent the good, decent, patriotic Brits who work in those businesses. You are selling them down the river. We need to end net zero, adopt a pragmatic and intelligent way to decarbonise our economy that doesn't immiserated working people and ruin what remains of our heavy industry. Those are two things that we could do. I'll give you a last one end illegal migration.

And the way that we do that, the way that we do that is not merely to stop the boats, but to end the farce that people come here on ILR, knowing that they will ultimately become citizens of this country on a short path and cost hundreds of billions of pounds to the exchequer. Now the Labour Party has a policy, we're told, that takes us some way to that. But then we have the right hon. Lady for Ashton-under-Lyne saying that the Home Secretary should be sacked, sacked for having the audacity to propose some pretty weak but nonetheless sensible changes to our legal and illegal migration systems.

That gives you a clue about what is to come. So I'll finish on this point. Madam Deputy Speaker, today is a pantomime. Today is a pantomime. We know this King's Speech doesn't exist. We know this King's Speech will be chucked into the dustbin in a few months time. Maybe there will be another King's Speech. What we know is what follows will almost certainly be worse. The fate of our country, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland doesn't rest on what's happening in this chamber.

It rests on the Labour Party members who will choose the next Prime Minister because the Prime Minister is finished. We all know that. And what comes then will be more failed policies. No answers to the challenges that face our country, no response to the yearning that is in the country for real change. The only way to achieve that, and we all know, is a general election.

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And the hon. Member will know that. Mentioning other colleagues in the chamber, we will make sure in the chamber, we will make sure those colleagues are given fair warning in advance. So that hasn't already been done. I assume it will be done very swiftly. Stella Creasy

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be done very swiftly. Stella Creasy thank you. Madam Deputy Speaker. As much as I enjoy lectures from the Widow I enjoy lectures from the Widow Twankey of reform, I see this Twankey of reform, I see this King's speech as an opportunity for all of us to reflect on the anger. I suspect we all heard on the doorsteps in every constituency across this country in the local elections. But in order to do that, we have to be honest with ourselves about the anger that we may feel, because how can any of us who say we believe this country is stronger together? We believe that love is stronger than hate? Not except when we are angry ourselves too.

I have
17:49
Stella Creasy Portrait Ms Stella Creasy MP (Walthamstow, Labour )
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to be honest. This weekend I bumped into the Unite the Kingdom protesters, many of them swaggering protesters, many of them swaggering with a beer in hand through my local station, and I honestly felt a guttural sense of anger. Which a guttural sense of anger. Which isn't right because I don't know those people. I don't know their motivations. But in our current motivations. But in our current political environment, angry with how I felt, angry because my sense how I felt, angry because my sense was their sense of uniting this kingdom would not include my beloved Walthamstow, a community where we pride ourselves on the diversity of thought, of background, of cultures that we all share.

Although I can promise everyone in this room they will know well. They are of one mind when it comes to the importance of bin collection, stopping fly fly tipping and Thames Water not ripping up the roads. One in which now my Muslim neighbours are scared and my Jewish neighbours are fearful because of the violence, intimidation and fury that is in this place and in our culture wars, where they are used as cannon fodder. But if I'm honest, Madam Speaker, I think my anger is also at myself because I bumped into those people because I've been in central London at one of those political conferences that, again, I think all political parties have on Saturdays where the same kind of speech is made by all of us using the same buzzwords that we've all been using for the last 20 years, the kind of comfort zone of political life where everyone nods along but no answers are provided.

This country is crying out for answers. I think we are all agreed on that. But the honest truth is they're not sure they're coming from this place. And that is the test that the King's Speech has to be able to deal with the change that everybody wants in every corner, in every community and from every citizen, because nobody thinks right now anything's working in the way that it should be doing. Because as ever, the problem isn't Muslims or Jews or bankers, it's politicians.

It's us. Whether here or in Palestine or Gaza or the White House or the Kremlin. If we want to show the public that we can build a better world through debate, decision making and discourse, then it starts with us and what we spend our time doing here on behalf of this nation. Whether actually this king's speech offers the difficult questions and answers that this country needs to face the world that we are in now, the reason why I spend too much time at weekends right now talking politics is because for my sins, I am the chair of the Labour Movement for Europe.

So yes, I look at this King's speech and the European Partnership Bill and think how Brexit has broken all of us. Whether you voted leave or remain, the evidence is indisputable that it has not turned out how anybody thought it would. The jobs, the businesses that have been lost. The Member for New Forest West asked what's the problem? Go and speak to the 16,000 businesses who've just given up trading altogether, because the only benefit of Brexit was to paperwork creators, because we all walked out of the room when we needed to be in the room to face the challenges of the modern world, whether they were national security, trade or the climate crisis that we now face.

So this isn't a call for rejoin because that relationship with Europe is gone, and it will be a long time before we're able to rebuild it. But it is a call for us to recognise how damaging that has been to the chances that we can make as a country, and why we do need to rebuild that relationship now. This bill will do deals on food emissions, trading and electricity. They are all needed and they are all not enough to answer that challenge that our communities are facing to us.

How does life get better for us? It only makes sense for us to have this argument again, and many of us who were here at the time will be deeply triggered already by some of the things that have been talked about. If we're talking about a relationship that makes sense in 2026 and 2028, not 2016 and 2019, one that recognises in the last six months we were threatened with the invasion of Greenland, of the continued aggression in Ukraine and of that climate crisis. That means that we have to look again at the single market and the customs union and, yes, freedom of movement and any political party that denies that those conversations need to have isn't being honest with the public, because the customs union alone will not cut it.

So let me say it. And the member opposite may be surprised at this. I agree with the Member for Clacton when he said we should get a deal that looks like the Switzerland deal, so I hope he would be here today and I'm sorry he's not here. I hope he would be Madam Deputy Speaker, to be able to refer to him to agree with me that in order to do that, we need to put behind us the fights of the past, the old red lines, and use this bill to give the government the negotiating mandate to do it, and also, frankly, to do what this place consistently fails to do, which is put families first.

Because if we hadn't left the European Union by now, every family, every parent would have proper rights to paid leave to be with their kids. And we would finally be able to tackle the gender pay gap and the motherhood penalty. That's why we have to ensure that this bill doesn't just align for food. It needs to align for families to put workers and their needs at the heart of a new deal with Europe and not just businesses. So I want to give notice that I will be trying to amend this bill to give this place the chance to fix what it missed in the last session, the missing piece of employment rights that businesses overwhelmingly support.

That means that dads and second parents will get the same rights as their European counterparts. And in the process of doing that, we also need to fix the mistake that was made in the last session when we removed the European Scrutiny Committee, so that members here could actually be part of writing that legislation. Again, something I know that colleagues who may disagree on the outcome of the European relationships that we might want to build have, but would agree that it's time to take back control to this place, this bill, this legislation, this King's Speech has to be the opportunity to show our constituents that we get it, the challenges and barriers that they face in their lives.

And the honest truth is, it should be a place for discussion because none of this legislation is good to go, but it can be amended through the parliamentary process to get there. So let's start with things like making sure people can have confidence in our democracy. Of course, we need a representation of the people's Bill. There are 5 million reasons why we need to stop cryptocurrencies and company donations, corroding people's sense of confidence in British democracy. But we also need to end the loopholes that exist, capping donations for individuals and from individuals to that those who can get millions of pounds personally or use third party organisations to hide their tracks well, that damages all of us all together.

It's why. Absolutely, we've got to get the reform process right, because for too long, as MPs, we've heard those vulnerable stories, seen the frustrations and recognise too often it's the tribunal that's been the place of resolution, why we have to get leasehold reform and the Social housing Bill through, because housing is the cause of poverty in so many communities, particularly in mine. And yes, it's also why we have to get conversion therapy banned, because trans people are living in fear in this country right now.

And that cannot be right for our fellow human beings. It's also why we need the Energy Independence Bill to work. I want to put the E and E 17 to be energy, because in my community, we are stepping up to the plate to use our collective bargaining power to lower our energy bills by seeking bulk discounts on solar panels. But we need the government to work with us to get us that interest free loans, to make sure that we as a community can bring everyone together in that energy transition.

And that's what we don't want the government to be caught up in fighting to get rid of juries, when really we want to help victims, we bring in specialist rape courts. And it's why, yes, we need to have the difficult conversations on immigration because we are proud in my community in Walthamstow of the contribution of our neighbours, whether they were born here or they made their homes here. So when we see people attacking people on indefinite leave or remain the people who are our nurses, our doctors, our scientists, our friends, our neighbours, we don't see a kingdom being united.

We see people playing with culture wars rather than looking at the economic case. And why we want to see this legislation reflect the benefits of immigration to our society. I will defend to my death the right to disa different opinions about the future of this country, the democratic process. But I will not let myself be silenced or sidelined by them, because Maya Angelou taught us that hate can cause a lot of problems, but it hasn't solved a single one yet.

So I know in my heart of hearts Madam Deputy Speaker me feeling angry at the world solves nothing, including at people I didn't know in my local train station. It's up to all of us in this place to rehabilitate politics through this session, to use the King's Speech to show we are truly capable of bold, radical thought. I hope to play my part in presenting ideas to my colleagues and to secure their support cross-party to make that happen. Because this country needs and deserves nothing

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less. Kirsty Blackman after which there will be speaking limit of five minutes. Kirsty Blackman.

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five minutes. Kirsty Blackman. Thank you very much. Madam Speaker. I'll give you a heads up now that I'm going to mention a number of MPs, all of whom I have contacted in advance to let them know that I will be mentioning them. Madam Deputy Speaker, talking about Madam Deputy Speaker, talking about a few of the things that were mentioned earlier today. There's been an awful lot of talk about regulation during the course of regulation during the course of this debate. I would remind the Conservatives that the vast bulk of
17:59
Kirsty Blackman Portrait Kirsty Blackman MP (Aberdeen North, Scottish National Party)
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regulation that businesses are labouring under just now was created during the 14 years of office that they had, or prior to office that they had, or prior to the 14 years of office, that they were in a huge amount of regulation that is affecting businesses that that is affecting businesses that have put things abroad and sell things overseas is because of Brexit. There are many, many Brexit. There are many, many reasons that regulation has come in, and not all of them, I'm afraid, are this Labour government.

I do agree that it would be important to listen to businesses, something the Labour government are singularly failing to do when they are asking for easy changes, small changes to be made that will make their lives significantly easier. I think the Labour government. I think all governments should be listening to those businesses and considering making the changes. The government has since 2024 been mired in a stagnation. It doesn't seem to be able to do or achieve anything. We saw that some of the bills that were suggested, some of the Pre-consultation draft bills that were suggested in the last King's Speech never made it to Parliament.

We never saw those bills. So how can we believe that all of the things that were put forward in the King's Speech, even without the current level of chaos, are likely to actually come before this Parliament to allow us to make decisions on it. In terms of some of the regulation stuff, the office for Tax Simplification was began by the conservative government. The office for Tax Simplification was cancelled by the conservative government. If we need a simpler tax system, then surely an office for tax simplification would have been the sensible route to try and improve the simplification of the tax system.

But it's not the only burden that is faced. And I do agree that simpler regulations, regulations that make sense, regulations that are there for a purpose, and not just because they're the regulation that we had 100 years ago, 50 years ago, 20 years ago. Those are the regulations that we need to ensure that people are kept safe, that businesses can be profitable, and that businesses can export wherever they want to in terms. Lastly, on the the red tape, parts of it of pension funds, there is still more.

Despite the Pension Schemes Bill, which I largely supported, there is still more that can be done to free up some of that money that is in pension funds. I would love to see more pension fund money going, for example, into social houses, so that we can build more social housing. You know, you get a return on social housing. You absolutely do. People pay rent on those social houses. You get that return. I would love to see that flexibility put in so that smaller scale energy projects, for example, renewable energy projects for communities and social housing could be something that the government is creating pipelines for so that pension funds can invest our money.

Remember, it's our money that are in these pension funds. It's not being invested in the places where we would see that growth in both living standards, and we would see the growth in the economy that comes from it. Just touching on my constituency and jobs in Aberdeen, I met recently with an organisation, a business in my patch called Low's Traditional Fish and Chips. Now Low's traditional fish and chips, we call them chippers in Aberdeen. I know nobody else does. Everybody calls them chippies.

We call them chippers. They are an excellent chipper, and they have talked to me about the increase in their energy costs, the energy costs that they have provided. More than that they pay for what they need is more than tripled. And I think it's really important that the UK government considers this seriously when it's putting targeted support for businesses. It's not just those high energy businesses that are maybe, you know, having to use significant to, to make ceramics or whatever it is that they're making with a significant amount of electricity or gas.

But those smaller businesses that are using significant amounts of heat, for example, in order to cook fish and chips and haddock in Aberdeen generally not called. So businesses like that need to be thought of in the Chancellor's announcements that she's making on Thursday, potentially later this week, around energy costs in terms of oil and gas jobs, oil and gas jobs in Aberdeen are disappearing like snow off a, which means very, very quickly they are disappearing incredibly quickly. The legacy of the conservative government creating the EPL, this government not listening to people and this lot can talk about drilling all that they want if they cancel renewables.

There's no future for our energy industry. This lot can talk about renewables all they want, but unless we fill this gap in between all of those folk from my constituency, people from across the North East, the engineers, the people who are innovating, the people that are creating amazing products in order to ensure that we can exploit the energy and provide energy security, they're going to go away. They're going to go to Malaysia to work. They are not going to be here paying taxes and inventing those things.

We need both. Neither of the two main parties are offering that.

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On that point, I thank my friend for giving way. Would she agree that it was folly on the part of

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that it was folly on the part of this government to cancel the Mingyang project? At Ardersier. I absolutely do agree.

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I absolutely do agree. Looking at the local jobs that would have been created and we know would have been created and we know that we've got rural population decline. We know that what we need to do is to encourage people to to do is to encourage people to move to these rural areas and create those jobs in those areas. We know that the UK government and the UK government have failed. The people of the North east of Scotland that.

Work in energy, that work in those industries, and we need change, or those jobs are going to continue to disappear. We have put in an amendment to the King's Speech. The amendment is amendment C, and the amendment says having lost confidence in your leadership. Oh, no. That's the Member for Ilford North that said that, sorry, that's not our amendment. I'll try again. The amendment actually says it is clear that the Prime Minister no longer has the trust or confidence of the public to lead this change.

No, that's a member for Cowdenbeath in Kirkcaldy. Apologies. I will try again to find the amendment that's on the on the Prime Minister and the confidence that we have in the Prime Minister. What about it's in the best interest of the country and the party. That Prime Minister sets out a swift timetable to ensure that a new leader is in place to regain the confidence of the public? No. That was the Member for Hexham that said that, I will try. I'm sure I've got it here somewhere.

It's clear that the Prime Minister no longer has a trust or confidence of the public at large or large swathes of the PLP. No, that was a member from Glasgow South. The Prime Minister's failed to instil confidence in his leadership. That was the Member for York Central. Sorry, I'll find the amendment somewhere here. I'm sure of it. The public across the UK is now irretrievably lost confidence in you as Prime Minister. That was the Member for Glasgow South West. I'm sure the amendment is here somewhere.

It's clear from countless conversations that my constituents have lost confidence in him. That was the Member for Halesowen were nearly sure it's here. You, Prime Minister, have lost the trust and confidence of the public. That was the Member for Peckham. The amendment says at end. Add, but respectfully regret to inform Your Majesty that the Prime Minister does not have the confidence of this House. Given my amazing confusion that I was able to have between what's been said by a significant number of members on that side and my amendment, which is almost the same wording, very, very similar wording to what so many members have said in public.

I'm assuming, Madam Deputy Speaker, that amendment will be by far the most popular one. It very clearly has significant levels of cross-party support, but I haven't heard one person stand up today in the chamber and talk about the confidence that they have in the Prime Minister. So I'm looking

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forward to the situation where. Trade envoy. Business Secretary. I do thank you, Madam Speaker,

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I do thank you, Madam Speaker, and I do thank her for giving way and for and for the fun she's having just now. And she's entertaining us all. But I remember the shambolic end to Humza Humza Yousaf tenure as First Ministers in Yousaf tenure as First Ministers in Scotland and it was shambolic, she will admit that. But what advice would she give us, having reflected would she give us, having reflected on that period in her party? It was a real crisis for her party and for Scotland.

What advice does she have for people on this side? What did she learn from that process?

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It will be short because there are many members wishing to contribute. Kirsty Blackman much, Madam Speaker, I will try and give a short piece of advice. I think if I was in the Scottish Labour Party, I would either say that we are a separate party from UK Labour and separate party from UK Labour and we make our own decisions, or I we make our own decisions, or I would say that we back the Prime Minister. I mean, you know, it's very clear that Anas Sarwar, the leader of Scottish Labour, does not back the Prime Minister and does not have confidence in it.

And he and many of his MSPs and MPs have said that there are separate party and they make their own decisions. I'm assuming, therefore, that he follows the Scottish leader and supports the ending of the Prime Minister's reign and is looking forward to that. Like all of his colleagues. Madam Deputy Speaker, like I said, I think our amendment can hardly fail to be the most popular amendment that is put forward, given so many members around the House have explicitly stated how much they support our

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Wednesday. I Helen Hayes. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I welcome many of the measures in this Gracious Speech, including legislation to strengthen our relationship with the European Union. Brexit has been an unmitigated disaster. Disaster that unmitigated disaster. Disaster that the evidence always suggested it would be. And it is the government's responsibility both to government's responsibility both to act in the national interest by seeking to build closer alliances with the EU, but also to continue to work to build a national consensus that it is in the UK's
18:10
Helen Hayes Portrait Helen Hayes MP (Dulwich and West Norwood, Labour)
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economic, security and cultural interests to do so. We are focussed on economic growth in this debate on economic growth in this debate this afternoon. Economic growth depends on a strong and sustainable depends on a strong and sustainable education system at every level. My committee's recent report on higher education funding makes clear that universities anchor institutions in their local and regional economies their local and regional economies are facing unprecedented financial pressure, with a real risk of insolvency and no clear plan for managing it.

If we are serious about economic growth, we must be serious about the financial sustainability of the institutions that underpin it. And so, in addition to the measures in this gracious speech, I urge the government to take with the utmost seriousness the recommendations of my committee about the steps that are needed to stabilise our university sector, but I want to focus the remainder of my remarks today on the proposed education for all bill. This legislation sits at the centre of the government's support for children with special educational needs and disabilities.

Too many families still have to fight to secure the right help for their children. Too many children wait months, sometimes years, for essential support, and too many teachers and school leaders are being asked to meet growing and complex needs in a system stretched beyond capacity. So I welcome the government's acknowledgement that this cannot continue, and the aim of generational reform to raise standards and build a more inclusive education system. The emphasis on early intervention, on support close to home and on collaboration across education, health and care reflect many of the recommendations made by my committee.

The move towards earlier intervention, identification of need is right and necessary. National inclusion standards could help to address the deeply entrenched postcode lottery that families face and provide a baseline for accountability, accountability, investment in workforce training and multidisciplinary support through initiatives like experts at Hand, shows understanding that inclusion relies on professional expertise as well as good intentions. But there are. Madam Deputy Speaker, legitimate concerns about capacity within the system and the resources needed to deliver effective and impactful reforms, and parents and carers have been expressing significant anxiety about some of the proposals in the government's draft reforms, which could both reduce access to existing backstop accountabilities and risk exacerbating friction between parents and carers and schools.

If the education for all Bill is to succeed, it must be matched by the resources and workforce planning needed to turn its vision into reality. And it must be based on the lived experience of children, families and the professionals who work with them. Any reform of education, health and care plans must strengthen, not weaken, the ability of families to secure the support their children need and to hold the system to account when it fails. Everyone wants a system which works better and delivers more effectively for children.

But no system is perfect or can be perfect, and parents need to know that should things go wrong, the system can be held to account through robust and independent mechanisms, underpinned by legislation. For that reason, I strongly encourage the government to provide space for continued and meaningful engagement at each stage of reform, and to consider publishing the bill in draft form for pre-legislative scrutiny by the Education Select Committee. This would allow for the testing of ideas, identification of unintended consequences and improvements that will give the the bill the best possible start.

We have, Madam Deputy Speaker, a rare opportunity to make lasting change, to build a system that delivers on the principle of inclusion in practice, that provides timely and appropriate support for every child who needs it, that empowers professionals and supports local services rather than overwhelming them with careful design, proper resourcing, and true partnership with those on the front line. The education for all Bill could mark a turning point from a system too often characterised by struggle and exhaustion to one defined by trust, consistency and opportunity.

That is the goal we all should share, and it is by working together that we can achieve it.
18:14
Tom Tugendhat Portrait Rt Hon Tom Tugendhat MP (Tonbridge, Conservative)
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Well, it's been a pleasure. >> To sit here for a number of hours and hear some views that are, frankly, special. If I may. I wanted to start with some of the wanted to start with some of the factors that have been simply completely missed from not only this debate today, but actually from the King's Speech. I don't think the realisation in this place is taking the reality of our situation very seriously. We're broke. We don't only o £2 trillion to the debt market, something that I'm afraid, despite orders to foreigners to hand over more money is not something we actually control.

We actually owe something in the order of £10 trillion more to people to whom we've promised pensions, and to the businesses we asked to build our schools and our hospitals at a time when the last government was also labour. So we find ourselves in a situation where, frankly, the level of conversation here has reached a point of unreality that we simply are not addressing, because we're also not addressing something else. We're not addressing a very simple fact that inflation is coming down the tracks very quickly because of decisions that have been taken to challenge the energy markets directly in places like Iran.

What we're seeing coming from Iran, from the Straits of Hormuz, from the lack of gas flowing from the absence of fertiliser, is enormous pressures steaming up, about to hit us in the grain markets in September, when the first harvest isn't complete and going to hit us again in the meat markets in the spring, when that grain hasn't led to the growth of proteins and animals over the winter. So we are storing up for ourselves a whole series of challenges.

And yet here, here we're talking about how much more we can spend. We're talking about how much more we can get individuals to put their hands in their pockets, to promise to promise that they'll get the money back in four or 10 or 20 years time. Well, I'm afraid this is simply not realistic, and it's nothing to do with the credibility of the Prime Minister or the change to whoever the Labour Party chooses next. It's down to the simple reality that about a year ago they refused to take the first decision.

The only decision that has strategically mattered in this Parliament and that is to constrain welfare. The moment they took that decision, the moment they put themselves in opposition to the simple financial realities that we find ourselves in, the rest of the path was set. And I'm afraid that is exactly where we find ourselves today. So the King's speech, and I must say, I thought the King did it. Well, if not the government, the King's Speech set out another series of wish lists for a government that's going to last another few weeks, for an administration that is simply not going to change the reality, because it is not willing to take the decisions that need to be taken.

And I'm afraid, Madam Deputy Speaker, that is the reality of the position the United Kingdom finds itself in today. We are not being serious. We are not dealing seriously with the fact that we have young people who want to work, who have energy and drive and determination, and yet being sold down the river by parties, all of whom are sticking to triple lock on pensions, all of whom are promising benefits either to people who are already in work. As the Employment Rights Bill does, but not to those who are seeking employment.

We are seeking to go down a path of control, of statism, of nationalisation. In fact, we have replaced socialism not with communism, as the Chinese have, or not, with the kind of authoritarianism that we see in some parts of Eastern Europe. No, we've replaced it with command capitalism. It is the illusion of privatisation, with the direct intervention of regulation. And so what we're seeing is we're seeing the results. We're seeing the absolutely predictable results of government instructing individuals how to behave.

Well, guess what? Individuals are opting out. We've seen them opting out of hiring when the National Insurance rise went up. We're going to see them opting out of leasing. When the renter's rights bill closes down that market. And we're going to see people being forced out of the choices that they need to build their own lives. Now, that is a hell of a pattern for this government to set on this country. And let's be honest, Madam Deputy Speaker, the current way they're going, there is no way out.

And whoever they pick as their leader, unless they change their backbenchers and decide that they are willing to actually take their responsibility seriously. We know where this results. It results in the IMF, in the debt markets and in homes.
18:19
Liz Twist Portrait Liz Twist MP (Blaydon and Consett, Labour)
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Thank you. >> Madam Deputy Speaker. >> And I welcome the extensive measures that this government is measures that this government is taking in this King's Speech to create and enable economic growth across the country, including my constituency of Blaydon and Consett in the North east. Now, as we know, growth is at the heart of this government's agenda and legislation. A good deal of legislation is proposed to ensure that we make the conditions right for that, and bills like the government's new Regulating for Growth Bill will drive our economic development forward, and I will also.

I'm very pleased to see the late payments bill, something that small businesses have long wanted regulated and an important step forward, and it was very welcome today to see the IMF's positive

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news. With the increasing growth expectations. It's So.

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So. You seem to see that the priorities written into legislation for growth. However, I would ask the Ministers to confirm that actually health and safety as a key actually health and safety as a key for workers will also be up there for workers will also be up there with. With growth as a driver, for safety for our employees. And I hope the Ministers can address that later. Now, the UK's long term economic security depends on raising living standards in every part of the country, and places like the North East have been left behind for decades, and our young people deserve greater opportunities.

Now we're already taking steps to address that through our action on child poverty. And we really cannot build a resilient economy, Madam Deputy Speaker, without ending the opportunity crisis and ensuring that every child has the best possible start in life. True economic growth requires an inclusive system where every child can go as far as their talent and effort will take them. So we must build on the recently passed Children Wellbeing in Schools Act and take further positive steps. And I'm pleased to see in the King's Speech additional support for education for children with special needs.

I'm. I'm pleased that the government will introduce the education for all Bill, which aims to transform the way special educational needs and disabilities are met. I've recently held events in my constituency of Blaydon and Consett to hear from some of the parents, teachers, carers and others who this bill would affect, and I want to understand how we can improve, help improve the lives of parents, teachers and the young people themselves. Parents and teachers tell me the monumental pressures they face to support their children and students every day.

They worry that without sufficient support and opportunities will close for these young people. They are fighting an outdated and ineffective system just to get the children the support they need. And that's why I am glad that this bill will reform the system and invest over £200 million in training for teachers and support staff to better understand special educational needs and inclusion. On top of all the money that's been given for capital work on schools. But there is naturally fear from some families that the changes will affect them.

And I hope that the consultation that has just ended today will help the government to improve any forthcoming legislation, to ensure that it meets the needs of parents, teachers and young people and addresses their concerns. Every child deserves the right, the chance to succeed, regardless of their background or their needs, and inclusive education, which supports children with additional needs, has long term economic benefits. Madam Deputy Speaker, I'd just like to speak briefly as well about the waste operator bills.

It is time that waste operators were regulated. Many are good and reliable. Others face a are not using permits and we see the results with fly tipping locally, which many of our constituents complain about. So I'm glad to see that being strengthened. And finally, I want to touch on energy in this global context. Energy security is more important than ever, and I've seen how the local authority in Gateshead has created local power schemes to benefit the area. I hope that similar community power schemes will be part of the government's agenda.

So, Madam Speaker, I'm proud to support the King's Speech, which will continue to create the change that positively transform our lives.

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Gavin Robinson. Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. Madam Deputy Speaker, it is mildly eccentric that this is now the third day of debate of a five day king's speech. debate of a five day king's speech. When this government is in crisis. But it is absolutely absurd to But it is absolutely absurd to believe that this government will be able to back business, to create be able to back business, to create economic growth at all, if its intention is to build on the
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Gavin Robinson Portrait Rt Hon Gavin Robinson MP (Belfast East, Democratic Unionist Party)
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legislative achievements, the stranglehold on our British economy. Over the last two years. We were Over the last two years. We were told just last week that incrementalism won't cut it. And yet, time after time after time, we've heard contributions from the we've heard contributions from the other side of the chamber suggest you're going to build on what has you're going to build on what has been achieved thus far. Well, thus far, what I hear from people in Northern Ireland and right throughout the country is families are asking a very simple question why are we now paying more and getting less? They are working harder, their tax more heavily, and yet public services are under strain, businesses are being squeezed and opportunity feels further out of reach.

And while all this is happening, government appears to be more focussed on internal drama and ideological priorities than on delivering. The people of this country are not interested in Labour personality contests. They want government policies that address the pressures they are under. Four days last week, we engaged with thousands of people at the Balmoral Show, all of them wondering where's the hope? Where's the aspiration that they heard promised from Labour over the last

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number of years? On that point. Certainly. I attended the show for four

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I attended the show for four days and did likewise. But is he aware and does he agree that the agricultural sector in particular agricultural sector in particular needs some help, not just in Northern Ireland but across the whole of the United Kingdom? And there doesn't seem to be a policy for farming with this government. And does he agree it's time that that was changed?

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that was changed? They do need Madam Deputy Speaker and many other sectors besides. Just this day I had a conversation with a lovely young gentleman, a 14 year old student from Broxbourne in England. He's a secondary school student. He told me about his school and his classmates and how they live in a conservative constituency. But the majority of pupils of his age last year in a mock election. They weren't interested in this government. They were putting their store on the Greens.

And I wonder just how often members in this chamber engage with real people and understand their concerns. Well they laugh. They weren't laughing two weeks ago when I suspect they won't continue laughing. I raised an issue just earlier in this debate about defence spending in Northern Ireland. Do they know the average spend per head of population is £300? Do they know when Northern Ireland has been a fifth of that? And when I raised the issue earlier about whether this government would recognise that programme Euston, which could invest and see investment in both Scotland and Northern Ireland, can be designated as a defence project again, officialdom is reticent.

When I served in the Defence Select Committee with Labour members for eight years, we fought those campaigns together. We secured investment. But now in government they by the same official line there are things you can do to encourage investment and business and economic growth. But I am sorry to say, I am sorry to say I do not see it. We've heard colleagues talk about stability in the economy. I want to see stability in Northern Ireland. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland was here earlier.

We are now two months into a financial Budget every year with no Budget. Where is the clamour? Where is the concern? Where is the effort to make sure that our politics can work and we can stimulate business and growth? Not to mention Madam Deputy Speaker, and not a concern either. Relationships with the EU. The big idea, the big idea that seems to ignore referendum that took place in 2016. Though it doesn't. Their members don't want it mentioned. Forget about betraying the people of this country and a referendum that decided our fate ten years ago.

The bigger concern in that part of the chamber is that we that they betray the aspirations of their candidates. That one candidate is concerned that another candidate is going to let slip their view to their constituents in the North, with the King of the North would be left with no clues. And yet on closer relationships with the European Union, what do we hear for Northern Ireland? Nothing. All still content that laws for Northern Ireland applying in Northern Ireland are set in Brussels for two years, a Labour government that has has dishonoured its own position and dishonoured the pledges they made to the people of Northern Ireland to fix it.

Talk about closer relationships with the European Union. Madam Deputy Speaker in the next number of months customs duties on parcels, on parcels to customers in Northern Ireland. I don't have time to the hon. Gentleman and he doesn't get an. I don't get an extra minute. I'm not giving away. We're too close to the end. But in three months. Customs duties on parcels from one part of our United Kingdom to another. By the end of this year, general product and safety regulations that were dealt with last year back on the agenda again.

Do we hear anything about it? Is there concern? No. Sadly not. Madam Deputy Speaker, this has been mentioned as a force earlier. I said it's mildly eccentric, but we are going to have to hear more about a government

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which needs nothing more than change itself. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I want

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Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I want to begin by focusing on young people and employment, which is a key aspect of economic growth. But key aspect of economic growth. But growth for a purpose, to create a society that we can all feel a part society that we can all feel a part of and contribute to. It's vital that young people get the training to develop skills in the field that they want to work in, and it is
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Paula Barker Portrait Paula Barker MP (Liverpool Wavertree, Labour)
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they want to work in, and it is often extremely hard for them just to get the initial experience firing off job applications one after the other. Without success, it's easy to lose hope. They don't need the language of work incentives. They just need a chance. The transition from school or college to work in adulthood can be difficult for anyone, and many people start with disadvantages as well. Nobody should have to start their working life without support to find their first job.

That was why I was very pleased to see the government's announcement earlier this spring of new investment in training and skills for young people, including the chance of a job for those who have been looking for work longest. And I would just add that given the closure of the UK Shared Prosperity Fund, I would like to see the government also ensure that there is continued funding for smaller community organisations, providing employment support for people facing the greatest challenges to finding work such as disabled people or care leavers.

And I would urge the government to take action as well to radically reform the student loan system as when young people do start work, they are often demoralised to find that their debt increases faster than they are able to pay it off, and very conscious of the role that small local businesses play in the economy and the everyday lives of people in my constituency, but also of the challenges they are facing because of cost pressures and wider developments such as the growth of online shopping.

Hair salons remain an important part of our high streets. Largely run and staffed by women, they are a key source of apprenticeships and employment for young people under 35, and generated an estimated £5.8 billion for the UK economy in 2324. Victoria and Janice from Aura Salon in Aigburth Road in my constituency, have owned it for 24 years and trained numerous young hairstylists over that time. Nevertheless, after weathering the financial crisis and the pandemic, they have at least temporarily stopped taking on new apprentices like many other salons.

So I urge the government to look again at how it can support small businesses like Aura Salon. In December, I visited another local small business in my constituency, the Motor Museum Recording Studio, which has always offered training and career opportunities for young people. They offer training as record producers, mixers or engineers through the strong links that it has with the Liverpool Institute for Performing Arts, Liverpool University and Liverpool John Moores University. The success of Olivia Dean and Lola Young at the Grammys was a major stimulus stimulus for the UK music industry, and a reminder that creative industries are a key part of the UK economy.

The Motor Museum has played a significant role in the industry's success story over the 37 years of its existence, playing host to recording sessions by major UK bands like Oasis and the Arctic Monkeys, as well as artists from all over the world. However, recording studios are facing an uncertain future. They are assessed for business rates in the same way as other business premises, like offices on the basis of square feet. But this is the sound that studios create, not the space that makes them distinctive.

So I urge the government to consider assessing recording studios separately from other businesses, just as film studios are. And in her May's lecture, the Chancellor highlighted once again how important it is that growth is not confined to London and the South East and recording studios are certainly not. They are part of the essential infrastructure of the music industry, and where so many young musicians take their first steps in their career, without them, there would be no albums, no tours, and we must not lose them.

Yeah, Labour was actually the first party to refer specifically in its manifesto to the concerns of small businesses, when in 1906 is highlighted that shopkeepers and traders are overburdened with rates and taxation, whilst the increasing land values which should relieve the ratepayers, go to people that have not earned the Madam Deputy Speaker. So I urge the government, in my closing remarks to do all they can to support small businesses in our UK economy. Yes, sir. Ashley Fox.
18:35
Ashley Fox Portrait Sir Ashley Fox MP (Bridgwater, Conservative)
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Oh yes, thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Since being elected by the Speaker. Since being elected by the people of Bridgwater, I have sought to be a strong voice for local families, small businesses and community groups across my constituency. I am saddened that during those two years, life has got more difficult for so many people. The cost of living is rising faster than two years ago, unemployment is higher and small businesses are struggling. The reason for these problems is that this government is making life harder for people who work hard and do the right thing here, and too often they reward those who don't.

Labour is taxing and spending and borrowing too much. It is taxing those who work, those who employ people, those who save, those who invest, those who create jobs, and those who build up a family farm or family business and want to pass it on to their children. It seems the only people better off under labour, a train drivers and those on benefits. Two years ago, my right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash set out the borrowing plans for the last conservative government.

We plan to borrow £323 billion in the five years from April 2024. This Labour Chancellor is planning to borrow 583 billion over the same period. That is an 80% increase, an extra £260 billion borrowed over five years, and all that extra borrowing must be paid for poor economic management and chaos within the Labour Party means Britain is now paying 5.1% to borrow money for ten years. I'm happy to.

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Be grateful to my friend. King's Speech is partly about what government does and partly about government does and partly about what government doesn't, and the omission in this King's speech is exactly as he suggests, a macroeconomic approach, particularly to productivity. particularly to productivity. Productivity is a huge drag on our economy, and one might have expected further measures to be expected further measures to be announced dealing with that huge macroeconomic problem. It relates closely to the to the problems that he set out in his speech already.

So, Ashley Fox.

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I'm grateful to my right hon. Friend, the rate that Britain is now paying is higher than at any time over the last 20 years. In fact, since the last time that fact, since the last time that Labour were in office, Britain's finances are in a precarious position precisely because Labour position precisely because Labour is doing what it always does, spending other people's money like spending other people's money like there is no tomorrow. Madam Deputy Speaker, the government announced a holiday tax in the King's speech.

This will enable councils to tax holidays taken in this country even more than at present. Most people who take their holiday in Britain are British. They already pay VAT at 20% on their holidays, and Labour wants to tax them further. This will hit local businesses in Burnham on Sea, Barrow and Brean. In my constituency, many families who holiday in Somerset are not wealthy. A tax of £2.50 per person per night will take £70 per week away from a family of four.

That is money taken out of their pocket that they cannot spend with local businesses. It has been interesting to watch Liberal Democrats in Somerset squirming about their plans for a holiday tax, while their colleagues in Bristol and Bath have welcomed the tax, calling it its introduction a victory for Liberal Democrats. Those in Somerset don't know quite what to say. No doubt they will make their position clear before next year's

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wonder. If he'd considered that Liberal Democrats whole point is that we Democrats whole point is that we think that local governments should be able to decide on its own policies, because it's appropriate in some places and not appropriate

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in others. And I'd like to know from Liberal Democrats in Somerset whether they think it's appropriate whether they think it's appropriate to take money from my constituents in Barrow and Brean and Burnham on Sea and spend it in Taunton and Yeovil, that for some reason they seem reluctant to say so. Madam Deputy Speaker, The King's Speech confirmed the government's plans to curtail our constituents rights to a jury trial. It is a tragedy how this government is trampling on our ancient rights and liberties.

They claim this is because of a backlog of cases in the Crown Court, but that backlog was not caused by jury trials, and it will not be reduced by curtailing the right to a jury trial. Labour Ministers have failed to provide any evidence that this will increase court efficiency. It will not bring swift justice, but it will undermine confidence in our whole justice system. It is a reform without any rational justification. I believe the government is wrong and it must reverse course.

Madam Deputy Speaker, my constituents want secure borders, affordable energy, safer streets, economic growth and opportunities for their children. That is why conservatives are setting out our alternative King's Speech. And at a time of international instability, this government should be cutting welfare spending in order to spend more money on defence. Instead, we are stuck with a feeble government that threatens both our economic and national security.

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Steve Witherden thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Since the last King's speech, we have seen great King's speech, we have seen great steps forward under this Labour government. In its first parliamentary session, the Employment Rights Act, the biggest Employment Rights Act, the biggest upgrade to workers rights in a generation, the Passenger Public Services Act, establishing Great British Rail to improve services and keep fares down. The Renters and keep fares down. The Renters Rights Act providing security and dignity by ending no fault evictions and the removal of the two Child Limit Act, lifting 450,000 children out of poverty.

So it is welcome that in this King's speech, further steps are being taken to support our country at a time when so many are struggling
18:42
Steve Witherden Portrait Steve Witherden MP (Montgomeryshire and Glyndŵr, Labour)
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with the cost of living, our ties with Europe desperately need strengthening, and global strengthening, and global uncertainty weighs heavily on us all, and particularly pleased to welcome the measures to strengthen welcome the measures to strengthen economic security, namely the Steel Industry Nationalisation Bill and the European Partnership Bill. the European Partnership Bill. British Steel is an industry that supports 37,000 direct jobs and supports 37,000 direct jobs and many thousands more through its supply chains. It is vital to our economic resilience and our industrial future, but for decades it has been in private hands.

I welcome the government's willingness to bring in new legislation seeking to renationalise British Steel and our commitment of up to £2.5 billion to modernise and decarbonise the sector in the face of the climate crisis. However, I do wish to press the government on a key point the public interest test within the Bill. While it is right that such powers are exercised responsibly, I urge Ministers to ensure that this test is applied in a way that genuinely puts the public before private profit, rather than being constrained by a desire to reinsure investors above all else.

Further, if we accept the principle that steel is too important to fail, then why should we stop there? Across the country, people are see the consequences of privatisation every day sewage in our rivers, spiralling energy bills and unreliable postal services. Let us bring all essential services back into public ownership and ensure that the wealth they generate benefits the public, not private shareholders. I very much welcome the European Partnership Bill, which seeks to strengthen our trade and investment relationship with the European Union, building on the important work begun last May, when the government and the EU held their first joint summit since we left the EU is, of course, not without its flaws.

But given the uncertain and unstable times we face, particularly as Trump continues to prove himself unpredictable and unreliable over and over. Partnership with our closest neighbours will provide security. This is essential for farmers in my constituency. Of Montgomeryshire and Glyndwr, 75% of Welsh food and drink exports go directly to the European Union. Many of my constituents livelihoods depend upon reliable access to those markets. It is for that reason that the proposed food and drink agreement is so vital.

This deal could add up to 5.1 billion a year to our economy, boost agricultural exports to the EU by 16% and reduce delays at the border. This was a manifesto commitment and fulfilling it will provide much needed certainty for our farming and wider communities. If we are serious about tackling the cost of living crisis and supporting long term economic growth. A key part of this is deepening our relationship with Europe, strengthening trade, enhancing collective security and building a future based on reliable partnerships.

Elsewhere in The King's Speech, I welcome the introduction of the Public Office (Accountability) Bill, commonly known as the Hillsborough Law. My hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool West Derby has worked tirelessly on this. It is essential that it is passed in full as one of the first acts of the new parliamentary session, with the proposed duty of candour applying to all public authorities, including the intelligence and security services, the bereaved families and survivors affected by state failure and cover ups deserve nothing less.

I also welcome the commitment to end the new coal licences and the Coal Licence Bill. While Wales coalfield communities can rightly be proud of their heritage, it is vital that we now protect them from the environmental and social harms of further extraction essential for those living near the colliery. Spoil tip in Scotland. In my constituency, with private companies now seeking to mine coal tips which would inflict the same issues on communities, this type of extraction should also be prohibited.
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Chris Coghlan Portrait Chris Coghlan MP (Dorking and Horley, Liberal Democrat)
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Chris Coghlan Mr. Speaker, last. >> Chris Coghlan Mr. Speaker, last. >> Year I attended the funeral of my step grandmother, Diana Walker. my step grandmother, Diana Walker. I adored her and I was so proud that she was decorated in the war for service as a nurse. After D-Day, she believed that Britain is a hope for the world, not naive idealism, but the resolve of the generation who won the war. Today, liberal democracy in Europe is under threat from a dictator again.

But too many of our generation are turning to fear. We are facing a Reform Party government, the same people who cost us 100 billion a year in the Brexit vote put them in government and the current chaos will seem like nothing. But there are still three years until the next election, enough time to set a new national mission, achieved with a new economic model to bring new hope. Of course, we must restore economic relations with Europe, but we must also dramatically increase defence research and development to power economic growth and defend liberal democracy.

Academics now agree that the economic dominance of the United States is powered by public research and development, especially in defence. It was American and British research and development that learned how to mass produce penicillin, which saved thousands of lives after D-Day. Yet for the last 30 years we have failed to use its scale. This number one policy to maximise growth. The government has made some progress. But today we spend 22 billion a year on public research and development, the fastest growing advanced economies double that.

The government is rightly concerned about more borrowing. Yet we can remove most of the credit risk for defence research and development borrowing by issuing bonds jointly with our European and Canadian allies, and we should follow the advice of Draghi, the former president of the European Central Bank, who urges the EU to reduce debt by borrowing for R&D at scale. Even with additional borrowing. Debt to GDP

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falls as growth takes off. Give way. On that point, I will give way.

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Making a powerful point, and it relates closely to the intervention I made a few moments ago. But really going to address the really going to address the productivity gap. There are two things that are essential R&D, things that are essential R&D, which breeds innovation to make our economy more efficient and effective, and the investment in effective, and the investment in skills, particularly high level skills, but actually skills right across the board. Neither of those things are really emphasised in this King's speech.

He clearly thinks they should be. So do I. Chris Coghlan.

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I thank the hon. Gentleman and I entirely agree. And imagine if we do scale up defence research and do scale up defence research and development where it could lead our country in three years time. We could have a resurgent economy. could have a resurgent economy. Putin defeated and together with our European, Canadian and Ukraine our European, Canadian and Ukraine Ukrainian allies. We could have defended liberal democracy. Madam defended liberal democracy. Madam Deputy Speaker, as I left my grandmother's funeral, they played Fred Astaire's The Way You Look Tonight, a song she loves and danced to with British soldiers.

The hope of that generation lives in us.
18:50
Steve Race Portrait Steve Race MP (Exeter, Labour)
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Steve Race thank. >> You, Madam Deputy Speaker. I warmly welcome the measures in the gracious address, which will enhance the lives and prospects of the people of Exeter. The starting the people of Exeter. The starting point for the King's Speech was an increasingly dangerous and volatile world. Few governments have had to simultaneously tackle a decade and a half of underinvestment and a dire fiscal situation, alongside the shock waves of trade tariffs, terrible wars and a cost of living crisis, not to mention the rapacious pace of technological change and a fast changing climate driving global instability.

Yet despite all the obstacles, this government continues to set forward a prospectus for change that is working. The British economy grew in the last year faster than any other economy in the G7, and members will note today's IMF upgrade to growth prospects this year, too. We see the biggest fall in NHS waiting lists for 17 years in Exeter, over 4000 fewer people are on waiting lists and ambulances are already arriving 30 minutes faster today than last year. We're delivering new Sure Start style services, breakfast clubs, investment in our schools and college, and the 30 hours of funded childcare is already making an enormous difference to families.

This is real change. But for change to accelerate and to to last, we need economic growth. And it's clear that we're engaged in a battle of ideas, both in this chamber and around the world. In any such battle of ideas, we should turn to Tony Crosland, who famously argued in The Future of Socialism in 1956 that economic growth is central to social solidarity and greater equality. By growing the economy, we can share the process, proceeds of growth fairly and invest in our social realm, making us all richer economically, socially, culturally and more secure.

70 years on from Crosland's masterpiece, the global economy is very different. So where will growth come from? First, greater trade with Europe. In our unstable world, with uncertain partners, our stability, prosperity and security rely on meaningful partnerships with like minded nations. So I welcome the European Partnerships Bill, which will boost growth in the South West at a time of balkanisation uncertainty around the world, the UK must redefine and enhance our relationship with Europe, our geography, our values and our economy all point in one direction.

This bill will increase trade with Europe and will break down barriers and erase frictions. Second, we must embrace the technological revolution. Exeter already leads the way in green energy, digital infrastructure and research. Artificial intelligence presents great challenges, to be sure, but also great opportunities too. And I want Exeter to be at the heart of that tech revolution. From our world leading universities to our thriving science parks such as Exeter Science Park and science institutions such as the Met Office, the South West has become a powerhouse for scientific discovery and technological advancement.

And as my right hon. Friend the Chancellor has already has often said, growth cannot be powered from a narrow base in financial services and from London, as in the 19th century, growth must be powered by strong regions and cities, by innovators and entrepreneurs, by small and medium enterprises, by science and technology. Growth will come from tackling the climate emergency, developing the post-carbon technologies that will save us, and managing the just transition to an environmentally sustainable economy. All of this requires an active state taking long term decisions on investment and research.

It requires successful and supported world class universities such as Exeter University, delivering the job ready graduates our businesses need, and actively helping innovators to commercialise and productize their research to start up and spin out and to scale up. It needs more active and deeper capital markets so that British innovation can more easily become British success. Third, we need to unleash the potential of every young person. I welcome the new national focus on skills and apprenticeships and the education for all bill, we must tackle the scandal of hundreds of thousands of young people not in employment, education or training.

When I meet young people, they do not lack ambition or drive. They lack the platforms on which to stand. Exeter College, the best tertiary college in the country, now delivers 95 different apprenticeship standards and pathways in partnership with 1100 employers, meaning they are ranked third nationally for apprenticeship starts, which is remarkable in the 48th biggest city in England. I'm delighted that will be further equipped by this government to help young people reach their potential by becoming a construction technical excellence college.

We're working with Exeter Council, our universities, schools and businesses to put rocket boosters under the ambition of Exeter's rising generation trade technology. Young people three sure start surefire routes to economic growth. Let's never forget that politicians can encourage and craft the conditions for growth, but it's businesses who create the growth itself. I particularly welcome the Small Business Protections bill. I know from my own business experience over 15 years, and from speaking to small businesses, that cash flow is the lifeblood of any

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business, of course. And I appreciate and understand the bill that he's talking about the bill that he's talking about for small businesses. But in my constituency of Epsom and Ewell, small businesses and independent small businesses and independent businesses are heartburn of the economy. And many of them I'm speaking to are really struggling at the moment, and they're not at the moment, and they're not seeing much else that's coming from The King's Speech. They're struggling with the increase in national insurance costs, the cost national insurance costs, the cost of living.

And does the hon. Friend not agree with me that more really does need to be done to support small businesses?

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I thank you for your intervention, and I'm sure the Ministers from the frontbench will answer that in more detail at the answer that in more detail at the end. But absolutely, I think we can all do more to support small businesses across the country. But I think there are measures in this I think there are measures in this King's speech that will absolutely help small businesses across the country. I also welcome the Regulating for Growth Bill, for Regulating for Growth Bill, for example, embedding the presumption of growth into the work of regulators.

Too often, the framework of regulators has failed framework of regulators has failed to balance the need to deliver with the duty to regulate. And I look forward to seeing the details of this bill. As ever, I take my inspiration from Exeter. It's businesses, entrepreneurs and workers. I'm thinking of New Motion Labs, Intelligent AI Brain and Hand Limited role mapper for us for for examples of the new economy that is thriving in Exeter across my city and my region, we are fashioning the answers and forging the future.

This King's speech lays the foundations for economic growth and shared prosperity, not based on trickle down economics or anarcho capitalism, but on investment and modernisation. We're engaged in a battle of ideas both here and

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around the world, and I say, bring it on. Gregory Stafford. Thank you very much, Madam.

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Deputy Speaker, and I agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for New Forest West and for Tonbridge that there West and for Tonbridge that there seems to be a complete lack of understanding from the government benches on the absolute disaster that they are presiding over when that they are presiding over when it comes to the economy and most importantly, growth in this area. The evidence is hard to ignore. The hon. Member for Exeter talked about a battle for ideas. The opposition Leader.



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Could I remind members that if they have intervened in a debate, they might like to have the

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they might like to have the courtesy to wait a while before departing? Chamber Gregory Stafford. Thank you very much, Madam

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Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker, the hon. Member for Exeter talked about a battle for ideas, but the government benches seem to be totally devoid of any seem to be totally devoid of any ideas that will actually get this country moving again. The Item Club forecasts that around 160 000 job forecasts that around 160 000 job losses this year alone, with manufacturing, retail and construction expected to be hit the hardest. Unemployment has risen month after month and now stands at
18:57
Gregory Stafford Portrait Gregory Stafford MP (Farnham and Bordon, Conservative)
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5.2%, HMRC payroll data shows 110 000 fewer people in employment than when Labour took office, and in my when Labour took office, and in my own constituency of Farnham and Bordon, Hazelmere and the surrounding villages, there has surrounding villages, there has been a 28% increase in young people claiming unemployment related benefits in a single year. This is the reality behind the rhetoric that comes from the government. Young people unable to get a Young people unable to get a foothold in work, businesses pausing, recruitment, families feeling the squeeze on their bills, high streets losing momentum.

And the reason is not difficult to identify. Businesses across the country are telling us the same thing. Labour has increased the cost of employment, it's raised taxes and it's layered on regulation that is undermining confidence. The Employment Rights Act alone introduced more than 330 pages of additional obligations on employers. The government's own assessment acknowledged a cost of around £1 billion a year. Both the Federation of Small Businesses and the Institute of Directors warned it would reduce hiring and investment.

And that is exactly what we are seeing. And what is the government's response to this? A regulating for growth bill. It's like asking a vegetarian how it would like its steak cooked. The reality is this is not the way to get growth. At a recent hospitality roundtable in my constituency, one publican told me there is now, and I quote, no incentive to hire someone under 25 that should concern every single member of this House. But the hon. Members opposite simply parrot the government's talking points, totally devoid from what is going on in the real world, because youth employment is now close to 1 in 6 between 16 and 24 year olds.

And I cannot believe that hon. Members opposite are not being told this by their constituents. For many young people, that first job is the foundation for everything that follows skills, confidence, independence and ambition. But too many are now finding that door

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closed. I will. Was absolutely right about young

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Was absolutely right about young people, and he will be as shocked as I am that there are over a million not in education, employment or training. Much has employment or training. Much has been said about growth. What matters is per capita growth, matters is per capita growth, making all of our people better off. And back to my point earlier, And back to my point earlier, nothing of this King's Speech about investment in skills which will allow people to get their foot on

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the ladder. Businesses are thrive and the economy to boom. My right hon. Friend is absolutely right, and per capita absolutely right, and per capita growth is down, and that is a shocking indictment on this government because across our high government because across our high streets and hospitality sector, the pressure is becoming severe. Some local examples. Madam Deputy Speaker John, from Birdie's Cafe in Farnham, told me that his business rates are rising from around £290 a rates are rising from around £290 a month to approximately £1,600 a month.

His energy bills have increased from £3,400 a month to around 3500 pounds a month, and as a result, he's already let a member of staff go in. Wey Hill in Haslemere, is one of the most affected by business rates, where the average increase in rateable values has gone up by 82%. That is entirely unsustainable for what our small shops a butcher, a kitchen shop, a party shop these are not enormous businesses and at the same time, retail sales are falling and confidence is weakening across the sector.

And yet the government still does not appear to grasp the impact of its decisions in this King's Speech. Instead of backing enterprise, it's increasing the cost of employing people instead of reducing burden. It's adding to it. Instead of restoring confidence, it's eroding it. And 330 year gilts yields are now at their highest levels since the 1990s, and higher borrowing costs means higher mortgages, higher debt interest and less capacity to fund public services. It's a government presiding over stagnation and apparently calling it a strategy.

But good news, Madam Deputy Speaker, there is a different path, one that we as conservatives have laid out in our alternative King's Speech. And I say to the Ministers on the Treasury bench, we are not precious about this. Take every single policy and enact it because we want the best for Britain, and we will support them every way we can if they pick those up. Reducing regulatory burdens on businesses, cutting energy costs by removing unnecessary levies, restoring domestic energy security by renewing North Sea licences, and properly cutting business rates for the high streets and hospitality sector.

Because, Madam Deputy Speakers jobs are not created through legislation, regulation or press releases, they are created when businesses are confident enough to invest, expand and hire. That requires lower costs, lower taxes, cheaper energy and a stable regulatory environment. Labour came in promising growth, but we have seen anything but and unless there is a change of direction very soon, the price and the cost of this Labour government to our country will only rise further.
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Kerry McCarthy Portrait Kerry McCarthy MP (Bristol East, Labour)
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Kerry McCarthy thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I welcome the measures set out in the King's measures set out in the King's Speech and the wider government programme to back British businesses in the face of ever more businesses in the face of ever more disabling global headwinds. It's crucial to have a government that accepts an interventionist role, whether it's renationalising British Steel, setting up Great British energy, tougher regulation of the water companies, competition reform or tackling late payments. It's acknowledgement that an engaged state is needed that leaving it to the market simply doesn't work.

It's disappointing and frustrating that even now, we're having to relitigate the debate about whether reaching our climate goals and protecting our planet is compatible with economic growth and prosperity. On the one hand, you have the Tories and reform peddling fallacious arguments about the cost of net zero and completely failing to grasp the importance of ending our dependence on volatile fossil fuel markets and apparently abject ignorance of things like electric arc furnaces and carbon capture and storage. On the other hand, you have the Greens and their anti-growth agenda, not understanding that to redistribute, you first need to have a growing strong economy to redistribute from that.

To solve a housing crisis, we need to support our construction industry, that we can pursue economic growth in a way that helps us protect the planet rather than plundering it. Indeed, there are many companies in my constituency of Bristol East showing how this can be done, some of which are attracting international attention, like matter, which was second runner up in the Earthshot Prize recently for developing washing machine filters that will filter out 97% of microplastics. Let Us Grow, whose aeroponic growing systems were being talked about at the cop I attended in Riyadh in 2024, and Vertical Aviation, which is pioneering electric flight with a very, very cool plane.

At a national level, investment in clean energy is the fastest growing sector of the economy, bringing jobs and economic growth back to deindustrialised communities and also with huge export potential. I saw when I was climate Ministers with the International Energy Brief, how the British model for offshore wind was seen as the gold standard and the way we financed it through contract for differences to the innovation around floating offshore wind and offshore hybrid assets like the Nautilus and Lion Link interconnector pilots, whether it was in the North Seas, energy cooperation events, or talking to the President of Azerbaijan ahead of Cop24, there was great interest in what we were doing and recognition of our expertise.

The same was true of our progress in SMRs fusion and carbon capture and storage. It has to be said, this wasn't always recognised by other parts of the government, and sometimes you had to battle to stress upon them just how crucial this drive towards net zero could be to our economic opportunities. Too often progress was stalled, Treasury says no number ten says no debt says no. A knee jerk reaction. That regulation or intervention would be a burden on business. To take one example, forest risk commodities the previous government committed in the Environment Act to introduce regulations to stamp out deforestation in our supply chains.

The EU was on the same mission with EU. Dr. There were lengthy discussions when I was a Ministers about whether we, the current government, should stick with the UK approach, which was based on illegal deforestation, or adopt the EU's approach based on sustainability. Those discussions were valid, but what was not valid was some quarters suggesting that we shouldn't regulate at all. This was firstly a reputational crisis. How could we, as the UK, as co-chairs with Guyana of the Global Forest Climate Leaders Partnership and with Malaysia of the Forest Agriculture and Commodity Trade Dialogue, call on other countries to protect and restore our precious forests and wetlands.

If we are not prepared to act ourselves, we would have no moral standing. But secondly, businesses want this. I have met with companies like Ferrero and major supermarkets who want the government to act. They do not see it as a burden. They want the government to set direction, show leadership so that they can plan accordingly. It's the lack of certainty that businesses hate. They are perfectly willing to get with the program if they know what the programme is. We saw this misplaced caution in other areas too, like our manifesto commitment on 1.5 line transition plans and in one other area where I know or suspect other parts of the government machine has been acting as a drag on progress, is the development of voluntary carbon and nature markets.

We know that public money and philanthropy alone will be nowhere near enough to meet our climate and nature goals. We know that private finance is interested in investment, whether it's driven by the need to offset their own emissions, decarbonise their portfolios, biodiversity, net gain, insurers worried about climate risks, and so on. In London, we have the world's leading financial centre. We are the best place to lead. As many of the international visitors to last year's Buzz in London Climate Action Week told us. But the consultation that was launched and concluded on 10th of July last year seems to have gone into the aether.

So if the Ministers can reply to one issue that I'm asking about today, can she tell us what has happened to

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progress on the voluntary carbon and nature markets? Jim Allister Mr. Speaker, it is

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Jim Allister Mr. Speaker, it is strikingly surreal to be debating a king's speech from a government king's speech from a government which patently is on its last legs. This is the king's speech of a This is the king's speech of a Prime Minister who's working out his notice as Prime Minister in
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Jim Allister Portrait Jim Allister KC MP (North Antrim, Traditional Unionist Voice)
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his notice as Prime Minister in Downing Street. And so that is surreal. But it is equally surreal that after the biggest trouncing erect electorally that any government has ever had, particularly in red wall seats and in areas that voted strongly pro-Brexit, that the Prime Minister thinks the answer is more Europe, dear help is wit. If that is his solution. And of course it is also the solution of the wannabe Prime Ministers who are queuing up to bristle with their European credentials.

Although I notice Andy Burnham is feverishly trying to cover his European tracks, but because he thinks that mightn't just go down too well in Makerfield. But it is the height of folly for any government who has been so trounced in an election in those areas. To think that the answer is more Europe. And that answer, we are told, is going to come in the European Partnership Bill that, I suspect, will be a mere shell of a bill loaded with Henry VII's powers, so that this House, as we align increasingly, the EU will not even have the right to scrutinise those particular measures.

Dynamic alignment. What does it mean? I can tell you what it means, because I represent a part of the United Kingdom, which sadly has continued to be dynamically aligned with the EU. It means that you become a supplicant rule taker. It means you're subject to laws you don't make and can't change. It means that laws of absolute folly impose costs on your constituents. Let me give you that one example. Northern Ireland is subject to the European Vehicle type regulations.

What does that mean? That means to buy a new car in Northern Ireland costs £4,000 more than it does in Great Britain, because it has to be. It can only be used and imported into Northern Ireland if it meets EU standards. That's what it is to be a supplicant road taker in the

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gentlemen. When it comes to the. Site of sanitary phytosanitary

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Site of sanitary phytosanitary Bill which is going. Which means discussing negotiating with the European Union, which the European Partnership Bill would implement. Partnership Bill would implement. Does he not accept that that would give us a seat at directly at the table on developing food and drink table on developing food and drink standards? And does he not also take a certain moment of pleasure in the fact that the bill would remove the trade barriers when it remove the trade barriers when it comes to food and drink, which exists between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, that arise from Northern Ireland's effective

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membership of the single market, European single market. I'm sorry the hon. Member is so

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I'm sorry the hon. Member is so ill informed. Let's take the SPS deal. The government is seeking an SPS deal, not between the United SPS deal, not between the United Kingdom and the EU. It's seeking an SPS deal for GB and the EU. Why? Because shamefully, it is going to Because shamefully, it is going to leave Northern Ireland in all SPS measures subject to the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the EU. It wouldn't be so bad if it was saying we're going to have an STS deal and therefore we're going to take back sovereignty over SPS matters in Northern Ireland, but it doesn't even have the courage in its to say to the EU, if we're going to align, then we're going to make the laws for the whole United Kingdom.

It is prepared to continue to put Northern Ireland, subject to the foreign jurisdiction of the EU. And what does that mean and what will dynamic alignment mean for Great Britain as well as Northern Ireland? It will mean huge disenfranchisement of the people of this United Kingdom. In Northern Ireland, there are over 300 areas of law that we don't make the laws on. We can't change the laws. They're made by a foreign parliament. This government is going to mirror that for the whole United Kingdom.

That means that the people that we represent cannot elect anyone to make those laws. They are disenfranchised. Disenfranchising is the very antithesis of democracy, and yet it is the price, the democratic price of dynamic alignment. But what about the financial price? How much is this government going to pay the EU to be a supplicant road taker? Tens of millions of pounds and quite sure. But the government hasn't been wanting to tell us that. That's the challenge. Let them tell us financially how much that is going to cost.

I want to comment on one other bill, the energy independence Bill, a bill that wilfully will shut down our oil and gas industry. Only the deluded, only the diluted, would want to produce a plan which will make us weaker, purer and more dependent on others meeting our energy needs. Here we are with the government saying let's choose to leave under the sea billions of of value under the sea, so as we can squeeze our taxpayers to pay the money required to buy the oil, the same gas from a foreign government.

Where is the logic in that? It is the ultimate delusion. And it's because of delusions like that that this government is heading for the exit.

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Katrina Murray thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Earlier this month, Deputy Speaker. Earlier this month, I was privileged to be involved in the inaugural Money Made Human Awards organised by the First Class Awards organised by the First Class Credit Union, a large national credit union started initially by credit union started initially by by postal workers in the Royal Mail 35 years ago. But now as a common
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Katrina Murray Portrait Katrina Murray MP (Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch, Labour)
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35 years ago. But now as a common bond which which spreads across the communication industries, the whole concept of money made human is to recognise that every single decision that we make on a macro or micro economic level affects people. We can choose to make it about simply numbers on a spreadsheet, lines on a graph, or we can make it about human dignity, having enough money to pay for the weekly shop to live in decent, quality, affordable housing.

Whether you pay a mortgage on it or you rent it, to be able to pay for one a one off big purchases like a new washing machine or a new fridge, or to pay for all three kids who all go to the same school to be able to go on the same school trip at the same time. Because, in the words of the chief executive of First Class Credit Union Gail Lloyd, prosperity only really comes when people feel that they're able to actually do those things for many of similar reasons.

As the right hon. Member for Salisbury, I welcome the inclusion of the proposed Enhancing Financial Services Bill in The King's Speech. It recognises the role that credit unions and mutuals play in modern financial services. It provides scope for large credit unions like first class to expand and to develop, but still at the core, to live their values, to support those much smaller community based credit unions, where every week the same people come in to pay part of the pension, part of their wages, part of their benefit money.

And there is a reminder that not everybody who is claiming Universal Credit is not working for nearly 40% of Universal Credit claimants are employed and unpaid work, but they are paying their money into funeral plans, insurances, savings and loans. I want to place on record my thanks to the new Chief Secretary to the Treasury for everything that she has done so far to support the sector and to support the thousands of people, predominantly pensioners, who have seen their funeral savings disappear.

That by bringing together the stakeholders to find a solution, we might be able to get some redress and peace of mind for vulnerable people. This is our opportunity to make actions like withdrawing those products with only 30 days notice now illegal and not just immoral. I am sure that my hon. Friend the Member for the Cities of London and Westminster will not only carry on her excellent work, but will add her own perspective as well, not just with mutuals and local banking services, but things like tackling services, but things like tackling economic abuse and debt.

Now, my hon. Friend the Member for Blaydon and Consett talked about the importance of health and safety legislation. I want to delve in a little bit more deeply on that, particularly the scope within the regulation for growth Bill two. The. It is wrong that in a time that we are in, that every single piece of major health and safety legislation has a one, a, a, a, a 19 in the date, there is the the the key primary piece of legislation was 1974.

The regulations that are used on a daily basis were set in 1992. We do not actually. Health and safety legislation needs to be updated. It needs to be updated to the world that we live in now and we operate in now. Every single one of the health, the Statutory Instruments that exist in health and safety relate to physical health. There is not a single piece around about mental health and wellbeing. What is one of the biggest reasons that people leave the workplace? It is because of mental ill health and well-being.

People who have who have suffered mental ill health have the longest journey back to the workplace. We need to build on the importance of companies such as such as AG Barr in my constituency, who are making sure that the mental ill health well to well-being is as important as physical wellbeing for their

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workers. Thank you. Manuela Perteghella thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for my Madam Deputy Speaker, for my constituents in Stratford-on-Avon, the King's speech was underwhelming. A timid affair, not a radical, bold A timid affair, not a radical, bold change our country needs right now. In the last parliamentary session, my constituents were promised my constituents were promised change and a government focussed on growth. Instead, we got farm tax growth. Instead, we got farm tax for those producing our food and a job tax for our local businesses, which impedes the very same growth in Stratford-on-Avon.

One of the key industries is hospitality and tourism. That is why I've long called for better rail and bus connectivity for my constituency, and why I will continue to press it for it today. Stratford upon Avon is still without a direct train to London, and no reliable or direct late night rail service to Birmingham. We are also without adequate bus connections between our rural towns and villages. This government claims that its top priority is growth. But how is our local economy supposed to grow without adequate public transport infrastructure, to get people to their places of work, to get young people to college and other places of learning, all to their first job? Stratford is home to one of the finest theatre companies anywhere in the world, the Royal Shakespeare Company and home of the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust.

And yet it is difficult for people to visit us. This leaves local businesses to suffer. Our hospitality and nightlife industry is being starved and it is young people who are paying the price, most of all for hospitality and tourism are young people's industries. These are often the first jobs our young people take, the sector in which they build confidence, skills and careers. When those industries struggle, young people struggle with them. Madam Deputy Speaker for constituents like Stratford, for constituencies like Stratford-on-Avon, the creative industries are also central to our economy, our identity and our future.

The government does see this sector as one of the eight growth sectors in their industrial strategy. And yet the reality is that the creative sector is already under immense pressure. For example, since our departure from the European Union, touring across Europe has become more difficult, more expensive and more bureaucratic than ever before for performers, musicians and arts and cultural organisations. Yet there has been little meaningful support from government for those industries or for the communities that depend on them. Brexit has made us all poorer and by clinging to red lines like blocking a customs union and access to the single market and dithering on a youth mobility scheme, the government is locked in Britain into higher prices and weaker growth, but most importantly is letting our young people down.

Madam Deputy Speaker, for this reason, I'm again calling on the government to scrap the Employers National Insurance jobs tax to support local businesses by reforming the unfair business rate
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Manuela Perteghella Portrait Manuela Perteghella MP (Stratford-on-Avon, Liberal Democrat)
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system and implementing an emergency VAT cut for hospitality and leisure, and support our young and leisure, and support our young people, our businesses and the creative sector with a bold, renewed EU UK deal which includes a customs union and access to the single market and a youth mobility single market and a youth mobility scheme. While my constituents struggle with poor transport connectivity, they're also watching the condition of the river rivers on Avon and Stour deteriorate before their eyes. After recognising the failure of the conservative government to properly regulate water companies, this government has quickly followed in his footsteps and allowed more than half a million sewage spills into rivers.

Last year alone, my constituents have seen only rising water bills. They're paying through the nose to companies that do not respect the environment they live in. The Clean Water Bill will establish a new regulator. I call on the government for this regulator to be a strong regulator, with the power and determination to hold water companies properly to account and end the sewage scandal once and for all. The government must also legislate to measure volume, not just duration of sewage spills and strengthened powers for local authorities and communities.

To monitor liver health, we need to place power into the hands of the people the most cherished, the areas they are responsible for. People in Stratford-on-Avon deserve a reliable transport, thriving businesses, opportunities for young people and a clean, protected natural environment. They deserve a government willing to invest in rural communities, defend our waterways and stand up to failing companies where regulators have been asleep at the wheel. My constituents are tired of excuses, tired of sewage in the rivers and tired of being treated as an

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afterthought. They want action and they deserve nothing less. Mary Kelly Foy thank you.

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Mary Kelly Foy thank you. Madam Deputy Speaker, and I welcome the ambition in the King's Speech to grow the economy, raise living standards and make Britain a secure place to invest. But for my secure place to invest. But for my constituents in the City of Durham, growth cannot exist only in
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Mary Kelly Foy Portrait Mary Kelly Foy MP (City of Durham, Labour)
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national figures or ministerial speeches. It must be felt in everyday lives. This means secure work, better wages, stronger businesses and young people imagining a future close to home. The Employment Rights Act saw massive improvements in this regard, and measures in the King's Speech will help further. I particularly welcome action on late payments for many small businesses in Durham. Late payment is not a minor irritation. It damages confidence and stalls employment. Durham is fortunate to have a vibrant range of high quality businesses every year.

I run a small business of the year competition and I'm overwhelmed by how many constituents get involved, whether it's past winners like Daisy Rose, coffee House, vanity hair salon, new house stores, or The Way to Shop, or the numerous other businesses across the constituency, the message is very clear they are the bedrock of our communities. Yet we must acknowledge the severe challenge facing our small businesses, particularly in a sector that is absolutely vital for the city hospitality. They are being squeezed by skyrocketing costs and the impact of the cost of living on their consumers customers.

If we want them to thrive, we need bolder steps to ensure long term viability. And while the government may say the business rate system has been improved, the feedback from small businesses is clear. This is the same old system. Just tinkered with a comprehensive overhaul to support them is urgently required, and we need to see the government rowing behind the strategic employment sites such as the Milburn Gate. Development in Durham City stalled for years. This critical site has now been purchased by a new developer, and it's on the cusp of delivering the benefits promised to the city, and it will be a measure of the government's commitment to delivering growth in all our regions.

And I also welcome the focus on removing barriers to growth and building better trading relationships with our European neighbours. These issues sound technical, but they really matter to the North east. Our region was historically a net exporter to Europe, meaning steps to reduce burdens on export and businesses will have a huge impact on our local economy. And as we go further with clean energy, Durham could be at the heart of the transition. Energy independence must create high quality jobs, support local supply chains and give people the skills they need to seize these opportunities.

And Durham University, through its Energy Institute, brings world class expertise to Durham. It's carrying out pioneering work on the energy, sustainability and geothermal energy, the very minds that powered our industrial past could literally heat our homes in a green future. But alongside long term environmental benefits, we need immediate structural support for our communities. That means real investment in local training, ensuring young people from Durham are equipped to build these systems. And I saw that potential firsthand last week when I spoke at the regional T level networking event in Durham.

It brought together colleges, employers, young people and local partners to discuss how we build the skills pipeline our economy needs. That's exactly the kind of practical partnership we need to stop the persistent brain drain that forces our brightest graduates to pack their bags. We need local economies strong and diverse enough to allow them to stay and build a beautiful, meaningful careers in the city of Durham. This growth relies fundamentally on connectivity, so I welcome the inclusion of the Northern Powerhouse Rail.

Specifically, the government must now prioritise fully the reopening of the Liam Sideline. The King's Speech sets out an important direction, but the test will be delivery. For Durham, that means supporting small businesses, good, well-paid jobs, unlocking the sustainable energy potential of Durham University, investing in skills and ensuring the green economy creates opportunities that

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local people can build their lives around. Thank you. Robin Swann thank you very much.

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Robin Swann thank you very much. Madam Deputy Speaker at King's Speech allows the government to Speech allows the government to provide that reset a signal to to the general populace that they want to do something different. They're to do something different. They're going to build on the last session, actually, in this King's Speech, the Prime Minister said that the the Prime Minister said that the purpose of the bills contained would actually strengthen our economic security. In his opening statement, the Secretary of State said this was about building national resilience.

And I listened here for nearly four hours in
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Robin Swann Portrait Robin Swann MP (South Antrim, Ulster Unionist Party)
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regards to all the positives that the government benches are telling the government benches are telling us and telling the country that they're going to be in the bills that are going to be brought forward within the next session. And I've looked for them. Madam Deputy Speaker, in regards to how Deputy Speaker, in regards to how they affect my constituents, how they affect the people of South Antrim, the businesses, the employers and the employees, but employers and the employees, but also the people of Northern Ireland as to how these bills and this legislation proposed by this government will actually have that impact.

And when you read through each of the sections of these bills, there's a section that covers the territorial extent and application. And when I listened to what the government MPs are bringing forward with what is good in these bills, they say that that extent will cover the whole of the United Kingdom. But, Madam Deputy Speaker, the realism is they won't. The realism is they don't, because so much will actually depend on the European Partnership bill. And we've already seen that with my.

My hon. Friend from North Antrim has explained some of those challenges that we already see. But when you look through the other pieces of legislation as to where we actually could be, and I look to and I've listened to, you know, the Regulating for Growth Bill so many of those regulations in Northern Ireland still countermanded and managed by European Union regulations as well. So when I listened to the sandbox powers that will be brought forward, that will actually lift or lessen the legal powers and release the bureaucracy on people who want to be creative, to cause employment.

And as the hon. Member said earlier on, with increased skills in Northern Ireland, they won't apply initially in Northern Ireland. They may never apply actually in Northern Ireland because of the European Partnership Bill, because what will actually happen in the EU at this moment in time, Madam Deputy Speaker, is a commission looking at who they are going to be negotiating with. Are they going to be negotiating with the current Prime Minister or in a few months time, will they possibly be negotiating with the British Prime Minister, who's probably more EU than some of them themselves? So why would they move now on giving the regulations and what is suggested in the European Partnership Bill will actually bring about? Because when we look at those implications for energy independence and strengthening our energy security, actually, in a recent evidence session of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, John French, who's the Northern Ireland chief executive of our utility regulator, made it clear that if Northern Ireland was actually fully integrated with the GB energy market, that our energy costs would see a 20% reduction in their electricity bill.

I will give way. I'm grateful to the hon. Member for giving way. He's making a really interesting point about important point about regulation in Northern Ireland, having championed in government the gene editing Bill to give this country the ability to grow disease resistant, drought resistant crops, the potato that typically requires 14 applications of high carbon toxic fungicide can be grown with Norwich North technology without. Does he agree with me? It's quite a big opportunity for Northern Ireland. It could be growing those potatoes without the fungicide with huge environmental benefits.

But under the European Bill, Northern Ireland will be denied that opportunity. And I agree with the member. The hon. Member for East Belfast mentioned earlier every Northern Ireland politician who is worth their salt was at the Balmoral Show last week, along with members of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee on the DEFRA Committee, and the continual message was that Northern Ireland agriculture was actually being strangled by some of the regulation that was coming from the European Union in regards to what they want to do and what we can do, actually to bring forward a truly world leading agricultural industry.

When we talk about energy in regards to the things that worry us in regards to the cost of fuel that is impacting heavily in Northern Ireland at this moment in time. But those knock on impacts then in regards for energy for fuel actually has an impact on our steel industry in Northern Ireland, a fantastic manufacturing base across Northern Ireland. Our businesses now face a dual burden as the Windsor framework necessitates. The application of the EU sea ban rules on at risk goods from Great Britain, so effectively creating an Irish Sea carbon border that could add up to £200 million in an annual trade costs and increase major project expenses by 5%.

So our steel importers will also face a triple jeopardy of global levies, including US tariffs. It's up to 50%. An incoming UK regime that slashes tariff free quotas by 60% this July, and an ongoing EU safeguard duties of 25% on goods which again are deemed at risk under the Windsor framework. So that plethora of additional costs being put on that raw material coming into Northern Ireland doesn't balance out. When we hear of this government want to invest in our small businesses and especially our defence SMEs in Northern Ireland, where they promised a £50 million investment in regards to actually coming into those small industries where at the same time putting on additional costs onto their power and to the raw materials.

And if we look at some of the implications of what could be truly life changing in this bill, if we look at the Powerhouse Rail bill and the Railways benefit bill, if I look at my own constituency, the opportunities that we would have if we could actually bring that to Northern Ireland. In regards to opening up the Knockmore line, opening up Belfast International Airport to that applicability as well. Madam Deputy Speaker, the hon. Member for Aylesbury mentioned earlier on the Enhancing Financial Services Bill.

There is an opportunity for this government actually to come into Northern Ireland and make a real difference in car insurance. If they were to take the powers within this bill to regulate claims management companies in Northern Ireland in the same way as they do across the rest of the United Kingdom.

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Dawn Butler thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. In the time that I Deputy Speaker. In the time that I have, I'd like to just touch on two really important areas in regards really important areas in regards to backing business and and creating economic growth. The first creating economic growth. The first is the tourist levy. I welcome the government's announcement for this. And London is the gateway of British tourism. Of the 38 million inbound visits to the UK in 2023, just after just over half of those were to our capital in London.

I therefore welcome the plans and. And I'd like to see a little bit more pace and progress with this, because I think this legislation can do so much to borrow, such as mine in Brent that has Wembley Stadium, and I hope that there will be a 5050 split in regards to the visitors levy. And the second thing I want to touch on is high streets. Madam Deputy Speaker I've said it in the chamber a number of times, because when we're talking about growth and investment, we've got to think about where that growth and
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Dawn Butler Portrait Dawn Butler MP (Brent East, Labour)
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investment comes from, and we have to ensure that we have resilient to ensure that we have resilient local communities. And I think that if the government was to commit to scrapping aim to permit, which is scrapping aim to permit, which is part of the Gambling Act 2005, that will have a dramatic effect on the will have a dramatic effect on the growth of our local economy and on our high streets, because what that our high streets, because what that aim to permit does, it means that councils are often powerless to refuse applications for betting shops, even if there's public protests and clustering of shops like there is in my constituency in Brent.

And as I've shown on my videos, gambling shops are disproportionately in areas that are more economically deprived. And so therefore, the government will be doing a justice to all of those areas. And I've asked people what they want to see on their high street Madam Deputy Speaker. And even people coming out of gambling shops didn't say gambling shops. They said they wanted gyms, libraries, cinema, literally anything but a gambling shop. And so this is this, I think, will cost the government nothing and could have been done in the King's speech.

Disappointed that it isn't. But we can make progress. I will acknowledge the government's gambling impact assessment, which was introduced through the devolution Bill. That is a good step forward in ensuring that local people's voices are listened to, but it really isn't enough. Madam Deputy Speaker and I just want to end on the letter that I wrote to the government that had almost 300 signatures, which I am updating and will continue to update until the government does what I asked them to do.

And it gets it gets more and more signatures every single time. And so I do think that I warmly welcome the drive to economic growth. The IMF has said that the government has upgraded the government's growth forecast, which is good, but we need to just do better and think about where that growth comes from and who it will benefit. And I feel that ending aim to permit will do exactly that.

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Thank you. Alicia Kearns thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I'd like to begin Deputy Speaker. I'd like to begin with an issue where the government has promised action time and time again, but has failed to act, and that is solar mega plants. If rural communities are to host nationally significant energy infrastructure, significant energy infrastructure, we must be compensated fairly for doing so. An entire parliamentary term has passed, and yet the government has still not regulated government has still not regulated mandatory compensation despite promising so.

And the consequences are real. In Rutland and Lincolnshire, a 2100 acre industrial plant with ten foot solar panels will fence on in on all sides some of our villages for the next 60 years. That is a decision that the Member for Doncaster North and his first 24 hours as energy Secretary happily signed off manner past the. Subsequently been purchased by Quinn Brook Infrastructure Partners, a company with a global transaction
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Alicia Kearns Portrait Alicia Kearns MP (Rutland and Stamford, Conservative)
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just to get the executives in the room, and what they put on the table was an insult. They had refused to honour the promises made refused to honour the promises made during the application process to pay the per megawatt generated reinterpreting to mean only energy exported. That sleight of hand will cost my communities £44,000 a year. So let's put this in plain terms. A solar plant that is estimated to generate annual revenues after finance and operating costs of 10 to £15 million a year.

And yet, they claim they can only afford to

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give to my communities a paltry £96,000 a year. I wonder if I. Might very happily give way.

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Might very happily give way. I'm. I'm delighted to hear what my constituency Labour is saying about this, because she's right. about this, because she's right. These careless corporates who had little interest in energy and even less in the environment, are riding roughshod over the will of local people to impose huge plants on the best and most versatile land. As I said to the Prime Minister very recently, this compromises our food security and the very time we

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should be building greater economic resilience. The hon. Gentleman is completely right. And what is completely breathtaking about this £96,000 a year offer isn't the previous meeting in a statement that they meeting in a statement that they now disavow. We were told that paying compensation any higher would make the project financially unviable. A project generating £15 million a year financially unviable million a year financially unviable if they upped their offer to £144,000 a year in compensation. Now I wonder what Quinn Brook's investors and shareholders will feel if I ask them why margins are so narrow, and whether they can have confidence in Quinn Brook.

And I give notice today that if the offer is not substantially improved, that is precisely what I intend to do. I will name every investor and every shareholder on the floor of this House, and I will write to them and ask whether they can be comfortable with what is being done to my communities in Rutland and Lincolnshire. Because Quinn Brook is offering less than 40% of the rate being offered on comparable developments in the East Midlands, and the only national programme offering less than this is Cleeve Hill, which surprise surprise is also owned by Quinn Brook.

In the two years of construction works, they put a handout of goodwill £200,000 as a one off donation not for each year but across covering the two. Some residents homes have already lost 70% of their values. So my question is when will the government stand up for us? And I will amend the government's Energy Renewable Energy Bill to make community compensation mandatory for such developments and to backdate it. But the government could act first. The King's speech also contained no measures to ban slaps.

The use of aggressive, unfounded legal threats to silence whistleblowers. Today, I will use parliamentary privilege to expose one of the most stomach churning examples I've encountered, and I hope it will shame the perpetrator into silence and do the same to force the government into action. The company is called enough. They sell self swab rape kits to women and children, and they do so on the back of a series of lies that their kits are admissible in court. They are not that women are more likely to be raped than get cancer.

They are not that 430,000 people are raped in the UK every year. They are not, and the only one of their devices will deter a man from raping you. As if it is my responsibility as a woman to stop a man from raping me. Over 40 sexual assault charities have urged against their use. The National Police Chiefs Council has also spoken out against them. The Advertising Standards Agency authority investigating the service trading standards because they stop proper evidence collection and they stop perpetrators DNA from being checked against police records.

A case has already collapsed because of the use of a kit. In a debate with me on Times Radio, one of the founders, Katie White, when I said that I'd seen the threatening letters they sent to rape charities and young women across our country was asked if it was true by the journalist. Katie said in response,

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no, not true. This was also a lie. I don't think. I will happily give way. I'm very grateful to her. Giving

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I'm very grateful to her. Giving way. As the former Ministers for the MHRA, she's making a really important point. Traditionally, the MHRA is influence has been in denying proper companies permission. It seems to me now in a digital age It seems to me now in a digital age we have a different problem, which is people coming up with rubbish and selling it over the counter and and selling it over the counter and unofficially, digitally. Do we not need a much more powerful set of legal and financial disincentives

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to really hammer people who are selling these sort of products? I thank my hon. Gentleman because he has enormous experience because he has enormous experience in this. It's exactly the MHRA that we need to look at. This is not a medical device and they are treating it as such. So I want to pay tribute to the brave young girl who has shared with the letter sent to her by enough. She's not a to her by enough. She's not a journalist, she's not a campaigner.

She doesn't have the protections that I enjoy as a member of Parliament. So they thought they Parliament. So they thought they could silence her. The first letter, signed personally by both founders, Katie White and Tom Allchurch, told us she had seven days to comply or they pursue, and I quote, injunctive relief, damages for defamation, recovery of legal costs. They accused her of scaremongering. And then I want the House to hear this clearly, she said to a young woman who dared to raise concerns carefully consider the long term consequences of continuing this campaign.

You not only risk serious legal considerations, but also lasting damage to your personal reputation, your career prospects and future opportunities. They threaten to destroy her future because she posted questions on Instagram a week later. There was no ambiguity. They sent a second letter explicitly calling it a cease and desist. This is predatory and is not a run off. A one off a rape charity showed me the letter that they've received from enough lawyers threatening rape charities into silence. And you know what the letter said? After threatening once again with legal action, they had the audacity to write, and I quote, our client considers such an approach to be in the best interests of survivors, the best interests of survivors, led by company that lies to survivors.

Enough targets are rape charities and young women, and they've tried to make their lives hell. So I urge this government to ban self swab rape kits, and I urge them to honour their promise to legislate against Slapps. I'm speaking out because enough has intimidated people into silence, and rape charities are quiet because they don't have the financial means to take legal action. Legal action would distract them from their duties to survivors. So what I've described today is a window into how our legal system is being weaponised to silence the vulnerable and punish those with the courage to tell the truth.

We in this House and the government must choose a side of victims and the side of rape charities and make sure that individuals who commit rapes face the justice they deserve, not have it stolen by companies selling lies to women. It must end.

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Ben Coleman. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. That was a very powerful and upsetting to hear that, and I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that. A lot to think about raising that. A lot to think about in a world of growing uncertainty, our country's economic security has never mattered more, which is why I never mattered more, which is why I have to say I'm delighted by the European Partnership Bill in the European Partnership Bill in the King's Speech, because right now, our rigid distancing from the EU is simply holding us back.

It's piled costs onto business. It's done nothing for ordinary people, you know, just visit. In my constituency, there's a there's an Italian Spanish deli on the King's Road. The shelves are half bare
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Ben Coleman Portrait Ben Coleman MP (Chelsea and Fulham, Labour)
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because the white van person who used to make buying runs across northern Europe just can't do the paperwork anymore, doesn't want to paperwork anymore, doesn't want to do the paperwork or there's a drinks importer in Fulham paying 100 £150 per pallet. These are 100 £150 per pallet. These are import businesses, but the costs fall on exporters just as hard. And it's small businesses who can least it's small businesses who can least afford the costs they're now facing. But large sectors are paying heavily, too, for our rigid heavily, too, for our rigid distancing from the European Union, British cars now have to meet a separate set of regulatory requirements just to enter European markets.

That costs the automotive sector £600 million a year, which they didn't used to have to pay in chemicals, leaving the EU reach registration scheme and create an entirely separate one left the UK industry facing a £2 billion bill. Pharmaceuticals British products are sitting, waiting 4 to 6 weeks for batch testing before they can get into European supply chains. Ten years ago, none of these costs existed. Why not? We all know the answer because our European neighbours and we were in a single market together.

And once outside that market, British Britain became subject to all these new trade barriers. Just like any non-EU country pushing up costs and indeed, in the food and drink sector, costs for British exporters have risen by as much as 20% since 2023. They've had to pay for over a million multi-page export health certificates just to trade with the EU. What's the total cost? Between £90 million and £210 million each. Each certificate costs up to £200. This didn't used to be the case.

Salmon shipment can then face sampling costs on top of £1,400. Consignment of beef £1,200, consignment of cheese £1,200 and if you get your forms even slightly wrong, valuable products produce can be held at the border and even spoilt entirely. So I'm sorry, are

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you asking me to give away or just heckling? Yes. I try Madam Deputy Speaker as

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I try Madam Deputy Speaker as you might might know, to read a lot of fiction. I try to read two novels a month, but I sometimes novels a month, but I sometimes think I don't need to because we're hearing here a fiction about the European Union as a Ministers every department in which I served, I tried to encourage the procurement tried to encourage the procurement of British products and services, including Vickers, and every time I did so, I was told that it was impossible because of EU regulations and rules, particularly state aid rules that disadvantage British businesses, large and small.

And we've been freed from that now, which is why Ministers on the front bench and the Treasury bench tonight can preside over regime which procures British goods and

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services. And I know every day they try to do so. Yeah. I'm most grateful for that

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I'm most grateful for that intervention. It doesn't in any way even attempt to address the point I even attempt to address the point I was making about the loss of money to this country through trade, and the fact that we have so many businesses gone under on state aid businesses gone under on state aid and public procurement, I will accept that. One of the most unpalatable things that civil servants have always said, along servants have always said, along with commercial in confidence, is that we can't do because of EU procurement rules.

Under the changes to EU procurement rules, there was even while we were in the European Union, a huge amount that you could do to prefer local firms and local small firms, as I knew when I was the deputy leader of my local council and I got them to do that. So your civil servants you were dealing with perhaps needs to look again and have someone pushing. Sorry, forgive me.

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Not the civil servant that I was dealing with. We've been here two years. We have to stop using you

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years. We have to stop using you and your. It means me. Ben Coleman. I'm most grateful. Madam Deputy Speaker such officials as gave that information officials as gave that information could have looked again. Yes, happily.

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happily. Does my friend remember when the former Prime Minister, Tory Prime Minister said to small businesses Minister said to small businesses that he guaranteed there would be no paperwork if they wanted to trade with the EU because they recognised how much of a disadvantage and problematic it would be.

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Ben Coleman it would come as no surprise to anybody to think that what the previous Prime Minister said, and the truth perhaps didn't said, and the truth perhaps didn't have the closest of relationships, but it is absolutely no surprise, looking at what's happened, that looking at what's happened, that the the London School of Economics has found that new border checks and paperwork have actually pushed and paperwork have actually pushed up UK prices by more than 7% between 2019 and 2023. It's about between 2019 and 2023.

It's about £250 on our grocery bills. It's also no wonder that 20,000 small businesses, all with fewer than ten employees, have simply stopped exporting to Europe not by choice, but because the costs got too high. Now, Madam Deputy Speaker, the war with Iran is making things even worse. It's pushing up energy and food costs around the globe, and our country's economic security demands that we do absolutely all we can to reduce business costs and limit price increases. Working with our European allies, which is where the European Partnership Bill comes in, because for months now, the government's been negotiating a new sanitary and phytosanitary food and drink agreement with the EU, and this would sweep away the certificates, the checks, the fees that have added so many costs to food and agricultural trade with Europe.

Now, the aim is to wrap that up by the next EU summit. But to bring it in force, we need the bill. We need the European Partnership Bill and under the SPS deal, what would go? The multi-page export health certificates, phytosanitary certificates, the Port Health Authority costs, the sampling costs. The bill would also. So these would all go. And the bill will support that. The bill will also provide the framework to implement an emissions trading agreement, which will link the UK's emissions trading scheme with that of the EU.

That will give us a larger, more stable carbon market. It will support investments in new technologies and it will help us decarbonise more efficiently and together, the Food and drink deal and the emissions trading deal, it's reckoned, would add nearly £9 billion to the UK economy by 2040. I'm afraid I've given away twice. I don't think I get any more time, so I'm so sorry. The Bill will also give Ministers the essential power to keep UK regulations in step with EU rules more broadly, without needing an Act of Parliament every time.

Now the jargon phrase which we've heard is dynamic alignment, keeping our rules compatible with those of our largest trading partner rather than constantly playing catch up. And crucially, this is not a one way street, unlike now. Unlike now, this will give the UK a seat at the table in Brussels, where food standards are being developed. We do not have that at the moment and Parliament will retain its say before any EU rules are applied here. So we will be replacing the patchwork of ad hoc fixes that we have now with a clear and stable framework that businesses can plan around.

And importantly, if we pass this bill, as I expect we do, that will be a sovereign decision freely made, not because we have to, but because the prize is too great to walk away from. So the European Partnership, Madam Deputy Speaker will clear, will deliver real relief, real advantages for food and drink businesses. Now it will pave the way for bringing down costs in other areas such as chemicals, pharmaceuticals and automotive. It is a patriotic and a hopeful bill. It will boost British business.

It will strengthen our country's economic and energy security, and I look forward to it building our country's growth and our future in Europe. Andrew Rosindell Madam Deputy Speaker.
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Andrew Rosindell Portrait Andrew Rosindell MP (Romford, Reform UK)
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At the heart of the King's >> At the heart of the King's speech lies a fundamental misunderstanding of how economic misunderstanding of how economic growth is created. Growth comes from the grassroots, not from central planning. It certainly does central planning. It certainly does not come from Whitehall or European micro-management and regulation, but rather from everyday people in our constituents who get up early, work hard and build businesses from nothing whilst incurring risks themselves. It comes from governments getting out of the lives of people and allowing enterprise to flourish.

In Romford. This entrepreneurial spirit is deeply ingrained in our community. Ever since King Henry the Third granted our market charter in 1247, our town has thrived through enterprise. My constituency has always been a town of market traders, small businessmen, shopkeepers and the self-employed. Napoleon's remark that Britain was a nation of shopkeepers actually should fill us with pride, as our entrepreneurial spirit is the founder of Britain's success as a prosperous, free trading nation. Yet today, Madam Deputy Speaker, my high street, like so many up and down the country, tells a very different story.

Successive governments and this government in particular have made it harder, not easier, to operate a successful business here in Britain. Only this government could stand here claiming back growth while simultaneously hammering employers with a tax on employment through higher national Insurance contributions. The people of Romford made their views on the 7th of May known very clear with every single council seat, all 23 in my constituency being won by reform UK, ordinary working men and women have simply had enough, and watching their community fall into terminal decline.

While the national government effectively destroys people's livelihoods is simply unacceptable. And two of those reform UK councils elected councillor Diane and Russell Smith, are landlords of the Wheatsheaf pub, a family run business started by Russell's father. They are risk takers and indispensable to our local economy. It was never their intention to enter frontline politics, but they could no longer tolerate watching their community fall into disrepair and see the so-called government of working people fleece small businesses, owners, local traders like them, and make running a successful commercial enterprise intolerable.

And, Madam Deputy Speaker, they are Friend.

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I am grateful to my hon. Friend for giving way. He's right, of course, that the pubs, the clubs, the small shops, the societies, the things that Edmund Burke called the little platoons are what constitute little platoons are what constitute civil society. And yet successive governments, including this one, governments, including this one, have capitulated to huge corporate, multinational, globalist businesses. multinational, globalist businesses. Nothing in this king's speech cast us in a separate, different, distinctive direction. And he's right to champion those little platoons in a fashion.



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My Rotherham. Have always completely correct. Our nation's success is built on Our nation's success is built on grassroots entrepreneurial spirit, not bureaucracy, not corporate not bureaucracy, not corporate control, not government regulation, and certainly not Brussels interfering with our affairs yet again. Having had that referendum where the British people voted overwhelmingly to get out of a overwhelmingly to get out of a political union with Europe, and now the government wants us to to have a pathway to growth, apparently through closer alignment to the European Union.

We don't yet know what the contents of the so-called European Partnership Bill will be, but it's bound to mean more powers stripped away from this place. And the British people, with the introduction of so-called dynamic alignment, the regulatory straitjacket which would be imposed upon us by Brussels. As my hon. Friend the Member for North Antrim said to the Prime Minister only last week, the Labour Party's solution to growth is by making the UK a subservient rule taker from a foreign parliament.

That is not acceptable. The socialist solution is always more central planning, more spending, more bureaucracy. It failed in the 1970s and it will fail again today. What this country needs, Madam Deputy Speaker, is not more Whitehall dictating diktats, government intrusion into people's lives, but another 1979 style Margaret Thatcher revolution for enterprise, a period of national rejuvenation defined by cutting back state intervention and giving people back control over their own lives. So we must cut waste red tape, strangling business scrap i.e.

Ir35, and give our tradesmen, freelancers and small firms a fair deal. Again, lower and simplified corporation tax to make Britain one of the best places in the world to build a business. Instead of watching a the wealthy actually flee our shores, abolishing inheritance tax so that families can pass on what they've built through a lifetime of work. We must reform welfare so that those who can work do work, but ensure that those who are vulnerable are genuinely cared for.

Reward effort, protect the vulnerable. Most importantly, bring back respect for the hard working taxpayer. We need to cut waste, restore discipline to public finances, spend where it helps working people and small businesses not to prop up the bureaucracy and needless white collar workers. So I want Romford to thrive again. But we can only achieve that if we stop treating small businesses like cash machines and start treating them rightfully as the backbone of our economy and the lifeblood of our communities.
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Margaret Mullane Portrait Margaret Mullane MP (Dagenham and Rainham, Labour)
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Margaret Mullane. >> Margaret Mullane. >> Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate on contribute to this debate on backing business to create economic growth, and I also welcome the commitment of this government to remove the barriers to growth in all corners of Britain. In all of the hubbub of the last week, it may have escaped the attention of many that GDP did grow by 0.6% in the first quarter of 226, which is the highest level of growth across the G7, something which, whilst positive, needs to mean more than a percentage point and a graph for communities like the one I represent in Dagenham and Rainham, small and medium sized enterprises and seats like mine form the backbone of the local economy and play a vital role in delivering infrastructure.

Which is why I also welcome the announcement of the Small Business Protection Late Payments Bill. The legislation represents a historic moment for small companies who often suffer at the hands of big business and poor payment practices. It's my hope that the legislation outlined by His Majesty last week will support more free flowing supply chains across the country. Speaking of supply chains, these are exciting times for growth in Dagenham and Rainham. The Lower Thames Crossing project is playing an integral role in bridging the gap between small and medium sized construction companies and large national infrastructure projects.

I spoke at the road showing Rainham recently, and it was encouraging to see so many local and family run companies being awarded contracts and opportunities to upskill their staff. Whilst my seat did not become the new home for London's historic three markets of Billingsgate, Smithfield and New Spitalfields, I'm still working closely with the City of London and other partners across the south of my constituency, such as the Thames Free Port Ford UK, to determine a new legacy for Dagenham and Rainham.

However, new opportunities and investment cannot translate into more data centres springing up across our brownfield sites, draining resources, contributing to urban heat island effect and offering very little in terms of jobs for local people. AI, for all its advancement, cannot be all we have to offer the world. And as the Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill progresses through this House, I hope it will pave the way for a resurgence of British manufacturing excellence and industry. Because I stood on a platform to bring back jobs you can raise a family on.

That's what the what the people of Dagenham and Rainham want and deserve. And that's what I'm determined to deliver under a Labour government. So imagine my joy when His Majesty and our government set out a plan for apprenticeships, beat the drum of education for all, painted a vision where every child succeed and is not held back by poverty, special education needs or a lack of respect for vocational education. Growth does not work when we all pull in different directions.

It works when we deliver opportunities on the ground to everyone, everywhere. That is the mission of this Labour government, and it's my personal mission to ensure that my constituents in Dagenham and Rainham thrive.

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Monica Harding thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. My constituency of Esher and Walton is the single Esher and Walton is the single biggest contributor to the exchequer of any constituency outside of London and home to outside of London and home to almost 5500 businesses. And as such, their opinion matters. And as their representative in this place, I representative in this place, I want to convey a message from the small businesses, entrepreneurs and major employers is that this king's
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Monica Harding Portrait Monica Harding MP (Esher and Walton, Liberal Democrat)
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major employers is that this king's speech and this government is failing to protect them, failing to promote them, failing to get growth and failing them. Businesses are struggling with everything, everywhere all at once. With rising national insurance costs, pressure from business rates, wage increases, energy bills and government policies are exacerbating the pain. Rather than alleviating it, retailers are trying to keep the high streets alive while footfall drops and costs rise. Employers want to recruit, invest and grow, but increasingly feel they are being punished for taking on staff and building businesses.

Here in the UK. It's just too hard, said one to me. I'm out. Instead of carrying on and creating wealth and jobs, I'm retiring. At least they're still here. Some are eyeing up getting out of this country altogether and offshoring. Hospitality businesses are under enormous strain across much of Europe. Hospitality is recognised as a strategic sector worth supporting through reduced VAT rates. In Britain, cafes and restaurants are still largely paying the full 20% VAT rate, while also absorbing soaring energy costs, higher staffing bills and rising business rates.

VAT rates for hospitality in this country is one of the highest in Europe, second only to Denmark. The high street is hurting. Laurence Turner, who owns Thames Ditton Bakery, has described just how unsustainable things have become for many small high street businesses. His monthly energy bill is now nearly as high as the rent of the shop itself. Around £1,250 on energy compared to £1,000 on rent. He says it feels like he is paying two rent simply to keep the ovens on.

On top of that corporation tax, VAT, rising staff costs all while operating in a small village where footfall is down because of the cost of living, business owners are working harder than ever, while less and less rewarded for taking the risk of running a business at all. Daytona outdoor go Karting in Sandown Park has told me about the combined impact of rising wage costs, high VAT and soaring business rates. Their business rates have risen by £100,000 in two years and when the minimum wage rises, every band goes up to differentiate between grades, creating huge pressure on employers across hospitality and leisure sectors.

His concern, which has been echoed by others, is that money is simply stopping moving through the economy, with many business owners now seriously thinking about scaling back, relocating or closing altogether. And none of this has been confronted in the King's Speech. The government surely, after the local elections, have woken up and smell the coffee, the government must act with urgency to tackle both the cost of living and the cost of doing business crisis. This means cutting hospitality VAT to 15%, as we recommend until April 2027, bringing energy bills down and finally getting serious about economic growth by negotiating a new UK EU customs union.

These measures would help save jobs, support struggling high streets, grow the economy and put around £270 per person back into people's pockets by next year, giving businesses and families alike a much needed boost in confidence and stability. I mentioned a customs union, and it is good to see that the government's omerta on Brexit has finally been broken by both candidates for the Labour leadership, albeit interesting to see that the one who is not in this place has U-turned already. Within 48 hours, the economic damage from Brexit is becoming harder to ignore.

So why does the government still not move to fix it more wholeheartedly? Last November, the NBER estimated that Brexit reduced UK GDP by between 6 to 8%, with investments significantly lower and business confidence badly weakened by years of uncertainty and instability. But yet the King's Speech is yet another wasted opportunity for British businesses and ambition. And, of course, the biggest gift a government can give to businesses stability. But instead, business leaders are warning that investment decisions alongside the country's reputation is at risk, with more infighting, more scandals, more jostling for power.

It is such a shame that this government is following the chaos of Tory governments. It is such a shame that this Prime Minister has wasted his mandate to bring about the kind of reforms of welfare, of resetting our relationship with the EU properly and of creating a business friendly environment. He promised to be an aptly government. The only characteristic of the

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Attlee government may be one term. Martin Rhodes.

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Thank you, Madam Speaker. Hon. Members across. The. House have already made

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reference to fundamental and structural challenges. We face as a society. And as an economy. One such that

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And as an economy. One such that has been mentioned is the challenge around the rapid rate of technological change. This brings technological change. This brings opportunity and benefits for many, but also brings uncertainty. And
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Martin Rhodes Portrait Martin Rhodes MP (Glasgow North, Labour)
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exclusion for others is a challenge that highlights the more general need for government intervention, need for government intervention, to nurture and to protect regulation that does not hinder growth, but can in fact encourage growth, but can in fact encourage growth. Growth that necessarily is growth. Growth that necessarily is inclusive. Because of the limits of time. I will focus on one particular area, the European Partnership Bill, which focuses on Partnership Bill, which focuses on rebuilding our relationship with Europe in this fractured geopolitical and economic world.

Europe is our largest and closest trading bloc, and thus breaking down trade barriers with them will help businesses grow, create jobs and ease cost pressures for UK households. I support these positive moves, prioritising trade, business and jobs above Refighting past political debates. That said, I believe that we should be more ambitious in aligning requirements for British businesses with EU standards where possible and appropriate. Many UK companies are already required to follow the EU's Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive in order to trade with our biggest external market, we risk becoming a dumping ground for an ethically sourced products while our own UK companies, following best practice to trade with our closest and largest neighbours, are undercut by less responsible enterprises.

Some 50 leading businesses businesses have already signed statements calling for human rights due diligence. Legislation, including brands such as Tesco, Twinings and John Lewis. This legislation can promote more ethical consumption, allow companies to better manage risk and help grow British businesses. The European Partnership Bill is an opportunity to align our due diligence regime with EU standards. Following the Responsible Business Conduct Review. I hope the government might see this bill as an opportunity to make these changes happen. I am proud to support this government's agenda of regulating the market to work for consumers and small businesses, and putting fairness and dignity at the heart of our economic system.

I welcome the proposed legislative measures to support good business in the King's Speech, and I will continue over this parliamentary session to urge Ministers to further take forward measures to ensure human rights and environmental due diligence in supply chains, the successful future of our economy, further growth in our economy and good quality jobs can only be based on responsible and sustainable business practices, with strong workers rights and protections for consumers. I am confident that measures in The King's Speech will build on legislation in the last

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session on delivering these goals. George Freeman thank.

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George Freeman thank. You, Madam Deputy Speaker. There is no more important issue for the country than the stubbornly low country than the stubbornly low growth rate and the structural barriers to the growth, productivity, enterprise innovation productivity, enterprise innovation and investment which this country so desperately needs, and which in truth has defied successive truth has defied successive governments since the coalition and the political crisis that the Brexit of 2016 unleashed. And it gives me no pleasure speaking for my constituents in Mid Norfolk to highlight that for them, the King's Speech is irrelevant in less.

They see real delivery on the ground, and what is happening in Mid Norfolk at the moment is small businesses on whom we rely, shedding jobs, disposable incomes, falling market towns and high streets like Dereham, Watton and Attleborough, struggling pubs
20:14
George Freeman Portrait George Freeman MP (Mid Norfolk, Conservative)
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closing, farmers going out of farming, food to take the government's incentives to farm government's incentives to farm solar panels and commuter housing estates and public services. Overwhelmed by rising demand from Overwhelmed by rising demand from new housing and population ageing population. And this is fuelling a population. And this is fuelling a surge in political anger, which is what explains a lot of the results. In the elections last week across Suffolk, Norfolk, the fens of Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire, rural deprivation and rural poverty, and the disproportionate impact of high energy prices on the rural economy.

Every cup of coffee, every schoolbook, every pencil, every lesson, every journey costs. Take the Treasury figures 20% more than in cities and rural areas are underfunded. That is driving real anger. And they're based on real grievances. People are now paying European levels of tax for American levels of public services, and they're fed up. And unless we, this government, this Parliament, this media, this Whitehall respect and understand the grievance set out a truly bold plan to deal with it.

I fear we're going to see a continued rise of the rich in this country, leaving the middle classes, concluding that the engine of growth. It's just not worth putting in the work they've been used to putting in, and the poor turning to the back markets and to crime. I'll have to give way.

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I'm grateful to my hon. Friend for that to happen. Governments and for that to happen. Governments and Parliament had to take back control, and successive governments have divested themselves of that control. divested themselves of that control. As Simon Case said when he when he As Simon Case said when he when he left office by giving more power to unelected and unaccountable bodies unelected and unaccountable bodies of all kinds and types. So government to act needs levers to pull to make the kind of difference he's described.

And governments have less and less ability to do

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that. And yet the King's Speech doesn't address that fundamental need for a change of direction. George Freeman.

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George Freeman. Makes an important point. The King's Speech. My constituents loved was The King's Speech in Washington, in which he spoke for Washington, in which he spoke for the very best of this country. And the point I'm trying to make today is that it is in all of our is that it is in all of our interests here. I say this as a friend of mainstream politics and democracy, that we tackle this challenge more boldly. And I challenge more boldly. And I welcome the speed with which newly elected Labour MPs have realised the scale and urgency of the problem of public and voter anger, stubbornly slow growth, rising unemployment and demand for public services exceeding capacity.

But they're in danger of going for the wrong prescription. What we need is a renaissance of enterprise and innovation across the public and private sectors. And convenient though it may be politically for my party, the idea that a regicidal political crisis of infighting and a leadership contest in office is the answer is for the birds. Take it from me, my party has tested that idea to destruction and we've all paid the price. We don't need a Labour Party beauty contest. We need a parliament and a government that get more urgent about the many laudable things they've set out to do.

But we don't have ten years to deliver it. We have a couple of years. If the Labour Party likes this Prime Minister, I suggest he's going to be the seventh who will be got rid of because of the structural deficit. And I remember when I first arrived here in 2010, the brilliant Paul Johnson of the IFS explaining what the structural deficit was. It's worth repeating the deficit normally, is when a government doesn't earn as much as it's spending, because the economy has taken a downturn, it borrows a bit to keep spending and then pays it back.

The structural deficit is that bit of the deficit that goes up every year, even when the economy is growing and it's driven by four things. In 2010, it was being driven by welfare, public sector pensions and the big one. Health and debt interest was remarkably low. It's it's now, after the coalition, we capped off the rise in public sector pensions incredibly, painfully. We capped off the rise in welfare. Incredibly painful. Health has continued to defy reform and it is bankrupting the public sector.

We're now spending over 50% on health and welfare and social support. It's simply not affordable. The only way out of this you can't cut, borrow or tax your way out of this. The only way out is to grow. And not through just dumping cheap housing across the countryside, but backing the industries of tomorrow. I'll

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happily give way to my. Bad press, my. John Hayes friend, a little further, because the other way of dealing with it, as I said earlier, is through improved productivity. So he's right, of productivity. So he's right, of course, that the burden of of cost is fundamentally important, but it is fundamentally important, but it can be made better through greater efficiency. D the government themselves have said this as successive governments have, but successive governments have, but you have to put in place measures, and they are tough measures very often to deliver that kind of productivity.



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He makes an important point. I'm going to make a slightly different point, which is there are huge opportunities for really good growth in this country. Having had a 16 year career backing the industries of tomorrow, whether industries of tomorrow, whether it's in fusion, in SMR, nuclear technologies, in agritech, in bioscience, the bioeconomy on bioscience, the bioeconomy on Teesside, the satellite economy in Glasgow. We have an opportunity to turn these into the industries of tomorrow, and I welcome the tomorrow, and I welcome the government's industrial strategy commitment to do it, but it is at 50,000ft.

We need to drop down to some more tangible and bolder policies to back those industries. But I'm very proud, having come here, that the last government I know, the Secretary of State gave a tub thumping speech about the 1980s. But the truth is, we have made a lot of progress over the last 20 years. I was doing my work as Ministers for Life Science and Ministers for agri tech, and Ministers for the Science and Technology, following in the footsteps of Paul Drayson and David Sainsbury, in life science, in fusion, in AI, in quantum, we have built an unbelievably competitive economy, but other countries are moving fast.

Our. Our competitors are more agile. We are terrible at adopting technology in the public services. Our scale ups are not getting the finance they need in the city. Kate Bingham in the times today is right. How do we unlock this? Well, I want to suggest my ten point plan for renewal. And I support the government's ambition. I say this because if we all of us fail, the benches over here are of pub populist promising everything will win and we will see even deeper disillusionment.

So I'm calling in this speech for one real honesty of a 1979 scale about the scale of the emergency, two bold devolution to the people, cities, mayors that know how to do it better. Frankly, they couldn't do worse than Whitehall. Three serious Whitehall reforms. So we end the juvenile process of HMT playing departments off against each other for funding. That, in the end comes very late and then is taken back for a serious backing for the innovation economy, allocating the 20 billion of R&D.

I welcome it, but how we allocate it is key. We need to allocate it in a way that attracts private investment. Five are bold revolution of tax incentives for enterprise. A new deal for new business. No NE, no VAT. If you're starting a company and growing for a couple of years, five regulation for innovation, not just cutting regulations but leading in setting the regulation. I welcome the government's work in setting up the Regulatory innovation office skills and patriotic capitalism. I don't think it's communism to get the city investing in British business.



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Boldness will win. Doctor Allison Gardner. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I am excited by this government's vision and commitment to renationalisation. We have started renationalisation. We have started Renationalising Rail with Great British Rail. This ends thus ending the subsidising of foreign owners. the subsidising of foreign owners. This, alongside freezing rail fares, means businesses and their workers can look forward to reliable,
20:22
Allison Gardner Portrait Dr Allison Gardner MP (Stoke-on-Trent South, Labour)
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can look forward to reliable, cheaper rail travel expanding where businesses can locate and workers can seek employment. I also note the reopening of several rail stations nationally, and I, of course, continue to ask that we consider similar. In Stoke on Trent South, connectivity is key to our economic growth. In this King's speech, we see much on transport. Madam Deputy Speaker, including the Railways and Passenger Benefits Bill and the Northern Powerhouse Rail. Here I see a new rail route proposed from Crewe to Manchester.

Whilst I welcome this, I must raise the continuing concern that HS2 causes throughout Staffordshire and Stoke on Trent. I ask that any new rail investment must assess the impact on Stoke on Trent. We have a conurbation with the city and towns such as Kidsgrove and Newcastle under Lyme of over 400 000 people, an area with huge growth potential. If we have the investment and connectivity we need, it is not about speed, it is about capacity and the assurance of direct services to Manchester, Birmingham and London, plus eastwards to Derby and Nottingham.

We still sit in stasis in Staffordshire, in the shadow of the old HS2 plan. So I ask, we consider upgrading the West Coast Main Line main line in Staffordshire, tackling the key pinch points and giving resolution to the people and communities impacted by the travesty of HS2 thus far. With Renationalising rail, we now see the Steel Industry Nationalisation Bill bringing back strategically important industries such as steel into the ownership of the British people is something I am deeply proud of. But of course I would like to see this vision continue.

I'd like us to be braver still, and I encourage the government to renationalise the water industry. I commend the government on its work so far to tackle the appalling and, in the view of many, criminal shambles the private water companies have inflicted upon this country, and I welcome the plans to overhaul the regulatory regime with the Clean Water Act. But will it be enough? Our rivers are dead and sewage flows over our field, streets and sea. I have seen this in my constituency, in Trenton and in Tean.

I and my constituents would welcome this government throwing out the foreign private interests that have devastated our waterways and siphoned off profits and deliver a water sector owned by the people of this country. I also note that this government has an investment plan of up to 100 billion in improving our water infrastructure. I hope this investment uses British businesses and products including the pipes, tiles, bricks produced by the ceramics industry so that every penny spent re-enters our own economy.

We back British business by building British. And of course, as the MP for Stoke on Trent South and the villages, I cannot let a day go by focusing on British business without mentioning repeatedly ceramics. In the last parliamentary session we saw ceramics recognised in the industry as a foundation industry, and that with. And as I have championed advanced and technical ceramics throughout my time in this place and I am delighted to see its inclusion alongside refractories in the British industrial competitive scene.

But we need to do more for all our ceramics sector. Many of my ceramics businesses tell me of their frustration with exporting to the EU. They can export to the US easier than they can to our nearest and biggest market. Hence, I welcome the European Partnership Bill. Creating closer links to Europe is key to our economic future. We can do this strategically without having to revisit the toxic Brexit debate of old. We are rebuilding a partnership that works for us and our European partners.

Closer dynamic alignment is vital and as we are essentially talking about trade, I will add my own asker here again that we have a British ceramics trade trade envoy for British ceramics. We need to promote our iconic iconic tableware, our sanitaryware, our bricks, and most certainly our technical ceramics. And also to tackle the crippling issue of China dumping and the flooding of fakes into the British market, we need to support our home grown industry, and I am proud. Signatory of the GMB Potter's Pledge.

I have many times raised the strategic value in investing in the manufacturing of fibre and of carbon matrix composites. This is vital to ensuring we have control of key supply chains within aviation, defence and nuclear industries. We are currently dependent on a handful of overseas factories, despite this country owning many of the IPS. Once again, manufacturing occurs elsewhere. We need to bring it home and centred around the Potteries developing advanced sector. And of course, ceramics is a gas intensive industry and so is additional challenges to face.

I note this King's Speech introduces the Electricity Generator Levy Bill, but we need a bespoke solution for the ceramics industry. We need help now.
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Cameron Thomas Portrait Cameron Thomas MP (Tewkesbury, Liberal Democrat)
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Cameron Thomas. September last year and spoke of my pride to represent 52 pubs and three breweries. I warned the three breweries. I warned the government then that despite its protestations that it was supporting businesses, its hike in employers, National insurance contributions and its hike in business rates was hitting hospitality hard. Since then,

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Winchcombe's Corner Covered. In has closed and. The Inferno. Brewery has vacated. Bread.

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Brewery has vacated. Bread. Bread and road in Tewkesbury. If the. Government does not grow back its business taxation, I expect to be back with an updated list. There is one very clear route to economic is one very clear route to economic growth in Gloucestershire. The M5, junction nine A and A46 Ashchurch project requires a government injection of approximately £1 billion, but it will unlock 100 hectares of employment space while releasing capacity on the UK's crucial Trans Midlands trade corridor.

is a key enabler to the Tewkesbury Garden Communities Project and tens of thousands of new homes. With the community infrastructure so desperately needed in the current geopolitical climate, backing business for economic growth means unleashing the UK's world leading defence manufacturing sector, and few regions of the UK boast Gloucestershire's engineering heritage. In my constituency, I proudly represent Babcock, GE aerospace, Moog and Safran, each at the top of a chain of small and medium sized manufacturing and logistics enterprises. The M5 junction nine project can further enhance Gloucestershire's contribution to economic growth through this sector and help the government meet its pledged 3% of GDP on defence by 2030.

If the UK is serious about generating growth. We cannot be cowed by taboo. We must reckon with the reality that leaving the European Union has been a diplomatic and economic disaster. Reform UK wants to abolish the Office of Budget Responsibility, perhaps because it reported that the UK economy will be 4% smaller by 2035 for having left. That won't help my constituents with the cost of living crisis, and it seems the OBR's estimation seems conservative compared with other economists.

The organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development estimates a deficit of 5% by 2030, and the US National Bureau of Economic Research says the impact was already -6 to 8% by last year. There is no greater mechanism to affect economic growth available to the government than negotiating a new customs union with the EU. I met UK businessman Steve Wisbey last year who explained the nightmare of red tape which Brexit has caused UK businesses. He spoke of the additional costs of work visas since freedom of movement was surrendered, temporary import licences and cash flows inhibited by VAT now paid up front.

Other members of this House may be keen to avoid rehashing the old arguments of Brexit, but we must not deny its cost. Backing business means undoing the damage caused by Brexit. Yes, Amanda Hack.
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Amanda Hack Portrait Amanda Hack MP (North West Leicestershire, Labour)
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. My constituency of North West Leicestershire is right in the Leicestershire is right in the centre of the UK. It's a constituency of makers and movers, with around 25% working in logistics and a further 15% in manufacturing, mining and utilities, the latter of which aligns with one of the broader industrial strengths of the East Midlands. As one of the most manufacturing intensive regions in the country. North West Leicestershire is also home to one of three sites in the only inland Freeport in the UK.

However, the site that's been proposed for Leicestershire has created a considerable amount of concern for the local community. The site was identified in the Freeport by the previous conservative administrations locally and nationally. However, the proposed site is next to an 825 year old village with heritage status. When we are considering growth, we need to make sure we take our communities with us. They need to be part of the decision making process, and they need to feel that they're not an afterthought.

North West Leicestershire also has 4000 people working in the construction sector. It's an important sector for us as well as nationally headquartering a number of housebuilders. I also have three Ibstock brick sites and a number of quarries. We have significant construction capacity and a real opportunity now to meet our social housing targets and social housing renewal ambitions set out in the King's Speech. Using our strengths of the industry we have right on our doorsteps. British bricks, bricks, building homes for the families to thrive.

I welcome the the the information from the Secretary of State earlier mentioning ceramics, and I look forward to a further announcement. My farmers have been feeding our country for generations and play a core part in the growth opportunity offered in the European Partnership Bill announced in the King's Speech, which has the potential to increase agriculture. Agricultural exports to the UK by 16%. The bill also offers smoother trade arrangements with the EU, capturing the potential of the current trade agreement signed is key, with my constituency being home to East Midlands Airport, the largest small parcel freight operation in the country.

Making sure our SMEs are able to access those trading relationships and opportunities will also be key when it comes to growth. So also beneficial is the introduction of the Small Business Protections (Late Payments) Bill announced in the King's Speech, which will include cash flow for SMEs and small support business reliance. It will also mark the biggest action on late payments in 25 years, which to me is interesting. As I wrote in my dissertation in 1998 on small business support, and the conclusions I pointed out at the time was the impact of late payments being a barrier to growth.

These payments cost the UK economy £11 billion a year and close around 38 small firms every day. Just imagine the growth potential if small businesses can invest the money that they're simply owed. Access to finance is also a huge concern for SMEs. But as the last two physical banks in my towns are departing Lloyds in Coalville, closing at the end of next month, and the NatWest in Ashby due to close imminently. Now we have a temporary banking hub. I worry that my constituency is already held at a disadvantage.

We cannot underestimate the impact this will have on my local businesses, which is why I welcome the work on the Enhancing Financial Services Bill. Whilst already also a previous announcement, I want to talk briefly about the establishment of new forests across the UK, replicating the success of the National Forest, which is central to my constituency. The pioneering work that the National Forests have done in creating new growth opportunities for rural businesses has been transformational. So much so, even Oxford Cambridge Growth Corridor wants to get in on the act and get a forest two.

I've said it before and I'll continue to say it. The National Forest is a treasure, but access is limited unless you have access to a car. Poor transport connectivity not only is an inconvenience, it's a real limiter to growth when people cannot rely, rely. We get to work. Businesses struggle to recruit and retain staff when roads are congested and public transport is patchy, productivity suffers and investment goes elsewhere. And Madam Deputy Speaker, as I've mentioned it before, when we don't have a single passenger rail service across my entire constituency, despite being a logistics hub, despite having an international airport and despite being home to the East Midlands Rail Freight Terminal, my businesses will continue to feel the impact.

There's a huge opportunity in expanding rail and I'm hopeful the Railways and Passenger Bill benefit opens up the discussion about towns like mine being served by rail. Back in British business means backing people, backing high streets and the infrastructure behind them. The bills laid out in the King's Speech are a promising start, and success will depend on whether the smallest

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firms can be considered in delivery. Jess Brown-Fuller thank. You, Madam Deputy Speaker. I'm pleased to be able to speak in pleased to be able to speak in today's King's Speech debate with the theme Backing Business to Create Economic Growth. I know from meeting with businesses across my constituency in all fields, be it hospitality and retail, manufacturing, haulage, technology, agriculture and horticulture or the creative industries that they are ready, willing and able to play
20:35
Jess Brown-Fuller Portrait Jess Brown-Fuller MP (Chichester, Liberal Democrat)
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ready, willing and able to play their part in achieving economic growth for this country. But right now, it's hard to see how that will be achieved with their businesses being squeezed from all directions. They are facing rising costs. Additional employer National Insurance contributions, sky high energy bills and a workforce that are struggling to get to the end of the month with anything left in their bank account. Because the cost of living crisis is felt acutely. In my constituency, that is often described as affluent.

In fact, a Resolution Foundation report titled The Slurp Index last month looked at the ratio of average gross hourly earnings to Guinness pint prices and concluded that in somewhere like Trafford, the average median hourly wage will earn you just over four pints when you're getting the round in on a Friday. But in Chichester, it doesn't even stretch to two and a half pints, which would not make you popular with your co-workers. It's half for everyone in Chichester. I'm very sorry. The high costs in Chichester are compounded by the fact that desperately needed improvements to the A27 have been removed entirely from the government's road investment strategy.

Without investment, the road will continue to strangle regional trade and competitiveness. For Chichester, it feels more and more likely that it's quicker to get around by sea than the roads in my constituency. Which brings me on to the Clean Water Bill, which aims to undo years of dissatisfaction in the water industry. Over the weekend, I joined the Surfers Against Sewage paddle out protest. Perhaps ironically, we were told not to get in the water because a sewage outflow had discharged into the Solent and the water wasn't safe.

It didn't stop us from getting in and highlighting just how important our water is to us. In the Chichester constituency. With Chichester Harbour being a national landscape. And so, so this legislation that the government is bringing forward must deliver an overhaul of how our water industry is regulated, starting with the scrapping of Ofwat, a measure that the Liberal Democrats have been calling for since 2022. I hope in this legislation we will see many of the 44 amendments that the Liberal Democrats tabled to the Water Special Measures Bill during the Bill committee that the government previously chose not to accept.

One of those includes a statutory responsibility for water companies to measure the volume of spills they release, rather than the arbitrary measure of time, because this would accurately reflect the actual levels of pollution. This is vital, as the Environment Agency looks to enforce stricter targets at wastewater treatment works around my constituency in sensitive areas, which have seen high level pollution like bosom and the harbour, and into the chalk stream, the River Lavant. But in 2024, the River Lavant had a discharge going into it for a total of 285 days.

That was counted as one discharge. So we need to know the volume rather than the time spent discharging. This is an issue that fills my inbox because we are passionate in Chichester about our rivers and coastline and national landscape. Another key issue that residents raise with me is the behaviour of rogue property management companies. Chichester residents are living in properties where The verge is not maintained. Saplings are dropped into holes in the ground and left to die before being removed six months later for the whole process to start again.

Residents describe management companies as faceless with non-existent customer service, except when they are told that their service charge is increasing exponentially. This has led, in some cases, to residents moving from the homes they fought so hard to purchase because they can no longer afford to live there. In the Commonhold and Leasehold Reform Bill, the government has the opportunity to tackle this issue head on by regulating these companies effectively and putting a cap. I'll happily give way to the

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hon. Gentleman. I met residents of Georgian Court in Spalding. A dealt ago. They. McCarthy and Stone home and They. McCarthy and Stone home and their freehold up. That freeholder has put up that ground rent by has put up that ground rent by almost 100%. It's exactly the kind of thing that the hon. Lady is drawing the House's attention to,

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drawing the House's attention to, and it must be dealt with in the bill that's coming up in the Queen's Speech. Jess Brown-Fuller.

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I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention and by regulating these companies effectively and these companies effectively and putting a cap on these excessive service charges, particularly when there's no evidence that the service is actually being delivered, would really change the game. For a lot of these people that feel trapped in the estates that they're trapped in the estates that they're on. I have met with the housing Ministers and shared my residents accounts with him, and I hope this piece of legislation that's being brought forward will start to address that, as has been seen throughout the country in the recent local elections and current polling the government has faced failed to seize the initiative.

When it comes to the direction of the economy. People wanted change, but they are still being left wanting. There was much in the King's speech that my constituents hope will make a difference to them, whether in relation to the matters I've brought up or the police bill, the Ticket Tout Ban Bill or the European Partnership Bill. However, many will be concerned that, and quite rightly, given the record of this government, these reforms will once again either be U-turned or fudged. I hope they are wrong, but I will, of course, continue to work for my constituents in Chichester

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to ensure that their concerns are properly represented. Yeah.

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Yeah. Harlow Deputy Speaker I welcome the King's Speech last week. And a volatile world. The question of volatile world. The question of domestic economic resilience is paramount. Whether it is conflict in the Middle East, driving energy in the Middle East, driving energy price instability, supply chain disruption or rising global
20:41
Frank McNally Portrait Frank McNally MP (Coatbridge and Bellshill, Labour)
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disruption or rising global uncertainty, Britain cannot afford inaction or to simply hope global shocks will be contained or passes by. We need an active concordat between government, business and communities to strengthen our resilience and ensure our prosperity. The speech set out an agenda focussed on growth, investment, infrastructure, innovation and economic security. Crucially, it recognised that growth must not exist just in Whitehall spreadsheets or the boardrooms of financial institutions in the city. It must be felt in communities like Coatbridge and Bellshill.

For decades, businesses particularly small and medium sized, have felt that government worked around them rather than with them. So one of the most important measures announced in the speech is the Small Business Protections Bill on late payments. For too long, businesses have been pushed to the brink because they completed work, paid wages and suppliers, but then waited months to be paid themselves, according to the Small Business Commissioner, late payments cost the UK economy £11 billion annually, with small business owners spending around 86 hours each year chasing unpaid invoices.

And that is time that is not spent innovating, hiring, exporting or growing. These proposed reforms, including stronger powers for the Small Business Commissioner, mandatory interest on late payments and maximum payment terms all represent a positive step. I also welcome the regulating for Growth Bill and the plans that are being put in place to put a greater emphasis on innovation, particularly important for emerging sectors like AI, clean energy, advanced manufacturing and defence technologies. And certainly, I hope that the government will look to prioritise some of that R&D on clinical research for motor neurone disease, which is an issue very close to my heart.

Now, innovation matters greatly for post-industrial communities in North Lanarkshire, Scotland's fastest growing economy, where we are already seeing the potential of advanced industry and digital infrastructure. With Scotland's first AI growth zone and companies like Cairnhill structures in my constituency, which is rebuilding bridges currently in Ukraine, destroyed by Russian forces, also welcome the support for clean energy investment and securing domestic steel production, which reflects an understanding that modern economies cannot grow on weak foundations. Recent global events have certainly exposed the dangers of overreliance on volatile international energy markets, so expanding Home-grown clean energy and supporting a new generation of nuclear power is not just sound environmental policy, it is sound economic security policy.

And certainly in Scotland, the SNP should end their decades long, dogmatic opposition to new nuclear. Madam Deputy Speaker, growth is strongest and most sustainable, most sustainable. When working people are secure, skilled and fairly paid and we have made great progress with the Employment Rights Act and the uplifts to the national and living wages and. But we also have to go further, particularly with apprenticeships. And certainly it is an absolute national scandal. Madam Deputy Speaker, that apprenticeship starts for advanced manufacturing dropped by 40% under the previous Tory government by 30% in Scotland under the SNP.

So we have to redouble our efforts to end the erosion that we've seen from the parties opposite. But we also have a moral obligation to support the 1 million young people who are not in education, training or work to reach their potential. A critical act for transforming our economy. Madam Deputy Speaker, this King's Speech recognises that economic security, national resilience and living standards are deeply intertwined. It recognises that government has a responsibility not merely to observe the economy, but to help shape the conditions for growth, innovation and long term prosperity.

In a world becoming more uncertain by the day. That approach is not ideological. It is necessary.

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Olly Glover Rugby. Standing. Olly Glover. Oh, sorry. Yes. Apologies, Madam Deputy Speaker so it's.

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Deputy Speaker so it's. I've forgotten how to do it. Yes. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Yes. When assessing the effectiveness and suitability of this King's Speech, we need to this King's Speech, we need to consider what we need for a greater and renewed United Kingdom. We need, firstly, a fairer society of
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Olly Glover Portrait Olly Glover MP (Didcot and Wantage, Liberal Democrat)
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firstly, a fairer society of greater opportunities. Secondly, an economy that works for people. And thirdly, a strong and globally relevant United Kingdom. So starting with a fairer society, there are some good intentions in relation to housing via the social housing renewal and commonhold and leasing reform bills. However, a former falls a long way short of real action on social housing, with the government's continued refusal to refocus its targets on social housing specifically. Whilst there is no clear legislative plan to properly regulate property management companies and their charges, the proposed bills on health and education also both fall short.

The government continues to prevaricate over the desperate need to act on the findings of numerous reviews into adult social care, and this is the best way to support our struggling NHS. Focus on special educational needs provision is welcome, but the proposals in The King's Speech are unlikely to succeed without investment in state special schools necessary to reduce significant local authority expenditure on private special schools and transport to distant special schools on transport more widely, measures to improve taxi and private hire safety and regulation.

Railway investment in the North of England and private finance for roads have merit. However, it is important we do not blindly follow the Treasury's obsession with avoiding capital spending. Today, there are many examples of private finance initiatives, having ended up being very poor value for money on a whole life cost basis, and it is indeed on a whole life costs that we should be thinking rather than sign and forget private finance deals. And whilst votes at 16 are welcome, real ambition is also missing when it comes to fixing our broken politics, as the government's proposals do not address the real need to modernise.

The House of Lords, deal with grubby money in our politics, or introduce a fair voting system that actually delivers election outcomes bearing some resemblance to how people vote. But perhaps the greatest omission from my constituents is yet another failure to deal with the dysfunction of our planning system. Centrally imposed housing targets without the same targets or focus focus on the infrastructure and public services needed to support them, whether healthcare, transport or large scale leisure. This is something councils are often blamed for when really much of the fault lies with central government turning to an economy that works for people.

We have twin challenges of small and local businesses under massive pressure, and some very large companies needing to be prodded to play fair and respect consumers. The government's proposals go some way towards dealing with the problem with big businesses. But totally absent from the government's agenda are things that will really help small and local companies, such as business rates, reforms, measures to rejuvenate our high street, and initiatives to encourage greater employment. The government's plans include some welcome measures to better protect consumer rights and costs.

The Energy Independence and Electricity Generator Levy bills are long overdue attempts to ensure that consumers feel the benefit of our move towards renewable electricity generation and accompanying grid upgrades, including reducing the effect of electricity electricity prices being determined by often small amounts of gas power generation. But we need more and faster action on home insulation, a heating oil price cap and creation of an energy security bank to finance those critical green energy generation upgrades. This. These steps are exactly what we need.

Climate change prevention cannot be done to people. It must be done with them. And where. The benefits are very clear to people, economy and planet. The Clean Water Bill is an attempt to end the likes of Thames Water, charging ever more for water bills, whilst delivering inadequate upgrades to reduce water leaks and sewage dumping. Aided by a toothless Ofwat largely watching from the sidelines. What is missing from the government's proposals is the radicalism needed to assuage justified public anger, mandating water companies to publish the volume and concentration of discharge from emergency overflows to end sewage dumping by 20 at key bathing sites by 2030, and to make all our water companies become customer owned public benefit corporations.

But we also continue to lack a credible plan in the King's Speech to help more people get into the workplace. And that will only happen with investment that adapts in skills, education and training, that adapts to changing societal and economic needs, improvements to the access to work programme and research and insight into the many reasons some people do not work on the international matters. It's welcome that the government has acknowledged the need to try to do something about this with its European partnership bills.

However, the latter continues to reflect the government's self-delusion on the Europe issue. Those with expertise on the matter are clear that there is very little growth to be had by tinkering with the edges of our existing inadequate agreements with the European Union. Only by joining the customs union and single market will we regain the significant economic and security benefits of being part of humanity's most successful peace and economic project. It is interesting that it apparently takes an undeclared

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leadership contest and crisis within the Labour government for this to even start to be discussed and may be accepted. Thank you.

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Thank you. Doctor Rupa Huq. Thank you. Only last Wednesday it.

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Only last Wednesday it. Seemed so much longer ago saw the second King's speech of this Labour government. 37 bills Labour government. 37 bills addressing the UK's economic, energy and national security at a
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Rupa Huq Portrait Dr Rupa Huq MP (Ealing Central and Acton, Labour)
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energy and national security at a time of gigantic global challenge, many much unforeseeable. At the time of the last King's Speech in 2024. A stunning opener. Like you, Madam Deputy Speaker from Bradford, followed by the Prime Minister's forceful plea for change to the status quo. His words he mentioned it ten times. I was having visions of rocking all over the world, but he was, of course, spot on. After a first king's speech of employment rights, renters rights, rail nationalisation.

This the sequel? No, not the Colin Firth film. All will bring public will bring British Steel into public ownership in the public interest and the leasehold scam, and see a social housing bill for a million families trapped in waiting lists and temporary accommodation, some of it promised by the Tories, never delivered. And on broken promises as we approach the third, sorry, the 10th anniversary of the fateful vote that bequeathed us Brexit, I welcome the EU partnership Bill and this government's rebuilding a stronger relationship with Europe.

We were told Brexit would make us richer, that we'd see migration down. It would make us more secure. Wrong on all three counts. And as mum of an undergrad, I know Brexit robbed young people of their ability to work, study and live easily in Europe. So I applaud the Youth Experience scheme and rejoining Erasmus. And I'd suggest the Circular Economy Directive as one to sign up to. The referendum was indeed fateful but not fatal. Thanks to this government's actions. Highest growth in the G7.

And now I'd say that circumstances have changed so dramatically since 2024. It might be time to consider relaxing some of the red lines on single market and customs union membership. Just the thoughts and unblocking barriers to growth is also in bills on industrial strategy, national security, investing in defence armed forces, plus repairing public services like the NHS, policing and special educational needs on immigration reform. I must forewarn that I'm going to be one of probably a number of MPs lobbying for modification on earned settlement proposals, but they're not inked in yet.

So we are hopeful, and I do regret that there's nothing in here dealing with my ballot bill for ticketing to fix Oasis style rip offs and surge pricing in here. Also, my old union, the UQ, is disappointed that there's nothing much in this King's speech for the university sector or for Fe, despite the multiple crises that they are facing. But we are where we are and it is an ambitious programme. 37 bills, as I say, as the Straits of Hormuz affect prices at the pumps, enacting energy security, which is in here is much welcome, so that we're no longer at the mercy of being pushed around in foreign wars, and instead we can withstand global instability with clean, home grown energy independence.

These are all things the Tories would never do and reform. None of them are here at the moment, are they? Would undo lots done, lots more to do, including repairing and rebuilding European alliances so damaged by 14 years of Tory rule. And the first five, I have to remind, were propped up by the Lib Dems as well. So they were also were handmaidens to austerity, although they tend to forget these days. Anyway. Look, it hasn't been an overnight process, but reversing their mess to build a more resilient country is underway.

Our constituents voted for change and expect their government to get

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on with it. Susan Murray thank you very much,

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Susan Murray thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. In 1603, Britain saw the union of the crowns. That moment began a journey which That moment began a journey which would lead to the acts of union and the growth of not only our modern the growth of not only our modern democracy, but the most powerful economic industrial force the world has ever seen. That story was not has ever seen. That story was not written by one Nation alone. It was a political union of nations, enabled by sharing of skills and resources from every corner of these islands, to build something far bigger than could ever have been achieved.

Individually, each nation's bringing its strengths, each nation benefiting from the strengths of the others. The
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Susan Murray Portrait Susan Murray MP (Mid Dunbartonshire, Liberal Democrat)
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benefits of the union are clear, and the ties run deep. But if we are to make that case properly, we are to make that case properly, we must be honest about what's gone wrong. As a Scottish MP for my wrong. As a Scottish MP for my constituency of Mid Dunbartonshire, I speak to too many businesses in Scotland who do not feel supported, too many who feel squeezed, taxed and ignored. Both their governments and ignored. Both their governments have made poor choices in Holyrood.

The SNP has chosen campaigning for independence over economic delivery. They have pulled funding from specialist technical facilities, which could have created hundreds of jobs, and they have refused to back new nuclear. Despite Scotland's engineering heritage and energy expertise. After 20 years of SNP government in Scotland, business do not need another referendum. They need stability for investment and growth in Westminster. Labour's jobs tax has made it more expensive to employ people, and more expensive for firms to expand.

Higher running costs mean higher prices for working people and fewer job opportunities for part time workers and for young people. When youth unemployment is near 16%, inheritance tax changes have introduced a survival risk for family business in the UK, opening them up to hostile takeover. Businesses need Labour to acknowledge that over 80% of jobs are in the private sector, in SMEs, and increasing taxes on these jobs is not a recipe for growth. It's all too often the death knell of local jobs in Scotland.

Recent elections should have been a clear sign for both Labour and the SNP. Only 14% of Scots said independence is one of the most important issues facing the country, while 63% said the cost of living was one of the top issues deciding their vote, resulting in 56% of Scottish votes going to unionist parties a clear sign that people want stability, not another referendum. The English council elections told a similar story. One of voters looking beyond old two party habits and desperate for change.

It is clear that our current voting system in Westminster is part of the problem. Too often, seats in Parliament do not reflect what people voted for. A fairer, proportional voting system, which Liberal Democrats want to see, would make politicians listen more and encourage collaboration. It would mean fewer sudden swings from one extreme to the other, and a steadier environment for businesses to invest and grow. While this house may be the mother of parliaments, that doesn't mean it cannot change with the times.

Britain has so much potential. We must be ambitious. Too often we've been too timid to bureaucratic and too concerned with political differences. I'd like to urge everyone here today that's left to come together and push for what is best for people in every corner of the UK. While we may, while while we may need to compromise to find agreement, it's the job of every member of this House to ensure that the UK is at the forefront of change that benefits all our constituents and

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celebrates our diversity and tolerance. Thank you. Yeah. Sarah Smith thank you.

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Sarah Smith thank you. Mr. Speaker. You may not know this, but Hyndburn was, of course, the engine of the Industrial Revolution, for it was in Bristol, Revolution, for it was in Bristol, where I live, that James Hargreaves Hargreaves invented the Spinning Hargreaves invented the Spinning Jenny back in 1765, which was to revolutionise, revolutionise the cotton industry. This spinning cotton industry. This spinning machine enabled subsequent advancements in textile machinery, which ultimately paved the way for the mechanisation of the entire manufacturing process.

What is often missed in this story about James is that he faced such opposition to his invention by the weavers, who literally went in and smashed up his house, forced him out of town, and it brought the cost of yarn down. And it was
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Sarah Smith Portrait Sarah Smith MP (Hyndburn, Labour)
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natural for these workers to be fearful of the impact that this would have on their livelihoods. It was right that they sought to was right that they sought to protect their future. But through this innovation and those that followed the mills in Accrington, followed the mills in Accrington, Oswaldtwistle, Great Harwood and the workers who powered them were the backbone of our economy today. Madam Deputy Speaker, I believe that there are lessons we can draw from this history. We stand once from this history.

We stand once again on the precipice of a new industrial revolution. We stand at a point in history which will be examined closely by future generations. AI is a bright new technology. It is offering us huge hope and opportunity. And indeed, when I asked it what its biggest, the biggest opportunities of AI was, it told me that it was less about replacing humans and more about expanding what humans can do at scale. However, there is also plenty to be wary of.

AI is going to cause the greatest amount of disruption, particularly to industries like coding law, accountancy and other highly skilled professions. And alongside this technological revolution, the era of globalisation as we know it is over. The risk of being dependent on foreign capabilities for our data storage, for our defence capabilities, for our manufacturing, and for the skills that we need to build our economy and support our businesses to thrive cannot be understated. The solution to this is to back British business, to buy British to make British bricks, ideally like the Accrington nori brick, by the way, to build British houses, to be proudly patriotic and to create the conditions in my constituency and across across this country for our businesses to thrive, to invest, to grow and to create the jobs that are needed.

I was pleased to see in The King's Speech, and I quote His Majesty, that we will deploy the power of an active state in partnership with business, and enable reforms that support higher growth and a fair deal for working people. So I urge the government to go far and fast in this commitment, whether it's with procurement policy, energy policy and cutting red tape. We need an industrial strategy that outlines how investment will deliver the jobs, the supply chains and the sovereign capability in the skills and the infrastructure that we need for the future.

This is not a time for tweaking around the edges, but it is a once in a generation opportunity to meet the scale of the challenge and to build back better. In places like Hyndburn. We need active intervention by the state with things like infrastructure, for example, an opportunity for a freight terminal in Huncoat, or the chance to support Redcar, a catapult in my constituency that needs funding to help businesses bring products to scale. This could be a game changer for many local businesses, whether it's Senator Group, Emerson and Renwick.

What more UK Rosman industries like Tech, Fegen and Warley and so many more. Moving, slightly different topic. I also want to cover briefly the importance of skills and I am proud of the progress that the government is making in this area. I'm pleased to see in the session ahead a focus on apprenticeships, tackling youth unemployment and of course, a plan for Send. I hope that these plans will put the colleges, like the East Lancashire Group, at the heart of these ambitions.

It is time that college teachers receive pay equity compared to other teachers. It is time that colleges receive the respect that they deserve and receive the funding they need to help our most vulnerable and disadvantaged students. We can be the government that puts rights the wrongs of the Tories, and finally unlocks the potential of millions of young people. Before I close, I'll offer one final encouragement to my hon. Friend the Economic Secretary and to her successor, the Member for Cities and Westminster, and that is that there is £120 million sitting there stuck in children's tax funds for children who lack the capacity themselves to access them.

If we can break this, that money will go directly into the local economies across this country, and I hope it is not lost as she takes on her new job. The King's Speech is clear in its ambition to increase growth, to expand investment and to improve our public services. It is a labour programme due to the fundamental belief that underpins it, that access for opportunity is for all. I look forward to working with

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colleagues to support and strengthen the bills that come before us in the session ahead. You, God.

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You, God. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. We all agree that we urgently need to get the economy growing again. However, the bills brought forward in the King's Speech don't in the King's Speech don't represent big, bold economic change that the country needs. I'm going to talk today about just two things which will create economic growth, trade and how we balance tax and spending through our fiscal framework. So trade, our country prospers when fair markets for
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Charlie Maynard Portrait Charlie Maynard MP (Witney, Liberal Democrat)
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goods, services, capital and labour operate effectively trade make this operate effectively trade make this country great. Raising barriers to trade makes it harder for the economy to grow. Erodes the tax base on which our vital public services depend, and the cost of doing business skyrockets. Whether you're a small business person in my constituency of Witney or a large financial institution here in large financial institution here in London, the evidence of the damage Brexit has done is in plain view. America's National Bureau of Economic Research, who produces nonpartisan economic research, estimates that by 2025, the Brexit process has reduced UK GDP per capita by 6 to 8%, investment by 12 to 18%, employment by 3 to 4% and productivity by 3 to 4%.

And that comes at enormous human cost. The UK EU reset has some good elements, and each element, which is being painfully negotiated, merely returns some of the benefits we all used to have. Our young people may soon have the opportunity to again travel and work abroad. We may rejoin the EU's energy market, cutting electricity costs and making both markets greener and more efficient. And the government has been working hard to sign an SPS agreement on food with the EU, which would hugely reduce costs and delays for our farmers.

The benefits of which will be felt in Oxfordshire and rural communities across the country, bringing cheaper food onto supermarket shelves, which is good news for all of us. But consider the logic the government is now fighting really hard to rejoin the EU's single market in food products, while remaining resolutely against rejoining the single market for anything else. Where is the logic in that? Two things are painfully clear we are expending enormous political capital to recover just a fraction of the benefits we once had, and even that goal is wholly insufficient.

Given the scale of the challenge our economy now faces. We need to be bolder and aim higher. Turning to the UK's fiscal framework, let's have a think about how well they've worked over the last quarter of a century and the last 25 years. We have not had a single year where tax receipts exceeded spending. That's a period spanning at least eight different fiscal frameworks. The 2020 425 deficit was £153 billion. So we spent £153 billion more than we received.

That's 5.2% of GDP. And the consequences are severe. Our national debt has ballooned £2.9 trillion, equivalent to 94% of GDP. And when I look at our current fiscal rules, the words that come to me are lie to me. The tradition works something like this. The government of the day assures the country that all targets will be hit. Not now, when it actually matters, but at a completely unknowable forecast date five years hence. That five year target rolls forward and is never reached.

Spending is front loaded in years one, two and three. Tax rises are backloaded in years four and five, ideally the other side of a general election. And traditionally, voters have been lied to because the alternative means politicians confronting and explaining a financial situation. Nobody wants to face. Is this failure inevitable? No it isn't. Other countries have moved in the other direction. They have cut their debt to GDP ratios. So in Sweden, they had a financial crisis in the 90s where debt to GDP ratio was above 80%.

Its response was the 1996 Budget Act, one of the most rigorous fiscal frameworks in Europe, which fundamentally reshaped how taxation and parliamentary scrutiny interact. Most importantly to our situation today, the principles of this framework continue to command very strong cross-party support. That does not mean that there is agreement on specific spending, on specific spending or tax decisions. These remain contested, but the framework rules themselves are treated as largely above partisan dispute. That is precisely why the Swedish model is so frequently cited internationally.

So I'm asking everyone in this chamber and everyone listening to think seriously about whether we could do something similar here. After all, we are far better off addressing this very large problem now before a financial crisis forces our hand later.
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Janet Daby Portrait Janet Daby MP (Lewisham East, Labour)
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. >> Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. >> Parts of my constituency of Bellingham and Downham are part of Bellingham and Downham are part of the most deprived areas in London and indeed the country. These areas need the radical change Labour need the radical change Labour promised in 2024, and I believe that the action to achieve this must be rooted in a foundation of economic stability. This is why I welcome the government's approach to the economy.

It may have been missed, but just last week it was reported that the UK had the fastest growth in the G7, despite the backdrop of conflict in the Strait of Hormuz and Eastern Europe. Now, in my constituency, there are over 3000 thriving businesses based in Lewisham East and many of them small and medium sized enterprises. These are businesses where a missed or delayed payment can have a deepening effect on business sustainability, which is why the government's Small Business Protection Bill is relevant in protecting business from being mistreated in any way.

As well as SMEs, construction firms are the largest sector in the constituency, accounting for 16% of registered businesses. The government's plans to ban the deduction and withholding of retention payments under construction contracts will protect supporting industries, safeguard construction workers and help to get Britain building again. Now, turning to Europe, which so many have mentioned in this chamber, I welcome our closer ties with the European Union, delivered through the government's European Partnership Bill. It will benefit many businesses across my constituency and when indeed I was first elected in 2018, I did so on a promise to repair the relationship between the UK and the EU.

And I'm pleased to note that the government is progressing on that commitment. The Bill will stabilise our trading relationship and set the stage for agreements on emission trading. Electricity trading benefiting the environment, advancing our net zero goals and securing our long term energy future. And of course, I very much welcome the Youth Experience Scheme and rejoining Erasmus Madam Deputy Speaker. I wish to speak to the issue of cladding remediation in my constituency. Freeholders of buildings such as Parkview in Leigh Green have really felt many have really felt trapped in their homes and this is because of the delay to correct the dangerous cladding which is causing them such distress.

I therefore ask the government to please look again at buildings under 11m that have been caught up in this cladding crisis due to no fault of their own. And finally, I wish to turn my attention to High Street. And of course, we all want to have pride in our towns and in our cities, and we want them to thrive. We want the businesses to develop and to be stronger, and for people to be really happy and secure in their local area.

And I want to be prouder. And I want to feel safe and like my constituents in Catford town centre, which is in a great need of regeneration, there's opportunities for new homes, for small businesses, for social spaces, and it will really build on some of the amazing initiatives and benefits that are already there and already exist in our Catford town centre, such as Catford House and also Goldsmiths University, that will be using some of the premises for its teaching and as well, because the plan is for a cinema to return to Catford again.

So I do ask the government to look again at Catford town centre, and I also ask them to meet with me to ensure that I can discuss this further, so that progress happens in this area within my constituency.

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I call Lillian Jones. Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. I welcome the Deputy Speaker. I welcome the King's speech and the government's focus on backing business to drive economic growth across every part economic growth across every part of the United Kingdom. As chair of the APPG on Wood Panel Industries Federation, I declare my interest Federation, I declare my interest at the outset. I want to begin with a positive vision of what government can achieve when it
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Lillian Jones Portrait Lillian Jones MP (Kilmarnock and Loudoun, Labour)
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government can achieve when it works in genuine partnership with industry, supporting British manufacturing, strengthening domestic supply chains, creating skilled jobs and delivering the homes and infrastructure our country needs. The UK wood panel industry ought to be and should be central to that mission. It is a strategically important British sector supplying essential products including chipboard, MDF and OSB to construction, housebuilding, furniture, manufacturing and home improvement markets. It meets around 65% of domestic demand using British timber, and recycled wood directly employs more than 2300 people and supports a further 8500 jobs across the wider supply chain.

Last year's CBI report confirmed that in 2022 prices, the wood panel industry added £1.1 billion of gross added value to the UK economy. Yet despite this contribution, wood and wood based products are too often overlooked in industrial policy, particularly compared with steel and cement, ceramics and glass. That must change, and it must change quickly. Timber security is national security. The UK currently imports more than 80% of its timber and wood products, leaving us exposed to global supply shocks, price volatility and geopolitical uncertainty.

So whilst I welcome the solid foundation this government has laid, I urge Ministers to go further. First, timber security should be formally recognised within national security and supply chain resilience planning. Secondly, wood and wood based products should be explicitly recognised within the industrial strategy as strategic construction materials alongside steel, cement, glass and ceramics. And thirdly, we must support domestic forestry expansion and ensure that productive planting targets are met. Without the raw material, we cannot build a resilient supply chain.

We need. That is not an issue. It goes to the very heart of growth, jobs, housing, net zero and national resilience. I also strongly welcome the government's commitment to modernising public procurement and backing British business through public contracts. The Cabinet Office is right. It does matter where things are made and who makes them. Procurement should be used to put Britain's national interests first and to back British industry. That principle must to apply to wood panel manufacturing. When taxpayers money is invested in infrastructure, defence, accommodation, public housing and regeneration, we should be asking how we maximise the benefit to British jobs.

British manufacturing and British supply chains. We have already seen the UK wood panel industry successfully win defence accommodation contracts, supporting domestic employment while delivering excellent value for money. Public procurement should not be a race to the cheapest product available anywhere in the world. It should promote quality, sustainability, resilience and long

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term economic value here at home. On that point, will she give way? I'll give way. I thank the hon. Friend for

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I thank the hon. Friend for giving way. We've just heard mention of the very ambitious government plan for investment in national infrastructure. Does my national infrastructure. Does my hon. Friend agree with me that when it comes to procurement, we must consider the safety of workers and consider the safety of workers and our procurement contracts and include inclusive PPE in any specification for public sector procurement going forward?

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I absolutely agree with that. Health and safety, etc. certainly should be written into the public should be written into the public procurement contracts as a standard. And finally, Madam Deputy Speaker And finally, Madam Deputy Speaker economic growth is not only about national strategy, but about the small businesses and the entrepreneurs driving our local economies at home, in our communities. On the day of the state opening, I was absolutely state opening, I was absolutely delighted to welcome my constituent, Elaine Boreland, founder of Kilmarnock based Blown Free Drinks to Westminster, whose premium small batch acronym S gin is the very best of local produce and innovation and is available to try out in Strangers Bar.

So businesses like hers are exactly what we should be championing, and I welcome the government's commitment to supporting them through exports and by promoting British excellence. So I welcome the direction set out in the King's Speech. But I urge the government to go further and faster, recognise strategic industries back British supply chains, use procurement to strengthen domestic manufacturing and ensure that growth reaches every nation and region in our country. Because when we back British industry, when we back support local enterprise and invest in resilient supply chains, we do more than grow the economy.

We create skilled jobs, we strengthen our communities we serve and build a more secure future, giving hope

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to our great nation. Daire Hughes Callum Anderson. Thank you, Madam.

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Thank you, Madam. Deputy Speaker. The urgent need for and the strategic imperative of economic growth is no less than in the Buckingham and Bletchley constituency. My constituency lies at the heart. The. The engine room at the heart. The. The engine room of the Oxford Cambridge growth core, which, if we get right, will not only enable us to support high only enable us to support high growth businesses across my constituency and beyond, strengthen the local economies of Buckinghamshire and Milton Keynes, but also enable the UK to develop a strategically important economic region that enables us to build a globally competitive, modern British economy, with higher wages and more opportunities for the families and communities that I represent here in Parliament.

In addition to the measures that the government introduced in the first parliamentary session, I established the Bletchley Investment Task Force, bringing together local leaders, local
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Callum Anderson Portrait Callum Anderson MP (Buckingham and Bletchley, Labour)
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employers and investors as a vehicle to attract. The more the businesses, the investment, the businesses, the investment, the jobs and apprenticeships that communities in my constituency need and in the coming weeks we will publish our first investment prospectus for Bletchley. And I'm grateful to colleagues from across government who have been supporting government who have been supporting our work in Bletchley. Firms such as Polestar and Kano, Kano Engines as Polestar and Kano, Kano Engines are developing innovative technologies which are globally leading, whilst on the other side of my constituency, an advanced engineering cluster surrounding Silverstone is home to a number of world class leading formula One teams, again showing that when Britain invests in its people, then we can be globally leading.

But there's also rural parts of my constituency, which are home to a number of rural enterprises, family farms, small independent businesses which are all contributing to local growth and local prosperity. These businesses Madam Deputy Speaker are not asking for special favours, but they are asking for the right conditions to grow, be it access to capital, access to talent, fair regulation and lower barriers to trade. And that's why I welcome a number of measures. In last week's King's Speech.

The Regulating for Growth Bill is particularly welcome because Britain has become a country over the last 25 years, as members on all sides of the House have mentioned today. That is, our regulatory system is too slow, it's too fragmented, and it's too poorly suited to confront the pace of modern technological change. Other members from across the House have also mentioned the Enhancing Financial Services Bill and the wider reforms that will come with it, and I congratulate my right. My hon. Friend the.

Who's now the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, for all the support, all the work that she did on laying the foundations of that bill. Financial services is one of the Britain's great, great strengths and provides the investment that drives growth across all sectors of our economy. And it's particularly relevant to Milton Keynes, which is home to a growing suite of financial and professional services firms such as Santander and Allica Bank, both of whom employ people in my constituency, and a globally competitive financial services sector is enabling is imperative to enabling high growth companies in my constituency to access the capital that they need to innovate and create jobs.

But we also need to mobilise more British capital towards British assets and particularly high growth companies. And as we met, many members across the House debated in the last parliamentary session. It's really now really important. The government focuses on implementing the Pension Schemes Act. Moving on. I also welcome the Small Business Protections Bill, late payments and delayed and non payments continue to damage firms of all types and sizes across the country, including in the Buckingham and Bletchley constituency, particularly those operating on tight margins.

And these stronger protections for smaller companies will help local firms across my constituency. And I will mention very briefly, the European Partnership Bill, which I know has been talked about. I won't be quite as effusive about other members, other members who have spoken already, but I do believe that it is in the national interest to to take the measures that's required to reduce unnecessary, unnecessary friction for exporters and business and business trading with our European members, European neighbours, regardless of whether they are farmers or other high growth companies or other high growth companies to.

And, Deputy Speaker, the. Whether the. The success of the King's Speech in the coming. In the coming months will depend on whether we are. Whether that we match that with the ambition of local of local companies in my constituency, and I look very much forward to playing my part, ensuring that those measures are implemented as soon as possible.
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Baggy Shanker Portrait Baggy Shanker MP (Derby South, Labour )
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Baggy Shanker thank you, Madam. Deputy Speaker. for financial interest, specifically to Rolls-Royce in Derby. We're proud to be a Derby. We're proud to be a manufacturing powerhouse at Church Lane. There will be more Elizabeth Line trains rolling off Alstom's production line at Rolls-Royce. Thousands of employees are working to deliver future aerospace and nuclear. And our brilliant SME community is pioneering cutting edge innovation day in, day out. As a city, we don't talk about growth. We power it.

When we speak about backing British business, we are speaking about backing places like Derby. Time and time again, this Labour government has voted with confidence on what our city is capable of delivering. Last year we welcomed a massive £9 billion investment confirmed for the unity contract at Rolls-Royce, to deliver the next generation of Aukus nuclear submarine reactors. And we're cracking on with making Derby the home of Great British Rail, getting the headquarters set up in the heart of our city.

But, Madam Deputy Speaker, far too long, hard working people in our city have not felt the benefit of the success of our industry in their own lives. Our city's manufacturing sector is world class, but when it comes to health, equality, transport, investment and child poverty, Derby has been left lagging behind. Too often, the wealth and success created by industry has not translated into better living standards or stronger opportunities for the communities which helped build that success in the first place.

That is why whenever we talk about backing British business, we need to bring our communities with us. The King's Speech is clear that supporting working people and backing British business goes hand in hand, and led by East Midlands Mayor Claire Ward. That's exactly what Team Derby is all about, backed by our brilliant Chancellor, who is also at the launch. With investment, with confidence and with stability, Team Derby is about making sure every pound of investment flowing into our city delivers real change for residents, whether that's raising living standards, guaranteeing fair wages or delivering real opportunities for people to get on in life.

It's about regenerating our city centre so that we can take the pride in it. It's about investing in skills so that young people growing up in Alvaston, Sinfin or anywhere else in Derby can walk into high quality apprenticeships and build a lifelong career. And at its heart, it's focussed on making sure when companies succeed in Derby and across the country, communities also succeed. Because backing British business means backing the people that power them. It's our communities.
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Neil Duncan-Jordan Portrait Neil Duncan-Jordan MP (Poole, Labour)
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Neil Duncan-Jordan. >> Neil Duncan-Jordan. >> Thank you. >> Madam Deputy Speaker. Now, growing Britain's economy is, of growing Britain's economy is, of course, vital if we are to raise living standards and improve our living standards and improve our public services. But we need to recognise that growth that fails to tackle social inequality will mean that all the economic gains remain at the top of our society. In fact, between 2010 and 2019, the UK's GDP grew by 1.9% every year, but the wealth gap widened by nearly 50%.

Very few of us felt better off during that time, despite the figures showing that the country's wealth was growing. Now, Madam Deputy Speaker, poverty isn't just unfair, it's economically reckless as well. Reducing income inequality to the level of more equal OECD nations would save the UK up to £128 billion annually in reduced costs in areas such as crime and imprisonment rates, tackling poor mental health and improving healthy life expectancy. But none of this will be possible if we continue to use the same austerity driven measures of the past.

Put simply, you cannot cut your way to growth. That takes investment. Now, in my view, and I've mentioned this before in this chamber, our pension funds offer one way to do just that. We should remember that these funds, these funds represent the deferred wages of millions of workers and directing pension funds towards socially beneficial projects is one way our Labour government can rewire our economic model, so it delivers for ordinary people. Workers money should be invested. I

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will. I'm grateful to the hon. Gentleman for giving way. He's one

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Gentleman for giving way. He's one of my favourite socialists in this chamber. Well, I've got to choose from.

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Would he accept that were he to change the duty of trustees from getting the best return possible getting the best return possible for their pensioners, the result will be that future pensioners will will be that future pensioners will enjoy a lesser income. Is that what grateful.

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For his intervention, Madam Deputy Speaker. Of course, the point that the hon. Gentleman makes point that the hon. Gentleman makes assumes that investing in green technology, investing in social housing will not give a decent return. I think the evidence is the contrary to that. So I think you're wrong in your sorry the hon. wrong in your sorry the hon. Gentleman is wrong in his premise. Now, workers money should be invested in those things such as invested in those things such as green technology and social housing.

Because they're stable, they're reliable sectors that also build a better future for the very people whose contributions fund them. Now, I know also, Madam Deputy Speaker, that Ministers are looking to the AI revolution as another way of growing our economy. There is little doubt that AI is a transformational technology that will bring with it many benefits to our society. But in order to fully realise these benefits, it is important to put safeguards to ensure these technologies are developed and deployed appropriately and in the interests of society as a whole, rather than simply as a vehicle by which large tech companies make even bigger profits.

That's why we need the democratic shaping of technology, working with innovators, workers and unions so that we can steer UK research towards automation that creates or improves jobs. But without robust regulation, we risk steering society towards an unpredictable and turbulent future that does not work for the public. I've already raised with the government the prospect of considering some kind of employment levy on companies that replace large scale workforces with AI, and I hope they will give that some consideration.

And that links to my belief, Madam Deputy Speaker, that we need to rebalance our entire taxation system. Capital gains could be taxed at the same marginal rate as wages. There are also windfall taxes that could be levied on banks, utilities and other corporations making excessive profits and a wealth tax on those with assets of more than £10 million. Now, of course, our economy needs to grow because all the evidence shows that the more unequal a society is, the higher its risk of becoming dysfunctional.

As income differences widen, people are less likely to trust one another, and we see a breakdown in social trust between our communities. Getting the right kind of growth in our economy is therefore essential, not just to make people better off, but to create a more equal society that works in the interests of every one

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of us. I call shadow Ministers Dame Harriett Baldwin.

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Harriett Baldwin. Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. It's an absolute honour to respond to today's debate honour to respond to today's debate on behalf of His Majesty's loyal opposition in this debate on opposition in this debate on backing business to create economic growth. And I'd like to start, if I may, by congratulating the Chief may, by congratulating the Chief Secretary to the Treasury on her promotion. She. It seems like only moments ago she was a colleague on
21:34
Harriett Baldwin Portrait Dame Harriett Baldwin MP (West Worcestershire, Conservative)
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the Treasury Select Committee, and now she's in charge of the whole nation spending. So I wish her the nation spending. So I wish her the most enormous amount of of luck. I also just want to say, Madam Deputy Speaker, that I will be mentioning some colleagues who've not been in the debate by name, but I have warned their offices that I will be warned their offices that I will be doing that because I want to focus in this debate on a simple truth in this debate on a simple truth that many businesses across this country have come to recognise, and that is when it comes to backing business to create economic growth.



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Labour do not know what they are doing. Yes. Labour do not know how to govern

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Labour do not know how to govern when times are tough. They entered government without a plan and we government without a plan and we are seeing the consequences of that. And I'm afraid this goes deeper than the Prime Minister. Only one Labour Cabinet Ministers has started a business, and none of the started a business, and none of the Prime Minister's wannabe rivals have worked in a business or a start up. And this matters because it goes to the core of this government.

Whose side are they on? Time and time again, Labour show that they're on the side of Benefit Street, not on the side of people who work, who strive and who save here. In fact, when Labour came into office, they had a choice. They wanted to deliver growth. They could have backed business, they could have supported enterprise. Instead, they delivered higher taxes, higher costs and higher uncertainty. And I'm afraid, Madam Deputy Speaker, that the consequences are now undeniable. Business confidence has collapsed to record lows.

The Institute of Directors reported its lowest ever confidence reading in March 2026, and the Confederation of British Industry says businesses expect their activity to fall. Now. Jobs are being lost, payroll jobs are down. The Item Club has forecast there will be 160 000 further job losses this year because of a slowdown in growth and rising energy prices. Retail sales are weak, and nearly half of all businesses are now worried about business rates, which are rising sharply.

It all started, Madam Deputy Speaker, with the Chancellor's first Budget. Labour's £25 billion jobs tax has increased the cost of employing someone by around £900 per person and as a direct result, youth unemployment is at a shocking 15.8% on Labour's watch because for an average pub with eight employees, National Insurance means an extra £7,200 bill every year. And at the same time, Labour have squeezed our high streets with rising business rates. And the result of all of this, Madam Deputy Speaker, is that 1 in 8 business leaders are planning to leave Britain.

30% of the Sunday Times rich list have fled high tax Socialist Britain. Madam Deputy Speaker, that is a vote of no confidence in this government, and it's damage that's not confined to business. It's spreading across the whole economy. Inflation is up, borrowing costs are surging with gilt yields at their highest level in decades. Debt interest is spiralling towards £140 billion a year. We're now paying more to service debt than to invest in our future. That's the direct result of a government without a plan.

So what will happen if we get a new Labour Prime Minister? Will that help businesses and the economy? No, because Andy Burnham wants higher taxes and more borrowing. The Member for Ilford North wants higher taxes and more borrowing. And the Member for Ashton-under-Lyne wants higher. Businesses can see where this ends. It ends in low growth and unsustainable debts, and perhaps indeed, the IMF will have to be called in like under Denis Healey, John Healey deputy.

Madam Deputy Speaker, I want to thank the colleagues on my benches who have contributed to today's debate and have spoken powerfully for their constituencies and and businesses that they represent. Their speeches were beams of light shining into this chamber from the real world. Yeah. The Member for New Forest West spoke about debt and chaos. The Member for Salisbury talked about the importance of small businesses and deregulating and the impact on them of National Insurance. The Member for Tonbridge also referenced the debt markets and the need the pressing need for welfare reform.

The Member for Bridgwater, in an outstanding speech, spoke about his local businesses and that the last thing they need is another holiday tax. The Member for Farnham and Bordon highlighted the impact on jobs for young people in his excellent speech and in a powerful contribution. The Member for Rutland and Stamford. Stamford spoke about solar farms and the shocking information about Self-swab rape kits, and the Member for Mid Norfolk spoke about rural businesses and rural deprivation and had a an outstanding contribution to turning things around for his constituents in Mid Norfolk.

So turning to the King's Speech, what do we see? We see King's Speech full of more intervention, more regulation, more taxes, more uncertainty. There's even. Madam Deputy Speaker and I'm not making this up. There is a regulation for growth bill. More compliance burdens dressed up as protections, more top down control from Whitehall. Labour describes it as growth coming from an interventionist government. But they're wrong because growth comes from entrepreneurs who take risks. Growth comes from businesses that invest and hires.

Growth comes from workers who strive and succeed. And so that's why we have set out a clear alternative, a serious plan, a credible programme. I'm going to make a little bit of progress on our serious, credible plan, a pro growth alternative. King's Speech 16 bills designed to get Britain working again. First of all, we'll give people jobs and hope with our Get Britain Working bill. We'll repeal the job destroying elements of Labour's Employment Rights Act, saving businesses up to £5 billion a year.

We'll restore flexibility in the labour market, will reintroduce minimum service levels to protect essential services from strikes. That means more jobs, lower hiring costs. A labour market that rewards work. Secondly, we'll back our communities with our back, our high Streets bill. We'll introduce permanent 100% business rates relief for retail, hospitality and leisure that will support 250 000 of the smallest businesses with lower bills, leading to stronger high streets and jobs protected. While labour targets family businesses and farmers with punitive taxes.

Our plan is simple we will scrap the family business and family farm tax and back those who grow our food, create jobs and create wealth. And third, we will cut red tape with our deregulation of business bill. We'll scrap unnecessary environment, social governance reporting requirements that cost businesses millions every year. Less bureaucracy, more time to grow, more investment. And fourth, we restore industrial competitiveness with our Save British Industry Bill will repeal the Climate Change Act of 2008, establishing a monitoring and reporting mechanism for the offshoring of emissions will axe the carbon tax that pushes up energy bills and repeal the zero-emission vehicle mandate.

It will lower costs. It will lead to stronger industries. Jobs kept in Britain. And fifth, we'll tackle energy costs, and many people across this chamber raised energy costs in their contributions. Today, with our cheap energy bill will cut electricity bills for businesses by 20% and household bills by £200 by taking VAT off energy bills, axing the carbon tax and scrapping the Energy Secretary's renewable subsidies. It will give businesses immediate relief, greater competitive and lead to greater competitiveness and lead to stronger growth.

And beyond these bills, we also have plans to scrap stamp duty to get the property markets moving, to properly fund our armed forces, to reform welfare, to get people back into work, approve new North Sea licences for energy security. And because growth is not achieved through slogans, is he going to achieve growth through a slogan?

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Say, but I cannot be the only person in this House to be thrilled person in this House to be thrilled by the great list of exciting and improving. The hon. Lady is setting up for the country, and I'm just up for the country, and I'm just wondering why she didn't do any of why she didn't do any of this during the 14 years that she was in during the 14 years that she was in power, and why it's taken only now she has ideas for the country and whether she could have done something which would have led to

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something which would have led to the catastrophe that we're trying to put right. Just a suggestion. I'm afraid it's the historic role of my party to clean up the mess that Labour governments leave behind, because growth is not not achieved through slogans. It's delivered through serious and sustained planning. And in conclusion, this debate comes down to a clear choice. Labour's

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approach, he mentions from a sedentary position Liz Truss. No.

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No. He mentions from a sedentary position Liz Truss. Is he not aware that gilt yields are now higher that gilt yields are now higher than at any time during that brief than at any time during that brief time? And he's going to he's going to be also welcoming, I'm sure, in his remarks, the higher taxes that his remarks, the higher taxes that his government has put on, the more borrowing that his government has done, the higher energy costs that he's imposed on his businesses, more regulation that have led to less growth.

Or he could adopt the conservative approach, lower taxes, lower costs, less regulation. The the Business Secretary mentions from a sedentary position that more growth. He may be referring to the first quarter of this year, when the biggest thing that happened in terms of growth in this economy was vehicle repair. Madam Deputy Speaker, I call that the pothole growth strategy, and I'm afraid that is the reality. If you dig into that, grow those growth numbers. So our approach is less regulation, more growth.

Ultimately this is about values. Labour have the wrong values therefore benefit Street. And we're on the side of people who work, people who strive, people who save only the Conservative Party has a plan to reduce costs and deliver the growth that we all want. Only the Conservative Party is ready to govern. Only the Conservative Party will back great British businesses to build a stronger economy for the future.
21:46
Lucy Rigby Portrait Lucy Rigby KC MP, The Chief Secretary to the Treasury (Northampton North, Labour)
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The Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Thank you very. it's a pleasure to close today's King's Speech debate. On behalf of the government. I am grateful to hon. Members for their contributions, including, of course, the Shadow Business Secretary for the Shadow Business Secretary for his excellent opening speech and indeed the Shadow Business Secretary for her kind words. Secretary for her kind words. Although I note I didn't qualify as a beam of light as indeed others on his side. And look, I think I speak on behalf of the whole House when I say that whichever part of that £5 million charitable donation.

The hon. Member for Newark, he's not here, unfortunately spent on his amateur dramatics. Course, he really ought to ask for his money back. Madam Deputy Speaker, two years ago, the Chancellor stood at this despatch box following the first king's speech of this Labour government, and she committed to rejecting the failed economic approach of the 14 years prior and to charting a different economic course reinvigorating our economy after years of chronic under-investment, of austerity, of poor productivity and the only Parliament in recorded history when living standards actually got worse, the Chancellor committed to charting a different course so that our economy delivers for people right across this country.

Madam Deputy Speaker, as a result of that approach, since the general election. Interest rates have been cut six times in March. The spring forecast showed inflation coming down. As the right hon. Member for New Forest West was good enough to highlight and real wages continuing to rise. Last week, ONS data showed borrowing falling by around 20 billion compared to the year before. And importantly, very importantly, Madam Deputy Speaker, economic growth accelerated sharply in the first quarter of this year, rising to 0.6% despite the Iran war.

And of course, today we've had the IMF's upgrade to growth this year as well. And I'm afraid I do have to correct the shadow Chancellor, Madam Deputy Speaker, and indeed the hon. Member for Rutland and Stamford, because GDP per capita is up two and these are the result of the fiscally responsible choices that this government has made and its responsibility for a clear purpose, that same purpose there will always be at the heart of who we are as a Labour Party, improving the lives of working people right across this country.

We increase the National living wage and the national minimum wage. We've frozen prescription costs. We've frozen rail fares to, for the first time in 30 years, we've scrapped the two child benefit cap, lifting 450,000 children out of poverty. We're helping parents save up to £8,000 a year with our expansion of government funded childcare, free breakfast clubs and the new school uniform cap on branded items. These things are helping millions of families across the country. But Madam Deputy Speaker, we know the conflict in the Middle East is putting pressure on energy markets and creating renewed fragility in trade and supply chains.

Now, the party opposite and reform would have raced into this costly war. The Leader of the Opposition was very, very clear about that at the time, with damaging consequences for both our national security and our economy. They're shaking their heads at me Madam Deputy Speaker. They're shaking. They're saying it's not true. OK, so either one of two things must be true either, she said. The Leader of the Opposition said that she wanted to take us into this conflict, and she meant it, in which case she's got catastrophically poor judgement.

Or she said she wanted to take us into this conflict and she didn't mean it, in which case she's deeply confused and they've got other things to worry about than catastrophically poor judgement. By contrast, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Prime Minister made the right decision to keep us out of this conflict and because of a decision, because of the action that we have taken to stabilise the economy over the last two years, Britain is today in a stronger position to withstand the uncertainty and insecurity in the global economy now, as well as immediate support with the cost of living, we must also create the conditions for shared prosperity.

That means more jobs. It means businesses expanding and investing. It means people in every community and every part of our country with greater security and more of their own money to spend. That is what a labour growth agenda means. And the Chancellor has been clear that she wants to ensure that that growth is stable and that it is resilient. Why? Because that means people secure in their jobs. It means households secure in their finances and in our increasingly uncertain world, it means families.

The length and breadth of this country more confident and more hopeful about what the future holds. That is the basis upon which the pro-growth legislation set out in the Gracious Speech is being delivered, and that begins with legislation to reform and modernise regulation, to ensure rules are proportionate to risk, and to ensure that businesses are able to expand and grow to the benefit of our economy as a whole. And I'm grateful to the right hon. Member for Salisbury for his constructive comments regarding our Financial Services and Markets Bill, and I can confirm that the Bill will maintain the UK's competitive edge by enabling the sector to support businesses of all sizes to invest and grow.

That includes credit unions with reforms to the common bond. We'll ensure that regulation ensures more lending to small businesses, and will give the government the power to take action on in-person banking services, the Small Business Protections (Late Payments) Bill as many hon. Members have highlighted, and indeed I now know, the hon. Member for North West Leicestershire wrote in her dissertation some years ago that Bill will tackle the scourge of late payments which cost the UK economy £11 billion each year and lead to the closure of 38 UK businesses every single day.

But Madam Deputy Speaker, we must also build resilience to protect our critical infrastructure. Steel is strategically important to our economy and that is why we acted last year to avoid a sudden halt to production Scunthorpe protecting workers and the community that depend on the site. It's why we are now bringing forward legislation to give us options to protect Britain's steelmaking capability. On energy. We have already announced major investments, including towards the UK's first ever small modular reactor in Anglesey and the next generation of nuclear submarines in Inverclyde.

Our Nuclear Regulation Bill will modernise the way that new new nuclear projects are regulated so we can deliver safe, secure and affordable nuclear power and infrastructure sooner while maintaining strong environmental protections. And unlike a number of the parties opposite, including the Greens and the SNP, this government recognises the importance of new nuclear for our energy security, our climate security and our economic security. Now, the hon. Member for Bristol West asked me about the voluntary carbon consultation, and I can let her know that the government has published a summary of responses in.

The formal government response will be published over the summer. Finally, Madam Deputy Speaker, as hon. Members have noted, we must improve connectivity and boost trade to unlock growth on our side of the House. Madam Deputy Speaker, we've been saying for years that far too many parts of Britain lack basic and reliable transport connections, and all the many positive economic benefits that flow from that. And some of these points were echoed by hon. Members today, including the hon. Member for Shropshire.

The Northern Powerhouse Rail Bill. Northern Powerhouse Rail, I should say, will help build a northern economy that reaches its full potential, backed by up to £45 billion of government support, the new route will drive jobs and investment across a single, well connected northern growth corridor. We're also taking steps to protect and to grow the freight industry, and I want to address a point that was raised by the hon. Member for Brent East and the hon. Member for Saint Albans as well, about the overnight visitor levy, because this is a key means by which we're delivering on our manifesto commitment to devolve new revenue raising powers and revenues from the levy will support local economic growth, and mayors will make decisions informed by local consultations about how revenue should best be invested in their region.

And lastly, lastly, Madam Deputy Speaker, Britain will work closely with those who share our values and our interests, and that means a closer and more constructive relationship with Europe. That's why we're bringing

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forward the European Partnership Bill where it is in. I will. I'm delighted to.

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I'm delighted to. Hear that we'll be working more closely with the European Union. As the hon. Lady may know, my wife will be particularly pleased about will be particularly pleased about this being French. However, would she please answer me the question? What will this mean for the What will this mean for the agreement that we struck with the Pacific Nations and the CFP, or indeed the deal we did with the Australian? Will she be cancelling Australian? Will she be cancelling those deals as she focuses on the European Union, or will she be staying out of the customs union, the single market and therefore being focussed very much more on being a rule taker? Be interested.



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Madam Speaker, I am grateful to the normal reference, his intervention and his wife and indeed potentially himself will be very pleased to know that these things are entirely compatible. We will have to cancel absolutely nothing at all. The key point, Madam Deputy Speaker, is where it is in our national interest to align with EU regulation. The Bill align with EU regulation. The Bill will enable us to do so, and I want to address specifically some points that were raised about Northern that were raised about Northern Ireland, because the government has worked very closely with devolved governments to design this bill and the application of the agreements that we're making alongside the Windsor framework will sweep away the majority of regulatory barriers for businesses moving in the agri food, moving agri food goods.

Mr.

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speaker, the pro sorry, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will. If the Ministers is truly

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If the Ministers is truly interested in sweeping away some of the barriers of the Irish Sea the barriers of the Irish Sea border, would the natural and proper constitutional move not be proper constitutional move not be in circumstances where SPS is being aligned to take back control of SPS aligned to take back control of SPS in Northern Ireland, instead of leaving it under the jurisdiction of the EU? If we're going to do a trade deal, if we're going to do a deal, let it be for the whole United Kingdom, the whole United Kingdom aligning, if that's what the government thinks, instead of leaving Northern Ireland subject to the laws.

Exclusively that the EU be.

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Grateful for the intervention. But as I said, the government has worked closely with devolved governments in the design of this governments in the design of this bill and will continue to do that. To conclude, Madam Deputy Speaker, the pro growth legislation set out in the Gracious Speech will drive this country forward. The party opposite had 14 years to deliver opposite had 14 years to deliver its legacy, and it was a legacy that left our economy weaker. It left people poorer and most of all, left people poorer and most of all, a legacy that left our country smaller in stature.

But, Madam Deputy Speaker, this government is undoing that legacy, and this pro-growth legislation will allow us to accelerate the change that this country deserves to see. And our approach of a productive, active, agile state will ensure that we generate growth and lift living standards for people right across this country, not just for a few people and a few postcodes, but everywhere. And because we value the contribution of the whole of Britain, the bills in this king's speech are the path to a stronger

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and fairer future. And I commend the King's speech to the House. He.

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He. adjourned. The question is that the debate

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The question is that the debate be now adjourned. As many as are of that opinion, say I. Of the contrary. No, I think the ayes have

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contrary. No, I think the ayes have it. The ayes have it. Order, order! Debate resumed. What day? Tomorrow?

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Tomorrow? Tomorrow. We now come to motion number two relating to the Joint Committee on Human Rights. Gen Kitchen the question is, as on the Order Paper, as many as are of that opinion say aye. Of the contrary, no. I think the ayes have it. The ayes have it. Petition Olly Glover.
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None Portrait Petition
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Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, >> Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, I present on behalf of 175 constituents a petition regarding the closure of East Hagbourne Post Office. This is in addition to a Non-parliamentary petition signed Non-parliamentary petition signed by 1100 members of the local community, and I shall now read the title of the petition. Madam Deputy Speaker, the. The petition of residents of East Hagbourne in the constituency of Didcot and Wantage declares that the loss of the Community Post Office branch in the East Hagbourne Community Shop would be damaging to the village and wider community, and that the volunteer run community shop is not in a position to take on the Post Office.

New local model the petitioners, therefore, request that the House of Commons urge the government to encourage the Post Office to ensure that the community model is restored to the East Hagbourne Post Office and the

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petitioners remain, etc. Emma Foody. Thank you.

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Thank you. Petition East Hagbourne Post

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Office. I beg. To move this House to adjourn.

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To move this House to adjourn. The question is that this House do now adjourn. Sally Jameson. Yeah, yeah, yeah.

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Thank you. Madam Deputy. Speaker and I want to start this debate by welcoming, welcoming the Ministers to her seat and to her new role, because I believe this may be her first time
22:01
None Portrait Adjournment: Audiology services in Doncaster
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responding from the frontbench. I'm sure she will be excellent. And I look forward to the response that she gives today. Doncaster has a long and proud history of supporting both the deaf and hard of hearing community. It's home to the historic Doncaster School for deaf, founded on the 2nd of November 1829 by Reverend William Carr Fenton. Today that legacy continues through the Carr Fenton Foundation site, which now provides a nationally recognised resource including a nursery, the Yorkshire Rose College employability services and so much more.

However, not long after I was elected, it became clear to me that audiology services in Doncaster were a huge cause of concern for many of my constituents. People were waiting years for basic appointments, hearing aids and even essential hearing aid repairs, sometimes three, four, five years.

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At one stage I will give way. Can I thank my hon. Friend for.

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Can I thank my hon. Friend for. Bringing this to the House? Because it's not just Doncaster Because it's not just Doncaster that's impacted by it. Doncaster and Bassetlaw Teaching Hospital is one hospital that stretches right one hospital that stretches right into across Bassetlaw, and I have a similar experience with my similar experience with my constituents. In fact, every time I have a meeting, whether it's a coffee morning or whether I'm knocking on doors, I will always find somebody who's been waiting years for treatment.

In fact, today I had a coach tour of 50 constituents here in the House, and two had have had issues with getting treatment for audiology issues. And I'd like to talk about Martin, who I met this morning. He already has hearing aids. He he had issues with his hearing had changed and he's waited over three and a half years to get them replaced. And in fact, he can no longer use them because they do not meet his needs.

And this is one story and there are many, many more. And whilst I, I know the situation is improving and every time I raise it with the hospital treatment happens. But I know there are many thousands of people across my constituency who are facing this situation. So it is a very, very important issue. And I thank you again for raising

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it tonight. And I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. And I think it shows that actually, this is a shows that actually, this is a widespread issue, not just in Doncaster but even further afield. Thousands upon thousands of people Thousands upon thousands of people have been impacted at this because at one stage, the audiology service at Doncaster Royal Infirmary had temporarily shut down. And whilst some of the emergency cases and children were reallocated to children were reallocated to neighbouring services, a lot of people were just left with pretty much nothing totally uncertain about when, or even if they would receive an appointment, and the impact on the hard of hearing community in my area has been truly devastating.

Waiting lists have grown well into the thousands, and many people have felt isolated and forgotten. And during this difficult period, the Integrated Care Board and the Doncaster and Bassetlaw Hospital Trust have worked to improve the service. But my hon. Friend, as she points out, this took a lot of time. So alongside campaigners Maggie and Paul, who formed the Audiology Action Group, we held regular meetings with the NHS to press for action along with. My hon. Friend sat here today and with the support of the fantastic Healthwatch team and audiology action event, was also held last month, giving residents the opportunity to access information about the service and receive basic hearing aid repairs, as well as speak directly to stakeholders and support services.

So there is still a long way to go. The waiting list is still too long and similarly, I get constituents that contact me, and there are times when I can contact the hospital and we do manage to speed up the treatment, but not in all cases. 18 months on, improvements are beginning to show. I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the dedicated audiology team at Doncaster Royal Infirmary, who I know have worked tirelessly to try and turn this service around.

But I think what this experience has shown me is just how important

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audiology services are, and yet how often overlooked they are. And on that point, we should

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give way. I will give way. I thank her for. Giving way and. Absolutely agree. In terms of

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Absolutely agree. In terms of the audiology action day was absolutely phenomenal and audiology services at Doncaster Royal Infirmary are doing absolutely Infirmary are doing absolutely everything they can to improve the service that they offer. But my my constituents in Doncaster East and constituents in Doncaster East and the Isle of Axholme were patients of that same service. And I've been looking at other ways, exploring other opportunities. I've been working with Specsavers in Thorne, just to have a look, to see if on the high street there are services there that are available that we can try to maximise and use.

And I just wonder if she feels that there's there's something that we need to do to work with the integrated care boards to look at, either using those high street shops that were around to, to have those services that are much closer to home for patients or even look at pop up kind of services that might be out in the isolated areas of rural areas like mine in the Isle of Axholme. What does she think? What does what does my hon.

Friend think about that? Working together, collaborating to bring care closer to home, using the high streets and potentially doing pop up services out in the rural

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communities? I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention, and I completely intervention, and I completely agree. And as he will know, there were some appointments that were outsourced during this period. But outsourced during this period. But if we're honest, it it wasn't enough and the waiting list is still far too long. And there's too many people that have still went away, waited 4 or 5 years. And so I think part of our ask today, think part of our ask today, collectively, as MPs for the for these areas, is that the Ministers continues to press the ICB to to look at what resource there is to do more outsourcing to the high street, at least in the short term, so that we can really clear that backlog and get the waiting list back, back under control in a more effective way.

Because without proper audiology care, lives can be fundamentally changed. People become isolated from their families, from their communities and society as a whole. I've had people get in touch with me because they've stopped going to family events because they can't hear the conversation properly, so then they're just sat there in a room, not enjoying themselves, not being able to partake in conversations. And it is incredibly isolating. And I think in a world where we talk a lot more about loneliness, particularly post Covid and post pandemic, this is something which I think needs some extra scrutiny because just by clearing that waiting list and getting people those appointments, we can really change lives.

But it also affects confidence and well-being. I've had some constituents that have been worried about keeping their jobs because they can't hear properly on the telephone when their job involves that kind of work. So it really impacts every, every all age groups, all stages of life. And I think that what this issue has shown me personally is just how important it is. And that's why I want I will give way.

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I'd like my. Thank you. What I am, I am also concerned about is that there's a. There's a link that there's a. There's a link between loss of hearing and dementia. And if somebody is, is experiencing hearing loss, hearing experiencing hearing loss, hearing loss, and they're going down that horrible path of dementia and loss of memory, that lack of of memory, that lack of communication can actually spiral and make the whole condition explode and, and become something explode and, and become something that becomes much more life changing much quicker.

And so access for people with dementia or symptoms of dementia is absolutely imperative. And I'm so worried that those people are missing out on

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this very, very important course of treatment. I thank my hon. Friend. And

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I thank my hon. Friend. And she's completely right. And I and I think this is something we really need to look at in a world in which need to look at in a world in which we focus a lot on things around treatment for dementia and Alzheimer's, and what we can do to slow its progress. And this is one slow its progress. And this is one of those key things. And it, you know, it, it's worrying and disappointing to us all that our constituents are going to be more susceptible to this because they don't have the service that might

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be available in other areas. That give way. Again. I will give way. I thank my hon. Friend for

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I thank my hon. Friend for giving way. It is, as my hon. Friend has just mentioned, it's Dementia Action Week this very week and the ability to be able to hear is so important. Not not just for the obvious, but actually for the broader context of dementia, broader context of dementia, because this is about dignity. It is about being able to enjoy those very, very precious moments. And there's also the, the, the Alzheimer's sing along for your brain events that happen.

And that happens in Cantley at the community centre on a regular basis. And it's just a beautiful way to bring people together. But the ability to be able to hear, to be able to converse, to be able to, to, to grasp that music is just so important. So does she agree with me that we must continue to fight for audiology services for that reason, and because it is Dementia Action Week. And what a wonderful way to show that we care and we can do something here in this place to

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help all of those people who will years. OK. I thank my hon. Friend for that,

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I thank my hon. Friend for that, and I, I completely agree. I will provide reassurance that I will not attend the Alzheimer's sing along attend the Alzheimer's sing along in Cantley, because that would be devastating for everyone that had devastating for everyone that had to hear it. So. But but I think it's important that we start to it's important that we start to raise awareness about this and, and the knock on effect that that poor audiology services can have on wider society and on people's health generally.

And so I'd like to ask the Ministers to consider the following important points. Firstly, will the Ministers ensure that the NHS ten year plan includes greater investment in training audiologists across the country, so that areas like Doncaster never again face such severe staff shortages? But it's not just about the investment itself, it's about raising awareness. Many young people wouldn't even consider this career. There wouldn't even be aware it existed. And so I think part of it is about making sure that workforce plan is reaching out to young people and the different jobs that are available in the NHS, as opposed to just the traditional ones that everyone thinks about.

And I know that's something that we need to do more locally, and I know my hon. Friends here today will be taking that into different schools and colleges. We've got a new UTC opening in Doncaster in the not too distant future, which is specialising in medical science. So I'm definitely going to be banging the drum along with my hon. Friends to make sure that audiology is a part of that, so that people really understand that this is a good career and it's available to them as well from an early age.

And secondly, will the Ministers carefully consider the recommendations from the Kingdom review, including the introduction of a single professional register for audiologist, improved governance for audiology services and reforms in the way children's audiology services are delivered. Because it's so important with the audiology that you get it right at the earliest possible stage, because when it is missed, it can be truly damaging later on in life. So I think making sure we capture young people that require this support is so important, and also that lessons are learned from audiology failures so that we don't find this happening again.

And whether that's in Doncaster or in other parts of the country, I think it's really important that that is looked at and also potentially under-resourced or at risk. NHS and Diagnostic and children services are highlighted as well, so that immediate actions put in place to make sure they don't fall below a standard. If the situation in Doncaster and Bassetlaw shown us anything, it's that audiology services can no longer be treated as a Cinderella service in our NHS. If we're really going to move to prevention as opposed to cure, it's really important that this becomes a recognised priority so that the deaf and hard of hearing people receive not only support they need, but the quality of life that they deserve.

And I hope that this

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debate is just the start of an important conversation that needs to take place here in Westminster and across the country. Thank you.

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Thank you. Yeah, yeah. Ministers. Thank you.

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Thank you. Madam Deputy Speaker. I'd like to thank my hon. Friend the Member for Doncaster Central for securing for Doncaster Central for securing this debate on audiology services in Doncaster. I commend her advocacy on this issue, and can I
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Preet Kaur Gill Portrait Preet Kaur Gill MP, The Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health and Social Care (Birmingham Edgbaston, Labour )
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advocacy on this issue, and can I thank her for all her tireless work on behalf of her constituents in bringing this matter to the House's attention? I am also aware that my hon. Friend the Member for Doncaster East and the Isle of Axholme asked a business question on this in the last session. It is clear that there is strong local concern across Doncaster and I am immensely proud to respond directly. Today in my first debate as a government Ministers. First, I want to acknowledge what many constituents experience when audiology services are not working well.

It is deeply frustrating when people need a hearing assessment, a follow up appointment or hearing hearing aid repair and cannot get it within a reasonable time. And for many, that is not just inconvenient, it can be isolating. It can affect your confidence, independence and wellbeing. And families and carers also feel the strain as they try to navigate appointments without support. So we will ensure that that changes. Like my hon. Friend, this government will not stop until everyone has timely access to essential services like audiology.

As part of our mission to ensure the NHS is fit for the future. So I want to begin with Doncaster. I'm really shocked to learn from my hon. Friend that constituents have faced long waits, repeat appointments and periods without working hearing aids, and it is also concerning that some people have been asked to return because the right assessment or adjustment was just not available the first time, and that situation is a lose lose. It's distressing, it's distressing for patients, and it's an inefficient use of clinical time.

And let me be absolutely clear, it is not acceptable and it must improve. So I will briefly set out what has happened, what actions have been taken and what further progress we need to see. Doncaster's audiology services have faced significant challenges, and I acknowledge that there were delays for hearing tests and follow up appointments, and I understand that one of the underlying issues has been the insufficient numbers of staff who are fully trained to carry out all the specialist assessments, and that clearly created a backlog with neighbouring services and external specialists supporting the most urgent cases.

The NHS region has prioritised cases where there are safeguarding or developmental concerns, and the trust has recognised that these problems have recognised these problems and they have put a recovery plan in place, including upgraded facilities and improved booking and tracking. And I am told that most of the adult hearing services have recovered and for children's audiology, the backlog is also shrinking and outside specialists are helping until the local team completes their training. The hospital is also using new digital tools and regular review meetings to keep track of performance and risks, and further development on the recovery plan will mean Order, order audiology services improve and patients returning to be seen on time.

The pressures that we have seen in Doncaster also reflect wider challenges across diagnostic and community services. When we talk about diagnostic audiology, we mean assessments to diagnose hearing and balance conditions. Audiology services are not only about diagnostics. For many people, this is long term support providing rehabilitation, ongoing monitoring, treatment and support for many lifelong conditions. For example, hearing therapy, hearing aids, fitting and maintenance. And that is why cutting the waiting lists, including for diagnostic tests, is a key priority for this government.

We are backing that priority with investment to help services recover performance and improve the experience for patients, including in areas like audiology. We are improving and transforming NHS audiology services, including through a national improvement collaborative to test changes that improve access and patient experience for NHS trusts took part in 2425 and a further eight have joined in the last financial year. This included Somerset, Leicester, Oxford and Gateshead and we we have learnt where local teams have been empowered to drive change.

This has actually led to improvements in the services. Improvement also just depends on having the right kit and environment, which is why the government have invested 13 million in audiology equipment and facilities across 66 capital schemes, and we are also expanding access by delivering more diagnostics and assessment in the community. I now want to turn to children's audiology more broadly. It is vital, as my hon. Friend says, that children and young people can access timely, safe audiology services and the Paediatric Hearing Services Improvement Programme was established in 2023 to address the risks to paediatric diagnostic audiology across England.

And as part of this programme, progress has been made in improving the paediatric audiology service in Doncaster and I welcome the review in 2025 into children's hearing services undertaken by Doctor Camilla Kingdon, with response under consideration. NHS England is committed to reviewing the future direction for high quality, sustainable children's hearing services with clearer end to end pathways and shared priorities. The workforce requirements for hearing services are also being considered as part of the ten year workforce plan, and we know that clearer commissioning expectations help drive consistency and equity across the country.

NHS England is developing new commissioning guidance for integrated care boards and providers on safe, high quality and equitable paediatric audiology, covering service configuration, workforce estates, equipment, data and safeguarding. And by taking action on multiple fronts, we will restore performance and ensure and and ensure improvement continues. Finally, I would like to turn to community Audiology services. These are the services that are delivered in community settings and commissioned by integrated care boards based on the needs of their local population.

We know that community health services have the power to better align care with people's day to day lives, but when it comes to community audiology, people are waiting far too long and there is local variation in services. And that is why, for the first time, we have set a clear target to reduce long waits for community health services. This includes community audiology

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services, So by 2829, at least 80% of activity across community health activity across community health services should take place within 18 weeks. To support the shift to neighbourhood health, we have our neighbourhood health, we have our systems to increase the capacity of community health services and to work to standardise the provision work to standardise the provision of core community. So in closing, Madam Deputy Speaker, I am most grateful again to my hon. Friend for bringing this debate forward and for speaking up for her constituents.

And she mentioned the Doncaster School for Deaf Children and the Benton Foundation and just how important it is in areas like hers with such needs that it is imperative that we deliver and we are committed to improving access through local recovery, national improvement support and more provision through community services. So finally, to return to Doncaster, I have heard the concerns about long waits for repeat appointments and the problems with hearing aid provision. The trust has made progress, particularly for adult services, and the paediatric service is improving and the waiting list is reducing with external support in place while workforce training is completed.

So we will continue to work with local leaders to deliver timely appointments and reliable support. And we will go further still. Reforming community audiology to shift more care from hospitals to communities, ensuring that our NHS is fit for the future. Thank you.

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The question is that. This House to now adjourn, as many as are of that opinion, say I, many as are of that opinion, say I,
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