(3 months, 2 weeks ago)
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It is a real pleasure to speak in this important debate with you in the chair, Mr Efford. I am grateful to the hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth (Richard Foord) for securing it and for his great interest in this subject over a long period, including in the APPG on Ukraine. As I am sure the hon. Member knows, the Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty), would have been delighted to take part in the debate—they visited Ukraine together previously—but my hon. Friend is travelling elsewhere on ministerial duties, so I am here, and I am pleased to be responding on behalf of the Government.
I want to start by re-emphasising the comments made by the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) about the need for continued cross-party support for Ukraine and our united determination to stand against Putin’s aggression. We have seen that determination and commitment from the people of the UK in their hospitality and support for Ukrainians who have come here. That has been incredibly important.
It is always a pleasure to serve opposite the hon. Member for Rutland and Stamford (Alicia Kearns), but I want to set out from the beginning that the new UK Government’s support for Ukraine could not be clearer. As I know she is aware, the Prime Minister himself was clear that there would be a commitment from the new UK Government of military support worth £3 billion a year until 2030-31 or for as long as is necessary. That is an unprecedented commitment. Of course, the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Defence Secretary all spoke with their opposite numbers in Ukraine within the first hours of the new Government coming into post, and we have prioritised this issue within both NATO and the European Political Community. It really is important that we continue to see that united support and that we do not see this issue being politicised. That would be a terrible shame and would not support Ukraine in its hour of need.
I think that the right hon. Lady would recognise, however, that President Zelensky cannot be accused of politicising the situation. If the Conservative party were still in power, and if the right hon. Lady had heard President Zelensky say what he did, I would have heard about it every single moment of every single day. We have been courteous in raising it, and it is right to raise it, because we can never again hear President Zelensky say—as he did no more than six weeks into a Labour Government—that he is deeply concerned. I am relieved and grateful to hear the right hon. Lady’s assurances today, and I hope we can move forward in exactly that spirit of seeing the support that Ukraine deserves.
That support and that united approach are incredibly important. I will come back to the reasons in a moment, but Ukraine needs a united, continued front and, above all, for the UK to play a role not just directly in providing military support along with other nations, but in ensuring accountability, which is the subject of this debate. I was talking particularly about taking party political approaches to this issue, which the current Government avoided doing in opposition. It is important that we continue in that way; I know that the hon. Lady will want to ensure that that is the case, and I am grateful for her comments just now. As was mentioned earlier, it is also important that, where we see an increased prevalence of conflict globally—sadly, I am well aware of that as the Minister for Development—we continue to have that unified voice on the UK’s position.
Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine is clearly a violation of the UN charter, and it strikes at the very heart of the rules on which our security and prosperity depend. The atrocities in Ukraine are some of the worst we have seen in Europe since world war two. Over six million Ukrainians have been forced to flee the country, over three million have been internally displaced, and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reports that over 11,000 civilians have been killed and at least 23,600 have been injured. The attacks that we saw, disturbingly, on 26 and 27 August represent continued evidence that Russia is intentionally targeting civilian energy infrastructure, without any regard for the safety and livelihood of millions of Ukrainians. Those attacks threaten civil access to power, heating and water supply, and they risk a further humanitarian crisis this winter. My constituency neighbour, the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon (Layla Moran), spoke eloquently on that subject in her contribution. We also heard from the hon. Member for Arbroath and Broughty Ferry (Stephen Gethins) about concerning evidence of developments even today regarding additional instances of Putin’s aggression towards the people of Ukraine.
Overall, Ukraine’s Office of the Prosecutor General has recorded more than 135,000 incidents of alleged war crimes, including murder, rape and the deportation of children. They appal us all. The Russian missile that hit a children’s hospital in July is yet further evidence of Putin’s callous disregard for human life. Yesterday, in the House—a number of Members here were present—we discussed the recent attacks that impacted on children in a playground in Kharkiv, as well as a children’s rehabilitation centre and orphanage.
We really need to see accountability, which Ukraine obviously wants for both those hideous atrocities and the illegal, unprovoked invasion from which these war crimes stem. I appreciated the clarification at the very beginning from the hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth: there is the initial illegal, unprovoked invasion and what has followed from it—he was right to separate the two.
The UK is committed to ensuring that Russia is held to account for its actions, and is leading efforts to refer the situation in Ukraine to the International Criminal Court and to ensure that it then takes action as an independent court. I can inform Members that the referral has secured the support of 42 other countries; it is the biggest state referral in the history of the ICC, enabling the prosecutor to proceed straight to investigation without the need for judicial approval. Having led the group referral, the UK is committed to making sure that the ICC has what it needs to continue that work. There has obviously been a financial contribution under the previous Government, for which we are grateful, including £2.3 million in additional contributions to the Court since the start of the war. That funding has increase the ICC’s capacity to collect evidence and provide enhanced psychosocial support for witnesses and survivors of the atrocities committed by Russia.
In response to the comments from the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon, I want to be clear that the ICC is an independent judicial institution, and it is for the ICC prosecutor to determine the nature and focus of the Court’s investigations. They are now well under way and making progress. In 2023, the ICC issued arrest warrants for President Putin and his children’s rights commissioner, Maria Lvova-Belova, for the unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children. When we talk about indictment and the provision of warrants, I want to underline the existence of that warrant for Putin from the ICC. The shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Rutland and Stamford, mentioned Putin’s visit to Mongolia and we have of course raised our concerns with the Mongolian authorities about their decision to host President Putin in those circumstances. We are absolutely clear that we respect the independence and the role of the ICC.
Following those initial warrants, we have also seen warrants issued in March for top Russian commanders Sergei Kobylash and Viktor Sokolov for directing missile attacks at civilian objects, including Ukrainian electricity infrastructure. In June, arrest warrants were issued for the former Russian defence minister Sergei Shoigu and the chief of general staff for the Russian armed forces, Valery Gerasimov. While the list of ICC subjects is growing, it will be in the courts of Ukraine—not The Hague—that the majority of cases will be heard.
In May 2022, under the previous Government—again, we are grateful for this action—the UK established the atrocity crimes advisory group, or ACA, with the European Union and the US to provide advice and support to the office of the prosecutor general of Ukraine and to enhance capacity to investigate and prosecute war crimes through their domestic system. Overall UK funding for this work has come to £6.2 million, and UK experts have provided advice on over 100 atrocity crimes cases at central and regional levels. That work very much continues.
UK support for Ukraine’s investigations has been further boosted by the deployment of our former ICC judge, Sir Howard Morrison KC. People in this Chamber will be well aware of his eminence as an adviser to Ukraine’s prosecutor general. Let me say in response to comments from Opposition Members that that support continues. He has overseen the delivery of war crimes training to 294 Ukrainian judges, 86 prosecutors, and 19 investigators.
We support Ukraine’s calls for accountability for the crime of aggression, as well as for the decision to invade Ukraine illegally and without provocation, from which so many further crimes have followed. As we made clear in our manifesto, the new Government will support work towards establishing a special tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine—those responsible for the hideous atrocities we have seen there must be held to account for their actions.
Agreement on the details of the tribunal will matter if it is to be legally sound and to attract the broad international support that will be crucial to its legitimacy and, ultimately, its impact. If we want this to work, and we do, we need to get it right, so we continue to play an active role in the core group, established and led by Ukraine, to explore options for achieving criminal accountability, including through a special tribunal. As some Members will know, the group brings together many experts.
I am grateful to the Minister for giving way. How we think through the special tribunal and the difficulties in establishing it have been well covered in the debate. Forty of the greatest legal minds have come together to consider the issue, including Professor Akande, a member of the UN international law commission, in a group convened by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown. Would the Minister consider meeting the group to think through some of the complicated issues that are a part of achieving what we all want to see, which is Putin and others facing accountability for their crimes?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for making that important point. UK legal expertise is already directly involved in the process through that contribution to the group, but I am sure that the Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff South and Penarth, would be keen to speak to those pre-eminent lawyers to understand more about what we can do in that area. The need is clearly urgent, but we are also resolutely focused on ensuring that any tribunal has the broad international support that it needs to ensure its legitimacy.
As well as doing what we can as the UK, bilaterally we are making sure that we are working with international partners, as Members would expect. That process will need to address all the critical issues. The hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth raised the specific issue of Head of State immunity, which is one of those critical issues and one that we, together with partners from more than 40 states and institutions, are discussing in the core group established by Ukraine. We appreciate the necessity of holding all those responsible for this war of aggression to account.
The UK, alongside 40 other states, is also a founding member of the international register of damage for Ukraine, which allows individuals to file claims for loss, injury and damage caused by Russia’s illegal invasion. It is an important first step as part of an international compensation mechanism as well as in achieving the required accountability.
Russia must be held responsible for its illegal war in Ukraine. That includes its obligations under international law to pay for the damage that it has caused. Together with our G7 partners, we have agreed to make approximately $50 billion available to Ukraine by the end of the year by advancing the extraordinary profits generated by immobilised Russian sovereign assets in the European Union.
The critical subject of sanctions was mentioned by the hon. Member for East Londonderry (Mr Campbell), who is no longer in his place. The new Government are absolutely determined to ensure that sanctions are not circumvented and that we have a robust regime. I am sure Members will be pleased to know that, very soon after the election and through the European political community, the UK managed to ensure a call to action against Russia’s shadow fleet, which has unfortunately been significant in the avoidance of sanctions. We are taking resolute action in that area.
The hon. Member for Strangford, who I thank for his kind remarks, rightly mentioned sanctions. He is right to detail the dreadful situation in Russia. My constituency neighbour, the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon, also mentioned it. For two decades, Putin’s Kremlin has presided over a significant deterioration of human rights. That has intensified over the past two years, and we stand with those who have been impacted by it. We have been particularly concerned about those detained on political grounds—the very brave individuals who have stood for human rights and human dignity. We continue to raise cases, particularly those of British nationals. We have seen some developments, but we still see the dreadful persecution of those who have raised human rights issues.
I will round off my remarks by thanking all Members for their interventions, which have been incredibly powerful and important. I reiterate that this Government are determined to hold Russia to account for its illegal and barbaric actions in Ukraine. With Ukraine and our other partners we share the goal of securing accountability for the crimes that have been committed. We are supporting Ukraine to investigate and prosecute those responsible for atrocities, as well as supporting the investigation by the ICC. We will continue to engage in international fora, including the core group looking at the special tribunal proposals, and to actively work on those.
Tomorrow, the Lord Chancellor will be in Vilnius to attend the conference of the Ministers of Justice of the Council of Europe, where we look forward to engaging with our partners on achieving justice for Ukraine. The hon. Member for Rutland and Stamford rightly referred to the significance of action within the Council of Europe in that regard. We are seeking to make progress there, including this week. Together we will ensure that allegations of international crimes are investigated robustly and independently, and we will continue to stand by the brave people of Ukraine for as long as it takes as they defend not only their freedom but our shared security and prosperity.
(3 months, 2 weeks ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
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(Urgent Question):
To ask the Foreign Secretary if he will make a statement on the humanitarian and political situation in Sudan.
I would like first to welcome the hon. Member for West Worcestershire (Dame Harriett Baldwin) to her place. She is a former Africa Minister, so I know she is deeply concerned about these issues. I am grateful for the fact that this urgent question has been granted; the situation could not be more urgent.
Last month, I visited South Sudan to assess the situation in Sudan and to meet those who have been forced to flee horrendous violence. The scenes of suffering and devastation that I heard about from families who have been torn apart and children who are on the brink of starvation have been etched in my memory.
We now have confirmation that the senseless war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces has brought famine to Sudan. In the Zamzam internally displaced people camp in northern Darfur, which hosts more than half a million people, 100 people are dying from starvation every day. We have to be clear that these conditions exist across Sudan. We should be discussing a more damning assessment today, but a sustained tactic of denying access to the hardest-hit areas of the country is making many people and their suffering invisible. The famine facing Sudan is almost entirely man-made and a direct consequence of the deliberate efforts by both warring parties to block aid getting to those most in need. The warring parties must remember their obligations under international humanitarian law. Access must not be arbitrarily denied and starvation must not be used as a weapon of war.
The UK welcomes the decision to reopen the Adre border crossing for humanitarian assistance for three months. This move, if conducted in good faith, could save thousands of lives. The SAF must act to remove any unnecessary restrictions on trucks moving through Adre, and the RSF must urgently facilitate movement into areas under their control. Without that, lifesaving aid will be blocked from accessing those most in need.
Last month, I announced an additional £15 million of vital assistance to Sudan, South Sudan and Chad to support vulnerable people forced to flee violence and seek safety. With that announcement, the UK has almost doubled its ODA to Sudan to £97 million this financial year, most of which is vital humanitarian aid. The UK also welcomed efforts by the US, Saudi Arabia and Switzerland to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table last month, but we remain deeply concerned that the SAF did not take the opportunity to act in the best interests of the people they claim to represent, and refused to attend the talks in person.
The warring parties must do everything in their power to ensure that this wholly unjustified war ends immediately. We continue to call upon the RSF to implement the commitments made in the Jeddah declaration to protect civilians. We stand ready to support partners in following up on these talks, including by busing the UK’s role as penholder on Sudan at the United Nations Security Council.
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question.
Yesterday, Parliament spent time on two terrible conflicts—that in Ukraine, and that in the middle east—but we must not allow this Parliament to forget about the increasingly dreadful situation in Sudan. I welcome the right hon. Minister for Development to her position. I know that she has just come back from visiting South Sudan, and I welcome her clear focus on the situation, which is urgent, with 10 million people having been internally displaced, 4 million of them children. Two million people have fled as refugees, and half the country’s population of 47 million now need food aid. Three quarters of a million people are starving in a famine that has only been made worse by the recent flooding. I urge the Government to pay urgent attention to the situation. We cannot lose momentum, or our focus on resolving the conflict and improving access for humanitarian aid.
The UK is the penholder at the United Nations, and with Norway and the United States we form the troika, which can act as an interlocutor with the warring parties. What progress has there been on initiating a follow-up to last month’s unsuccessful effort to bring the Sudanese armed forces to the table? The US special envoy Tom Perriello has been working hard, trying to make progress, but what role are the UK Government playing?
It is welcome that the Adre crossing has opened, and that there is some improvement in humanitarian access, but the UK has a key role to play in bringing donors together for Sudan. What plans do the UK Government have to convene influential regional players, such as the African Union, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, given that our extensive, excellent diplomatic network can make such an important difference? Overall, what strategy do the UK Government have to counteract the growing influence in the region of Russia, which is fomenting conflicts both in Sudan and in nearby countries such as Libya to gain access to Red sea and Mediterranean ports, and to encourage migration patterns such as those that we have seen?
I am grateful for the hon. Lady’s commitment to the issue, and for her incredibly important questions. She gave the figures for those who have been displaced; indeed, Sudan is the world’s largest displacement crisis in absolute terms. Of course, some of those individuals have been displaced before. When I was in South Sudan, I talked to those who had previously left South Sudan because it was so unsafe, gone into Sudan, and then been forced back to South Sudan.
This really is a horrendous crisis that deserves international focus. That is what the new UK Government are determined to provide. Of course, we recognise what took place under the previous Government, and we want to ensure that this crisis is given the attention that it deserves, not only through our position as penholder at the UN, which the hon. Lady noted, but by continuously urging the warring parties to come to the table, and by ensuring that the voices of civil society are not ignored. It has been particularly important for the UK to ensure that we convene civil society actors. I met some of them when I was in Addis Ababa in Ethiopia—many of them cannot operate in Sudan as it is too dangerous—and they are still seeking to ensure that the voice of civil society, and of women, is listened to.
The hon. Lady talked about applying international pressure to partners. That is important, when it comes to the positive work that we can do together. When I was in Addis, I met African Union Commissioner Bankole to talk about what we could do together to ensure that other regional actors are brought in to push forward peace, the ceasefire that is so desperately needed, and the humanitarian access that is needed. Of course, there is also the negative—the possibility of other countries becoming involved in the conflict and worsening it. The UK Government are clear that any measure of engagement with the warring parties that is not focused on humanitarian access or peace will only prolong this devastating war, which is leading to so much death and destruction.
This is one of the world’s worst conflicts and humanitarian disasters, but sadly it receives so little of our attention, so I welcome the urgent question and the Minister’s response. I praise the efforts of the British embassy in exile in Addis. It is clear that we need a long-term strategy to end the fighting and begin a political settlement. What plans does the Minister have to send UK personnel back to Sudan when the time is right, perhaps based in Port Sudan until a return to Khartoum is possible?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this issue. The staff from the UK embassy that was previously in Sudan showed the best of UK government; there is no question about that. They were placed in a truly horrendous, terrifying situation at the beginning of the conflict—they were effectively under siege at the beginning of a dreadful war—and I praise them. I was pleased to meet a number of them in Addis Ababa; they are operating out of Ethiopia, because it is too dangerous for them in Sudan. I know that they would be keen to ensure that we have that presence there, but we need to ensure their safety—and my goodness, that sense of safety was tested. Again, I praise their bravery.
I am grateful to the hon. Member for raising those important points. On the UK’s support, we have doubled the official development assistance contribution, recognising the severity of this crisis. I announced another £50 million of vital assistance on 22 August, bringing that up to £97 million, which will be focused on where it is possible to operate in Sudan. Much of the country is very difficult to access, including for humanitarian bodies and for those fleeing to South Sudan and Chad.
The hon. Member talked about neighbouring countries. There are a number of countries that we would urge not to engage in destabilising activity; I mentioned that point to the shadow Development Minister. Any activity that is not focused on humanitarian support or promoting peace is prolonging the war, worsening the humanitarian situation and creating a legacy for the future that will be difficult to deal with. We are seeing large numbers of unaccompanied children, for example—a really disturbing situation. We want that message to be heard loud and clear.
I wish that this conflict and the resulting famine had been stopped before they started. I am grateful for the Minister’s commitment. When the International Development Committee took evidence in April, we found that this was a war on women. Could the Minister please tell us what specifically she is doing to protect women from the horrendous rapes and sexual abuse that are going on, and what she is doing with the Department to gather atrocity prevention data?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for mentioning this area, in which she has great expertise. We are deeply concerned about the escalation of conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan since the outbreak of the conflict in April 2023. As she and others in the House will be well aware, there are reports of this issue; for example, 262 rape cases were reported from April to August. That is likely to be a massive underestimate of the situation on the ground.
Disturbingly, women and girls are subject to sexual violence in internally displaced person camps; at checkpoints when travelling; in their own homes; and when trying to get firewood or desperately trying to get support for their family. There are also reports of kidnapping, ransom and sexual exploitation. My hon. Friend asked what the UK is doing. We continue to condemn those atrocities against women and girls. We have called out human rights violations, especially conflict-related sexual violence carried out by the parties to the conflict, within the UN Human Rights Council and Security Council, and we are working to ensure that evidence is collected.
The fighting in Sudan is having an impact not just on that country but on neighbouring countries such as South Sudan, which cannot export its natural resources. What action are the Government taking to open up channels through which countries such as South Sudan can export goods in order to feed people in their country?
The right hon. Gentleman will be aware that there was already a humanitarian crisis in South Sudan. I visited the Bentiu refugee camp, which houses 100,000 people. It is effectively an island of marooned people in a lake of floodwater at the moment. There was already a crisis there. He is absolutely right that economic prospects have gone even further backwards following the crisis. The main oil pipeline has been impacted by the conflict in Sudan. We have had discussions with international partners about what can be done to improve the situation. I had discussions with the World Bank when I was in Juba in South Sudan about what can be done on economic reform. There is a role for the Government of South Sudan in ensuring economic reform; I am very clear that reform needs to take place, and that we need strong action and elections. The impact of the Sudan conflict is being felt in South Sudan, as the right hon. Gentleman said.
The Newport Sudanese community came together yesterday in Pill to open their new community centre. They feel that the conflict and this famine of epic proportions still go largely unseen. Some are hearing horrific stories from family and friends. Could the Minister reiterate to them that, as the penholder on Sudan at the UN Security Council, we will do all we can to ensure that international attention and actions are not too little, too late, and that, crucially, aid gets to the right places?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising the important point about diaspora communities in the UK. I have spoken to many people with Sudanese heritage in the UK who are deeply concerned about the situation at home. I am yet to meet someone with Sudanese heritage who has not been impacted somehow—who does not have a close family member who has been killed or subjected to violence, or has had to flee or is in food insecurity. I pay tribute to the Sudanese community in Newport and across our country. Most certainly, their plight is not being forgotten.
I commend the Minister on having made her visit so promptly. The conflicts in Ukraine and the middle east get coverage on the news night after night. It seems to me that this conflict ought similarly to constantly feature in our media. Why is that not happening? Is it purely because of the denial of journalistic access?
I am very grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his question, which I have thought about a lot. How can we elevate this crisis? One fears that people will look back and ask why more was not done about it, given the huge humanitarian toll—there is the biggest displacement crisis in the world, and the famine—which the UK Government recognise. Some very committed journalists are covering it, and I praise their actions. I hope that there can be additional coverage and greater international awareness. That is important for the UN and other multilateral organisations as well. This Government will do all we can to raise the profile of this crisis within those bodies.
There have now been over 500 days of war in Sudan, and we know that the geopolitical context is very complex to say the least. There have been reports from Human Rights Watch of summary executions and torture. Will the Government commit to galvanising the international crisis response that is needed to hold international partners to account, so that the Sudanese people receive the commitment and attention they deserve?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that incredibly important point. We have indeed, as she eloquently spelled out, seen a really disturbing increase in human rights abuses in Sudan. There has been an escalation of violence, with many civilians killed, sexual assaults on women—as we talked about—and the restriction of humanitarian and journalistic access. The UK will ensure that there is continued scrutiny of Sudan at the UN Human Rights Council. The UK is the leader of the core group, alongside Germany, Norway and the United States. We have been seeking to use that position as actively as possible to raise this issue. Colleagues should also be aware that the UK is funding the Centre for Information Resilience, a research body that is gathering open-source evidence about the ongoing fighting. That is incredibly important for the long-term accountability of those who are abusing human rights so appallingly in Sudan.
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for providing time for this issue today. I also thank the Minister. This is the gravest humanitarian situation on Earth and I am grateful for her remarks about evidence gathering on universal crimes. However, I am a little concerned that I am yet to hear what concrete actions are being taken to enforce an arms embargo and stop arms from reaching the conflict zones.
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for being very clear about the magnitude of this appalling conflict and the need to do all we can to prevent it. The UK Government have sought to use every lever we can to put pressure in this area, whether political, diplomatic or humanitarian, and to use every venue we can. To be very clear, I reiterate that the warring parties and those supporting them to become engaged in the conflict must cease their actions, which are having such a negative impact on the population. For those who are engaged to the extent that this is becoming a proxy situation, every single day they do that they are contributing to the humanitarian crisis. The UK could not be clearer in our language.
Despite Sudan experiencing one of the most severe humanitarian crises in the world, the previous Government failed to expand safe routes for those in Sudan, even for those who have family here. In the light of the ever-worsening situation on the ground, what steps will our new Government take to help those fleeing the conflict to reunite with loved ones and find safety in the UK?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for mentioning the situation facing those who have been forced to flee Sudan. The pattern for those fleeing conflict is quite differentiated. Many who were already in humanitarian need or with low resources have been forced into Chad, obviously from Darfur. As I mentioned earlier, we are also seeing some being forced back into South Sudan. Many have moved into Egypt, which has seen a really significant expansion in its Sudanese population. I think all of us, as parliamentarians, will remember what happened at the beginning of the conflict when there was the evacuation. I pay tribute to the civil servants who ensured that the evacuation took place, because it was a very difficult time. Of course, we take very seriously our commitments on ensuring that refugees are protected in the region.
I am very grateful that time has been given for this urgent question. Groups such as the Zaghawa are facing genocide in Sudan. As a result, many young Zaghawan men have fled to Europe and some live in makeshift camps along the French coast. They wish to come to the UK for a particular reason: because Sudan is a former colony of the British empire and they were taught English at school. The likes of Tommy Robinson demonise them for being young and male, but it is precisely because they are young men that they are most at risk of being slaughtered by the Janjaweed. Will the Government look again, because there is a particular historical duty of care towards people from Sudan, and allow safe passage to the Zaghawa who are fleeing genocide?
We have been very clear that there must not be demonisation of individuals from any heritage or background. We are seeing a situation where a separation is being undertaken by some of the warring parties, so that it is becoming impossible for fathers to leave with their children, and for uncles and grandfathers to leave. They are being separated, unfortunately, and effectively pressganged into supporting some of the warring parties. That is extremely disturbing. We saw that previously, but we are seeing it again intensifying. I met a young boy whose uncle had been subject to that and who escaped by the skin of his teeth. We will ensure that we focus on human rights, including for young men, for everybody in those situations, but the critical thing will be to ensure that Sudan itself has the ceasefire that is desperately needed, and that there is de-escalation and greater regional stability. That is what will be important in both the medium and long term.
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for dedicating time to this crisis. Given the challenges of getting international aid into Sudan, the humanitarian response is very dependent on local community-led emergency response routes. What measures are the Government taking to ensure that funding reaches frontline responders?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that point. She has considerable expertise on these issues from before she became a Member of Parliament. We are concerned about the situation of access for humanitarian aid in Sudan. I talked a little about that earlier, but it is important that we do not see unreasonable impediments put in place. I recognise her point about community support being provided. I met some representatives from the so-called emergency response rooms. I also met, as I said, some civil society voices from Sudan who are also engaged in that humanitarian effort. It is important that their contribution is recognised. They are not part of the warring parties; they are completely politically neutral. For that reason, of course, they are being targeted themselves.
What efforts are being made to gather testimony and evidence of the war crimes, breaches of international humanitarian law and ethnic cleansing that we all know are taking place in Sudan at the moment?
I am grateful to the hon. Member for raising that point. I mentioned that the UK is supporting the Centre for Information Resilience, a research body that is gathering evidence of what is taking place on the ground. For example, funding is being provided for the Sudan witness project, which is investigating attacks against civilians and infrastructure. On the specific finding of genocide, I am clear that that is an internationally focused definition, but we are concerned that we are seeing patterns of violence that bear the hallmarks of that kind of development, so we are keeping that very closely under review.
I thank the Minister for her statement. Sudan has borders with seven countries, home to around 280 million people. All those countries now face the destabilising flow of guns and mercenaries. What assessment has the UK Government made of the impact of the civil war on the humanitarian crisis, and not just in Sudan but in neighbouring countries?
My hon. Friend raises an important point. As I mentioned, we have already seen in South Sudan and other neighbouring countries extreme humanitarian need. Clearly, the conflict in Sudan is making the situation even worse in many of those nations. I am grateful to those nations that have opened their borders so that those fleeing conflict are able to move out of the conflict situation, but clearly that is coming at significant cost in situations where there is already considerable humanitarian need. South Sudan, for example, already has the worst maternal mortality in the entire world. It has statistics that place it right at the bottom of the human development index of all countries. This is only making the situation worse, I regret to say.
I thank the Minister very much for her reassuring words about how to help those in Sudan, but given that some 10 million people are displaced there and 25 million are suffering from food insecurity, it is clear that a humanitarian crisis of gigantic proportions is unfolding. In particular—and here I declare an interest, as chair of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief—9,000 Christians have been killed, 6 million Christians have been displaced, and 165 churches have been destroyed and closed. There have been human rights violations in the form of rape, kidnapping and looting. Sudan is the eighth worst place in the world to be a Christian. It is clear that much more must be done. May I ask the Minister, very respectfully, what steps she is taking to work with non-governmental organisations on the ground to get support to the people who need it the most: the vulnerable, the ill, women and children?
The hon. Gentleman is right, sadly, about the scale of the humanitarian disaster we see unfolding and about the human rights abuses. He mentioned religious minorities, and also the impact on women and girls, which was mentioned earlier. We are seeing an extremely disturbing situation in Sudan. We will continue to do all we can to raise the profile of this issue. The humanitarian situation in Sudan was a priority for me as soon as I became the new Development Minister—I was determined that I should be briefed on it. It is an enormous crisis, and we in the UK must do all we can to ensure that we play our part politically, diplomatically, economically and in humanitarian terms.
Yesterday I heard from two Sudanese doctors who were born in Sudan but live in my constituency, and who are rightly and understandably very worried indeed. We have heard from the Minister about engagement with the World Bank, the African Union and the United Nations, but many of our European neighbours have colonial ties with this part of Africa, as do we. What specific and direct conversations has the Minister had with European colleagues to urge them to do their bit to help resolve the crisis?
The Sudanese doctors’ groups have been very important in the UK in raising the profile of these issues, and in trying to ensure that information about the situation on the ground is getting through and being reported in the media. We will continue to work multilaterally, but also bilaterally. I have discussed these matters with, for example, counterparts from Norway, Germany and a number of other European nations, and also with the current European Commissioner for Development, who will of course be moving on with a new commission. We clearly need to work together to try to resolve these matters.
Children are often on the frontline of conflict, and that certainly applies in Sudan, where a whole generation of children are living a nightmare and facing a catastrophe. Can the Minister expand on the specific measures being taken to protect children, both in terms of immediate humanitarian aid and to raise the important issue of children’s rights?
My hon. Friend brings considerable expertise to the House, gained before she became a Member of Parliament. The appalling circumstances in which children are finding themselves because of this conflict really must be raised up the international agenda. When I was in South Sudan, I met some children who had escaped from Sudan. Those children could not smile any more. There was nothing that they could see for their future. It was extremely disturbing. They had lost their parents, and they had seen, for example, siblings dying of measles or diarrhoea while they were trying to escape the conflict. This is a truly horrendous situation. Children’s rights must indeed be raised, and we should of course also consider the situation of children in the context of the activity of the warring parties. Again, the UK Government will be calling on those parties to ensure that they are following international humanitarian law and, above all, that we have the ceasefire that is so desperately needed.
(3 months, 3 weeks ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
(Urgent Question): To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs if he will make a statement on the situation in Ukraine.
I am grateful to the right hon. Member for asking this urgent question on a matter that is so critical. As the House is well aware, Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine poses a significant threat to Euro-Atlantic security and has struck at the heart of the international rules-based system on which our security and prosperity depend.
UK support for Ukraine in defending itself against Russian aggression is iron-clad. Ukraine’s incursion into the Russian oblast of Kursk has proven once again what Ukraine is capable of, but its armed forces remain under considerable pressure on the frontline, particularly in Donbas, and Russia continues to bombard Ukrainian cities and civilian infrastructure with missiles and drones. The UK will continue to do everything we can to step up and accelerate our support, to keep the pressure up on Putin’s war machine, and to hold to account those responsible for Russia’s illegal actions.
On the day that the new Government were appointed, the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Defence Secretary spoke to their Ukrainian counterparts to underline our support. Within 48 hours, the Defence Secretary travelled to Odesa, where he announced a new package of military equipment and pledged to accelerate the delivery of previously announced military aid. During the NATO Washington summit, the Prime Minister committed to providing £3 billion a year of military support for Ukraine until 2030-31, or for as long as needed. Allies also agreed a significant package of support, and agreed that Ukraine’s pathway to NATO membership was irreversible.
On 18 July, the Prime Minister hosted President Zelensky and European political community leaders at Blenheim, where 44 European countries and the EU signed a call to action to tackle Russia’s shadow fleet, which is enabling Russia to evade international sanctions. The Prime Minister and President Zelensky also agreed a new defence industrial support treaty that enables Ukraine to draw on £3.5 billion of UK export finance. I am sure that the House will want to be aware that yesterday, the UK-Ukraine digital trade agreement entered into force, making digital trade between our two countries cheaper and easier, boosting both economies.
In summary, Ukraine remains high on the agenda, including in our discussions with our international partners. The Prime Minister discussed Ukraine with Chancellor Scholz and President Macron last week, and the Defence Secretary will attend a meeting of the international Ukraine defence contact group on 5 September. We remain in close discussion with Ukraine on the support that it needs to prevail.
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question, and may I also thank the Minister for her response?
The whole House condemned, and continues to be appalled by, Putin’s illegal and outrageous attack on a neighbouring foreign state. We condemn the missile and drone attacks launched by Putin against Ukraine in recent weeks, which targeted critical infrastructure ahead of winter and murdered Ukrainian citizens. Tragically, a missile strike the week before last killed a British national, Ryan Evans, who was in Ukraine working for Reuters. He and his friends and family are in our thoughts today.
Opposition Members welcome the fact that negotiations have been initiated on contracts under the recently signed defence export support treaty; that is a positive step. Increasing Britain’s defence production remains a national priority, so that we can provide more weapons to Ukraine and build up our own stocks. In government, we made it clear that appointing a defence production envoy with a direct line to the Prime Minister would be an effective way of helping us to realise that aim; I would be grateful if the Minister could update the House on whether the Government intend to see that plan through. Above all, this Government must continue, as their predecessor did, to press our allies to go further, and, by working closely with Germany and France in particular, as well as with the American Government, to procure the vital supplies that Ukraine must receive. The countries supporting Ukraine are able to leverage a collective GDP and a combined defence budget many times larger than Russia’s. Will the Minister confirm that we are pressing allies to follow the UK’s multi-year funding commitment for military aid?
Turning to the situation in the Kursk region, we agree with the Government that under article 51 of the UN charter, Ukraine’s right to self-defence against illegal Russian attacks does not preclude operations inside Russia. Furthermore, together with our allies, we must equip Ukraine so that it is not hampered in its ability to degrade the Russian war effort before it is fully deployed. It is our intention as His Majesty’s Opposition to help the Government as they in turn take all the necessary decisions to secure advantage and victory for Ukraine, but in giving that support, we expect the Government to continue the firm and clear leadership demonstrated by the last Conservative Government.
First, I share in the condemnation of the appalling Russian attacks that the right hon. Member mentioned. He talked about the impact on critical infrastructure and, indeed, on a British national; the whole House will want to send our condolences to his family and share in the sorrow—it is such a dreadful incident. Of course, we have seen other appalling attacks, including on other forms of civilian infrastructure. As children are returning to school in many parts of England today, we also see children return to school in Ukraine, but on Friday a 14-year-old girl was killed in Kharkiv and over the past few days a children’s rehabilitation centre has been attacked through Russian aggression. We are absolutely determined that we will continue that rejection of Russian aggression.
The right hon. Member talked in particular about the need to ensure that we have that provision of armaments. We are seeking to ensure that we have a national armaments director so that we have that prioritisation. He also talked about the need to work with our allies, which, as I mentioned in my statement and will underline again, the Prime Minister has prioritised; he discussed it in detail with Olaf Scholz and with President Macron, and clearly it was critical at the European Political Community meeting. The agreement that was come to, with that call of action against the shadow fleet, was incredibly important, and it covers the EU and many other European countries.
The right hon. Member talked about the need for a multi-year approach, including from our allies, and we will continue to advocate for that. That multi-year support is critical for the UK. We have been clear that we will extend it until 2030-31, or as long as is required. That is an incredibly important commitment made by the new UK Government.
The right hon. Member also talked about the actions we have seen taking place in Kursk. He is right that they were defensive actions; they would not have taken place had we not seen the illegal invasion of Ukraine. The language he used to describe them is therefore completely appropriate. When it comes to equipping Ukraine in that defensive activity, of course we will continue—and indeed have intensified—our commitment towards that. I was pleased to hear his commitment to cross-party working on that. My party was determined to ensure cross-party working when in opposition, so I was pleased to hear him affirm that from his new position on the Opposition Benches. We will ensure that we prioritise our support for Ukraine in the future, and I hope he will work with us to do so.
In anticipation of this urgent question, I asked a constituent friend of mine who is currently in Kyiv what questions I should be asking the Foreign Secretary. That friend of mine will be reassured that we are increasing the amount of armaments and weapons being sent to Ukraine, because it is in desperate need of them. Overnight, Kyiv was hit 20 times by missiles, and the overwhelming question that she wants me to ask is this: what pressure can the UK Government put on the Americans to allow the Ukrainians to hit the missile sites in Russia?
I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for raising these matters. Clearly her contact with that constituent has been incredibly important in understanding the situation on the ground, and I know that my right hon. Friend has a deep understanding of these foreign policy matters. The UK is well aware that the US has committed $105 billion in support for Ukraine. It was announced at the NATO summit at the beginning of July that Germany, Romania, the Netherlands and Italy would be working with the US to provide Ukraine with five strategic air defence systems. We have very much welcomed sustained bipartisan US support for Ukraine, which has been key in the international effort, and I know that the United States will want to continue that support into the future. Certainly, we in the UK will be doing all we can to ensure that that remains the case.
The Foreign Secretary has spoken of his warm relations with the running mate of Donald Trump, J. D. Vance. That is just as well, because Vance said previously that he does not really care what happens to Ukraine one way or another. While Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister is talking about changes to Russia’s doctrine on the use of nuclear weapons, Vance is joking about how Britain is somehow the first “Islamist country” with nuclear weapons. Will the Minister tell the House what efforts the Government are making to rid Vance and some others in the Republican party of the idea that the security of Ukraine and the security of Europe is somehow not important to the security of the United States?
It is clearly not for us in this House to speculate about hypothetical scenarios, and decisions about the US election will of course lie with the American people. I underline to the hon. Member that the UK and the US have been steadfast allies, working closely together on foreign policy issues and defence matters for over a century. That has applied with leaders of all political stripes in the White House and in Downing Street, and with Parliament and Congress as well. We welcome and will continue to welcome sustained bipartisan US support for Ukraine, including passage of the supplemental funding package, which has been key to the international effort.
I welcome my right hon. Friend’s statement. She touched on stockpiles of armaments and missiles; as she knows, we have had a long-standing problem in that regard. Will she say more about what work is being done now to ensure that those stockpiles are increased and that we can supply more to Ukraine?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that issue. We will continue to work hard to ensure that Ukraine has what it needs to defend itself in the face of Putin’s illegal aggression. As I mentioned in my statement, the Prime Minister has committed £3 billion a year in military support for Ukraine until 2030-31, or for as long as is needed. That means that the UK has committed almost £12.7 billion in military, humanitarian and economic support for Ukraine since 2022, but I want to be clear that we are stepping up our military support, including via a new package announced by the Defence Secretary in Odesa in early July—soon after the election—which includes more artillery guns, a quarter of a million ammunition rounds and 90 precision Brimstone missiles, because, as my hon. Friend mentioned, the stockpile is indeed important.
It seems to me that if you are attacked by a demented bear, you either run away or hit him so hard that he runs away, but the west’s policy on Ukraine appears to be to wound and not win. In that context, will the Government make an unequivocal public statement that Ukraine should be allowed to use Storm Shadow and, more importantly, the US-made army tactical missile system? Then we might actually win this war.
Specifically on Storm Shadow, there has been no change in the UK’s position. We have been providing military aid to support Ukraine’s clear right of self-defence against Russia’s illegal attacks. That has been in accordance with international humanitarian law. We are clear that equipment provided by the UK is intended for the defence of Ukraine.
As we have heard, the United States will be going to the polls later this year and many in the Republican party are unfortunately expressing scepticism about supporting Ukraine. Will the Minister encourage our colleagues and allies in the United States, as support for Ukraine is vital for our own democracy and security around the world?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for mentioning that important subject. The UK will continue to work closely with our international partners to ensure that Ukraine gets the support it needs to resist Russian aggression. At the NATO summit in Washington, the Prime Minister announced that the UK-administered international fund for Ukraine will place a new order worth £300 million for 120,000 rounds of ammunition, bolstering Ukraine’s defences against Russia.
I should also mention that the UK is co-leading a new maritime capability coalition alongside Norway, which will strengthen Ukraine’s ability to operate at sea, and a major drone capability coalition with Latvia to scale up the west’s provision of first-person view drones to Ukraine. There is extensive and deep work with our allies when it comes to supporting the defence of Ukraine.
Do the Government have a view on why certain far-right politicians in the United States, Europe and even, dare I say it, Britain seem to have a soft spot for President Putin’s Russia?
The right hon. Member raises an important question. It is clear that Russia’s activity under President Putin’s illegal leadership has included an attack not only on Ukraine but on democratic values and international humanitarian law. I am pleased that we have seen bipartisan support across the House for rejecting that aggression, and I hope that that will continue.
I welcome the Minister’s words on Ukraine’s activities in Kursk, and I ask her to give the UK Government’s fullest possible support for what is going on there. Last night, Russian missiles hit Kyiv and other major cities. It is vital that the UK takes the lead in partnering Ukraine in the defence of democracy and liberty. What progress are the Government making on completing the 100-year agreement with Ukraine?
I very much agree with my hon. Friend’s comments on the Kursk offensive. As was mentioned, ultimately it is very much a defensive operation—we should not forget that Russia has repeatedly launched attacks on Ukraine from Kursk oblast. I also agree with his comments about recent aerial attacks from Russia. When it comes to rejecting those, we could not be clearer: intentionally directing attacks at civilian objects is a war crime. Those attacks threaten civilian access to power, heating and water supply, impacting the safety and livelihoods of millions of Ukrainians. On the 100-year partnership, we are committed to ensuring that we cement our partnership with Ukraine’s leadership, which started very early on for the new Government. There is an important anniversary coming and we are seeking to mark it with renewed partnership.
Russian oligarchs close to Putin have numerous assets under UK jurisdiction, equating to nearly £23 billion. Will the Minister commit to acting on a Lib Dem manifesto commitment to begin the process of seizing currently frozen assets in the UK and repurposing them in support of the people of Ukraine, building financial resilience in UK domestic support even if US support were to waver following the US election in November?
I am grateful to the hon. Member for his question. He is right in his implication that we need a robust sanctions regime—this Government are absolutely committed to that. Without sanctions, we estimate that Russia would have over £400 billion more to fund its war for another four years. It is important that we continue with that sanctions regime and do what we can to ensure that it is impossible to circumvent—I believe that his point was about that particular issue.
There is an international movement towards ensuring that Russian sovereign assets are put into play to support people who have been so appallingly impacted in Ukraine. We are working intensively with all our allies to pursue lawful ways to ensure that Russia meets its obligations. Together with our G7 partners we have agreed to make available approximately $50 billion to Ukraine by the end of the year by advancing the extraordinary profits generated by immobilised Russian sovereign assets in the EU and other relevant jurisdictions. Work is already ongoing on the issues that the hon. Member mentioned, if I understood his question correctly.
I welcome what the Minister said about efforts to tackle the Russian shadow fleet. She will also be aware that an estimated £600 million-worth of refined products of Russian origin have made their way into our economy. Given her answer a moment ago about the need for a robust sanctions regime, what more can she do to crack down on that? The democracy in Kyiv will find it more difficult to win if we are also funding the dictatorship in Moscow.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that important point. Putin’s shadow fleet softened the blow of our sanctions regime, and it poses serious maritime security and environmental risks. In response, the new Government have already taken decisive action. Earlier this month we sanctioned 11 Russian ships, and almost all sanctioned tankers have ceased trading Russian oil. As I mentioned, at the European Political Community summit, 44 countries and the EU signed the call to action, spearheaded by the UK, calling out the risks posed by the shadow fleet and committing to work together to confront those risks. I will not speculate on future decisions on our sanctions regime, but we will of course always keep it under review.
May I follow the excellent point made by the Father of the House, my right hon. Friend the Member for Gainsborough (Sir Edward Leigh), on Storm Shadow? There is no third country exercising a veto on how Putin uses long-range missiles, which he uses without compunction even to attack children’s hospitals in Ukraine. Yet the media consistently report that there is an American veto on the Ukrainian use of Storm Shadow missiles to attack targets at depth in Russia, even though that would materially assist the Ukrainian war effort. Will the Minister, the Foreign Office and the Ministry of Defence talk with our American allies to get that veto removed? The Ukrainians are fighting for our freedom too and, two years in, they can no longer be expected to do it with one hand tied behind their back.
As I mentioned previously in this important debate, the UK Government will continue to work with all our allies from all engaged parties, seeking to ensure that we do all we can to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty and to enable it to exercise its right of self-defence against Putin’s illegal aggression. As I mentioned, there has been no change in the UK’s position on the matters the right hon. Gentleman specifies. We have been providing military aid to support Ukraine’s clear right of self-defence against Russia’s illegal attacks in accordance with international humanitarian law, and we are clear that equipment provided by the UK is intended for the defence of Ukraine.
I welcome the strength and detail of the Minister’s statement. My constituents stand very firmly with the people of Ukraine. Last night, I met a man called Alex, a Ukrainian who has made his life in Newcastle-under-Lyme. He has no family left in Ukraine after the recent death of his brother in Kyiv. That is evidence that this crisis remains so very serious for so many people. Notwithstanding the Minister’s answer on sanctions and assets, may I urge her to look at what we can do to redouble our efforts to use assets seized from Russians here in order to support Ukrainians in their fight against tyranny, not just in Ukraine but here in the United Kingdom too?
I very much share my hon. Friend’s deep concern about the human impact of Putin’s illegal war on Ukraine. In February 2024, we heard from President Zelensky that 31,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been killed during Russia’s full-scale invasion. Very large numbers of civilians have been killed, too. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights reports that over 11,000 civilians have been killed and over 23,000 wounded—as of the start of August this year. On ensuring that we take action on assets, this new Government are absolutely committed to doing everything we can in this area. As I mentioned, the UK sanctioned over 2,000 individuals and entities. We estimate that, without sanctions, Russia would have over $400 billion more to fund its illegal war. Of course we will continue to keep this under review and work with partners to ensure that our sanctions are as strong as possible.
The Minister is of course right to say that who will be the next US President is a matter solely for the American people, but a Trump presidency would, without doubt, have a significant impact on the course of the war in Ukraine, and given Trump’s cosy relationship with Putin, I doubt very much that it would be a positive impact. Can the Minister reassure the House and the people of Ukraine that this Government are, or soon will be, speaking to our European allies to ensure that, in terms of procurement and engagement, Europe will be prepared to plug any gaps in what Ukraine needs to defend itself should the worst case become a reality after November?
This Government have engaged repeatedly with our allies on the need for continued support for Ukraine. That has been the case in respect of, for example, the European Political Community—the meetings we had, and the call to action on the shadow fleet that emerged from them—and it has been the case in respect of all the engagement we have had with NATO allies, and the Prime Minister’s engagement with Olaf Scholz and President Macron just a few days ago. That engagement will continue, and it is critically important for the UK Government. We have also welcomed sustained bipartisan US support for Ukraine, which has been key to the international effort. Let me underline what I said earlier. The UK and the US have been steadfast allies, working together closely for more than a century. That has applied, regardless of political stripe, across the institutions in both our countries, and we are determined that it will continue.
I commend the Government for their positive response to the urgent question, but may I press the Minister on the Storm Shadow issue? There is really no point in the west arming Ukraine to shoot down the missiles when it cannot shoot the launch pads. What discussions are the Government having with our American counterparts? Will she confirm that a request has been made to the US Administration? When are we expecting an answer, and if the answer is no, what will we do?
The UK Government have been crystal clear that we will do everything we can to support Ukraine for as long as it takes, and to ensure that it has the equipment it needs to defend its territory from Russia’s illegal invasion. The hon. Gentleman will understand that we will not comment on operational decision making.
Ukrainian refugees in my constituency have welcomed the continuity of approach to the situation in Ukraine following the change of Government here. However, the Minister has mentioned a number of times today that we are giving a long-term arms commitment to Ukraine. How can she make such a commitment, given the concerns about the equipment and ammunition available to our own armed forces, and what steps has she taken to ensure that the United Kingdom’s defence industry is geared up to meet both the commitments for our own armed forces and those that she is making to Ukraine?
I am grateful to the right hon. Member for making that critical point. Such a long-term commitment to ensuring the provision of defence capacity for our allies and friends is not only important for those countries—in this case, Ukraine—but extremely important for our own domestic industrial capacity. It enables us to secure long-term jobs, long-term contracts, long-term prospects and, indeed, long-term careers for people in our country who work in the defence industries.
Last week’s attack on Ukraine by Russian missiles and drones was the biggest since the Russian invasion started. Can the Minister make it crystal clear that Ukraine’s right to self-defence must include the ability to target the origin of those missiles and drones, including Russian aircraft in Russian airspace and Russian missile bases?
The right hon. Member is right to condemn the truly appalling attacks that we saw recently. They provided yet more evidence that Russia is seeking to terrorise the Ukrainian population into submission, an approach that we wholly reject and condemn and that runs contrary to international humanitarian law. The UK will continue to do everything we can to support Ukraine’s resilience and its defence in this situation. Given the point that he made on this subject, let me underline what I said earlier: the Kursk operation was a defensive operation, and we should not forget that Russia repeatedly launched attacks on Ukraine from Kursk oblast.
We have heard about the role of Russian assets in this country. The Minister will be aware of my concerns about asset ownership in the constituency of Cities of London and Westminster, and how vital it is for UK economic growth that we can pride ourselves on having clean and transparent financial markets in the City of London. Does she agree that securing transparency through trust ownership is a really important part of ensuring that we can understand ownership of assets in this country, and that we cannot wait any longer for enforcement around the transparency of trusts in order to secure our understanding of the situation?
I am well aware of my hon. Friend’s leadership on these issues and her long-term commitment to ensuring transparency. Of course, she will understand that the precise rules around financial instruments are not a matter for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office; they are of course a matter for His Majesty’s Treasury. On the broader issue, however, I can say to her that we are very clear that effective sanctions will require effective enforcement and implementation. We will continue to strengthen our work—including with international partners and allies, and through our role at the UN—to maximise the impact of sanctions, to close loopholes and to close other channels for circumventing sanctions.
Does the right hon. Lady recognise the enormous contribution that the Ukrainian diaspora here in the UK have made to supporting their countrymen, and not just practically but in relation to morale? Will she ensure that the Government continue to do everything they can to support such endeavours?
I am very grateful to the right hon. Member for making that incredibly important point. Just about every Member of the House will have had the privilege and honour of meeting Ukrainians who have moved to their constituency—sadly, not through choice but through necessity. They have enriched our communities, and they are indeed supporting those back at home. It really is important that the Government continue to work with them so that we get an accurate picture of what is taking place, but also so that we can ensure that we play our part in supporting Ukraine in its self-defence against Putin’s aggression.
This House should commend the brave Ukrainian forces for the undoubted success of their incursion into Russia’s Kursk region, but we can see that they remain under significant stress across the whole region. What military support have the UK Government provided to the Ukrainian armed forces since the general election, and what commitment do we have in place going forward?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that important question. I want to be very clear that we are stepping up our military support, for the reasons that he mentions. That includes the new package that the Defence Secretary announced in Odesa—I think it was on his second day in the job. It includes more artillery guns, a quarter of a million ammunition rounds and 90 precision Brimstone missiles. We are also speeding up that support: on 7 July the Defence Secretary announced that we would ensure that the package of military aid that was promised in April under the previous Government, which includes air defence missiles, would be delivered in full to Ukraine within the next 100 days.
What action are the Government taking with our allies to crack down on sanction dodging, which is leading to critical components for military equipment, including drones, getting into Russia?
This Government are absolutely committed to ensuring that there is no sanction dodging and that we have an effective sanctions regime, which is critical to ensuring that Putin’s illegal war does not succeed. Over £20 billion-worth of UK-Russia bilateral trade is now under full or partial sanction. Imports from Russia into the UK have fallen by more than 99%, and exports to Russia have fallen by more than 75%. I previously mentioned that we have been working to tackle the so-called shadow fleet, and working with our allies and partners to ensure that we have robust action in that area, but we will continue to keep the system under review.
I congratulate the Minister on both the tone and the substance of her response here today, and I see that the Foreign Secretary is now coming into the Chamber. The President of Ukraine has lauded the UK for its leadership in arms, politics and support for Ukrainian society, but can the Minister explain why he said that, since the election, that support had slowed?
I am grateful to the right hon. Member for his question, but I have to say that the Prime Minister could not have been clearer that the UK’s support for Ukraine is unwavering. This is a cross-party commitment coming from the UK. It is absolutely clear and we continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine. That is why the Prime Minister, within his first week in office, committed to £3 billion a year of support to Ukraine for as long as it takes. That is a new commitment, and one that we believed it was important to make, to underline that continued support. The right hon. Member will remember that, as a further signal of the strength of the relationship, the Prime Minister called President Zelensky on his first day in the job and that the Defence Secretary visited Kyiv just hours later. That commitment could not be clearer.
BAE Systems in my constituency and its workforce across Lancashire—indeed, including in the Speaker’s constituency of Chorley —have been at the forefront of the armaments supply to Ukraine. The Typhoon project at the Warton site will start to hit a lull from next year, when there will be no more assembly of Typhoons, but we know that countries directly affected by Russia’s aggression across its border wish to place Typhoon orders in the coming years. There will be a delay in our ability to critically supply those important aircraft to strategic partners. Will the Minister commit to working with me and other MPs from Lancashire and with BAE Systems on how we can fill that gap in the production and assembly of Typhoon fighter jets, to make sure that, when our allies and partners need those jets, they will be available? This will also benefit jobs across Lancashire and indeed the UK economy through exports.
First, I pay tribute to those British workers who have been ensuring that that essential matériel is being delivered when it is so needed. That really does show UK technology at its best. I am assured that the Defence Secretary would be keen to meet the hon. Member. He is well aware of these challenges and he would be interested in having that conversation. Of course, the new UK Government have been absolutely clear that we are determined to have a long-term strategy for defence that includes our defence industries as well.
As with so many things in international affairs, American support is indispensable. So it is with support for Ukraine, yet the election of President Trump et al threatens that. Have the Government conducted any contingency planning as to how to continue full support for Ukraine in the event of the potential election of President Trump?
I am grateful to the Member for his question. I do not want to repeat word for word what I said previously. He will, I am sure, understand that the US and the UK have worked together for over 100 years on issues of importance, and that has not varied despite the party political composition of the leaderships in our two countries. We will not be speculating about hypothetical scenarios. Instead, we will be ensuring that we continue to work with our allies to ensure that the Ukrainian people, who have so bravely been defending their country, are supported in their self-defence by the UK.
I thank the Minister very much for her confident answers. They will encourage us all in this House and indeed our constituents back home as well, and I thank her for that. As she stated, as all our children—and in my case, my six grandchildren—make their way back into their classrooms in safety and security today, our minds are with those children in Ukraine who are unable to access an education, a hope or even a future. Can she outline what discussions have taken place to ensure that those children remaining in Ukraine have access to their education, to vocational training and indeed to a future?
I am grateful to the hon. Member for that important point. I thank him for his kind words and I congratulate him on his six grandchildren. I am sure I have heard that before, but it is quite an achievement. [Interruption.] It may not be entirely down to him, of course.
The hon. Member raises a very sad issue, as we see children being put in a very difficult position. Appalling numbers of children have been killed due to Russian aggression, and there is also the impact on essential children’s services, including education and healthcare. We have not managed to cover this in this urgent question, but I assure him that, when it comes to humanitarian support, the UK is absolutely committed to supporting Ukraine. As he would expect, as Minister for Development, I have been working very hard on this across a range of services, but particularly humanitarian matters and energy as we go into the winter.
(4 months, 3 weeks ago)
Written StatementsThe FCDO’s Annual Report and Accounts 2023-24, published today, reports that in 2023, on a provisional basis, the United Kingdom did not meet its target to spend the equivalent of 0.7 per cent of gross national income on official development assistance.
The International Development (Official Development Assistance Target) Act 2015 (the 2015 Act) envisages situations in which a departure from meeting the target of spending 0.7 per cent of GNI on ODA may be necessary: for example, in response to “fiscal circumstances and, in particular, the likely impact of meeting the target on taxation, public spending and public borrowing”.
The previous Government reduced the ODA budget to around 0.5 per cent of GNI from 2021.
This Government are committed to restoring ODA spending at the level of 0.7 per cent of GNI as soon as fiscal circumstances allow. The Government will set out their approach to the House in due course.
As required by section 2 of the 2015 Act, an unnumbered Act paper has been laid before Parliament and is in the same terms as this statement.
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