(11 years, 6 months ago)
Commons ChamberI congratulate the hon. Member for Gedling (Vernon Coaker) on choosing Northern Ireland for today’s debate. Those on the Opposition Front Bench have provided us with a welcome opportunity to consider some hugely important matters in Northern Ireland.
Let me start by paying tribute to the courage and dedication of those on all sides who are responsible for delivering the huge progress we have seen in Northern Ireland over the past two decades. That includes successive UK Governments, our partners in the Irish and US Administrations and, of course, the political leadership in Northern Ireland. They all deserve our sincere thanks. Delivering the peace settlement was greatly assisted by the bipartisan attitude that is generally taken in this House towards matters such as security and constitutional and institutional affairs in Northern Ireland. I very much welcome the continuation of that approach from the shadow Secretary of State.
As the hon. Gentleman said, the bedrock of the progress that has been made in Northern Ireland is provided by the agreement signed on 10 April, 15 years ago. Whether we call it the Belfast agreement or the Good Friday agreement, there can be no doubt that it has transformed life in Northern Ireland, alongside its successor agreements, made at St Andrews in 2006 and Hillsborough in 2010. None of those agreements would have happened without the Downing Street declaration, made 20 years ago by John Major and Albert Reynolds, which started the peace process in earnest.
I agree that we in this House must never, ever take the peace settlement for granted. It will always be important to keep reminding ourselves of the many ways in which the agreements have improved life for people in Northern Ireland and transformed it as a place to live. For example, the agreements secured the constitutional position of Northern Ireland on the basis of consent, meaning that it will never cease to be a part of the United Kingdom unless a majority decides otherwise. That is something that we warmly welcome as a Government who support the Union and believe that all parts of our United Kingdom are stronger together, weaker apart. The agreements also mean that the territorial claim to sovereignty in articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution has now gone.
After years of direct rule from Westminster, we now have an inclusive, devolved Administration working hard for the people of Northern Ireland. Delivery of key public services is firmly in devolved hands, and since the St Andrews agreement, all the main parties are signed up to support for the police and the rule of law. The rights and identities of all parts of the community are fully protected, whether they choose to define themselves as British, Irish or both. There are accountable institutions to deliver practical co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and relations between the UK and the Republic of Ireland have never been better. Of course, the greatest achievement of all was the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons and the end of the terrorist campaigns that tragically saw 3,500 lives lost. However, I agree with the hon. Member for Gedling that there can be no doubt about the significant challenges that still need to be overcome in security, the economy, and addressing sectarian divisions in Northern Ireland.
Before the right hon. Lady moves on, will she take a brief opportunity to put it on record in this House that the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland would have responsibility under the legislation to trigger a border poll, if there were a need for that, but that, no matter how provoked by the leader of Sinn Fein, she has absolutely no intention of triggering a border poll in Northern Ireland for the foreseeable and long future?
I can confirm, as I have said a number of times over recent months, that I have no plans to call a border poll. The conditions that require a border poll to take place, as set down in the Belfast agreement, are certainly not present; therefore, I simply do not think it would be a constructive thing to do. Indeed, I feel it would distract from the other big challenges for Northern Ireland, which we are discussing today.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that at a recent meeting of the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly, which I co-chair, the Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, also said those very things?
There is a huge amount of common ground between the UK Government and the Irish Government in our strong support for the devolved settlement and the great progress that it has brought to Northern Ireland, so I am delighted to hear that the Taoiseach expressed similar views to those that I have just expressed on a border poll.
This Government strongly believe that we cannot stand still if all the promises and hopes of the agreements are to be properly fulfilled, so we need to address the three challenges that I have set out. Let me turn first to security. As the House will be aware, the threat level from terrorism in Northern Ireland is assessed as severe, meaning that an attack is highly likely. There are still terrorist groups that continue to defy the will of the overwhelming majority of people, north and south, who voted for Northern Ireland’s future to be determined by democracy and consent. As the hon. Member for Gedling said, the terrorists are small in number and have very little popular support, but they have capability and lethal intent, as we saw with the cowardly and horrific murder of prison officer David Black last year.
I, too, would like to thank the brave men and women of the Northern Ireland Prison Service and the Police Service of Northern Ireland for all the work they do to keep the whole community safe from harm. The PSNI is relentless in its efforts to stop terrorist attacks and put those responsible for them behind bars where they belong. Just one of a number of recent PSNI successes was the interception of a van carrying four mortar bombs bound for Londonderry. If it had got through, it could have led to an horrific attack. The levels of co-operation between the PSNI and the Garda Siochana are unprecedented. That co-operation is saving lives. I thank the Irish Government for making it possible.
For our part, on coming to power we endorsed an additional £45 million for the PSNI, to help to address the terrorist threat in Northern Ireland. Our 2010 national security strategy made tackling terrorism in Northern Ireland a tier 1 priority, progress on which is regularly discussed at the very highest levels of Government. In 2011, in response to a request from the Chief Constable, we provided an additional £200 million to tackle the terrorist threat. The shadow Secretary of State asked how the funding would be phased over the years. I think I can provide him with some reassurance on that. As a significant proportion of the funding was capital spend designed to provide much-needed equipment—not least the refresh of the PSNI Land Rover fleet—more will inevitably get spent towards the beginning of the period than at the end. From my regular discussions with the Chief Constable, I have no doubt that the extra resource has helped significantly, and I will continue to give the PSNI my fullest possible backing.
The hon. Member for Gedling rightly emphasised the crucial importance of the rule of law, now that we are back into another marching season. So far, the events have gone off well and largely peacefully, which is welcome, but it is always important to reiterate from the Dispatch Box—and indeed from both sides of the House—that Parades Commission decisions must be complied with. There are real dangers for Northern Ireland in any recurrence of the disorder that has too often marred the marching seasons in years past. Such disorder damages Northern Ireland’s image abroad, which makes it harder to build much-needed prosperity.
I endorse entirely the Secretary of State’s comments about the parades that will take place over the next weeks and months. Will she take this opportunity to set out for the House her approach to parading? The Hillsborough Castle agreement incorporates a time scale and a process for the transfer of responsibility for parading from the UK Government to Northern Ireland. We know, however, that that process has stalled, and there are no signs of it being restarted, so far as I can see. This is a continuing area of concern, and I would be grateful if she could tell the House what she intends to do to ensure that the issue is resolved once and for all.
I have had a series of meetings with those involved in parading, including the Parades Commission, the PSNI, and the Loyal Orders, to hear their views on the prospects for and the risks associated with this season’s parades and marches. It is important for the local parties to engage with one another on this issue, and my understanding is that there is an appetite for that to happen. Should the local parties reach consensus on a way to devolve decisions on parading to a new institution or body, the UK Government would of course consider the matter carefully. As the right hon. Gentleman points out, it has always been envisaged, by the previous Government and by this one, that we could move to a devolved solution. We are open-minded and willing to listen to proposals for such a solution from the Northern Ireland political parties, but until such time as the matter is settled, it is vital that the Parades Commission should be supported and that its decisions should be obeyed.
What steps is the Secretary of State taking to ensure the passing of a legislative consent motion on the Crime and Courts Bill, which will affect the ability of the National Crime Agency to work in Northern Ireland, and the ability of the new proceeds of crime provisions to operate there? What progress is she making on that? We discussed in some detail during our deliberations on the Crime and Courts Bill the fact that, at the moment, there is a big hole in that area, and I would welcome a time scale for the action that she is taking to ensure that the loophole is closed.
It is certainly a great disappointment that the legislative consent motion has not been adopted by the Northern Ireland Executive. I understand that policing matters are hugely sensitive in Northern Ireland, for all sorts of historical reasons, but I am concerned that the abilities and the international reach of the National Crime Agency will not be available to the PSNI. Discussions are continuing on whether it will be possible to persuade the Northern Ireland Executive to provide a legislative consent motion in the future.
The right hon. Gentleman is right to highlight the question of the proceeds of crime, a matter currently dealt with by the Serious Organised Crime Agency. It would be unfortunate if such work in Northern Ireland were not taken over by another body. If it is not taken over by the NCA, it would be a matter for the PSNI and the Northern Ireland Executive to consider developing an alternative capability. Discussions are continuing, and I have discussed the matter with David Ford on a number of occasions. He has done an excellent job on trying to build consensus for this change, and we will continue to support him on that. The Home Secretary also takes a close interest in this matter, and she is considering how the NCA will operate in relation to matters that are still the responsibility of Her Majesty’s Government, including UK border matters and matters relating to Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs.
The Government’s first duty in Northern Ireland is to keep people safe, and it is one that we will not shirk. I fully recognise, however, that terrorism will not be brought to an end by security means alone. As well as exercising continuing vigilance on security measures, we need to make progress on our other objectives—on the economy and on addressing sectarian division—if we are to address the problems on which paramilitaries will always try to feed.
I should like to provide some reassurance to hon. Members on the economic points that have been raised today. On taking office, this Government faced the largest deficit in the G20 and the largest in the UK’s peacetime history. In three years, we have cut that deficit by a third, and more than 1.25 million new jobs have been created in the private sector. In Northern Ireland, Labour left us with an economy that was heavily dependent on public spending—even more so than at the time of the Belfast agreement in 1998. Some studies have suggested that public spending accounts for as much as three quarters of gross domestic product in Northern Ireland. Of course I understand the historical reasons that have contributed to that, but it is unsustainable in the longer term. We simply cannot go on as we are.
Under the devolution settlement, many policy areas on the economy and unemployment fall within the Executive’s remit, and I warmly welcome the work that they have done on crucial economic matters, including their great success in attracting inward investment.
There are many things that the Government can take credit for, but the biggest disappointment for anyone in the business community is their failure to take a decision on corporation tax. That failure has been a knockout blow; it is sad, and it reflects a lack of urgency to move forward for the business community.
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will welcome the fact that the Government are planning to reduce corporation tax across the UK economy. The Prime Minister has also set a clear pathway to a decision on whether corporation tax decisions could be devolved to Northern Ireland. The reality is that significant technical issues need to be resolved before a decision can be taken on the principle of whether to devolve the power. There are also wider constitutional issues to be considered in the context of the referendum on Scottish separation.
Significant economic responsibilities are retained by Westminster, and I am working with the Northern Ireland Executive on our shared objective of rebalancing the economy by boosting the private sector and pursuing a strongly pro-enterprise agenda. That is why we are cutting corporation tax from 28% under Labour to just 20% by 2015—the lowest rate in the G7 and joint lowest in the G20. The Prime Minister has made it clear that a decision on whether to devolve the setting of corporation tax rates to the Northern Ireland Assembly will be made in the autumn of next year.
Our deficit reduction programme has helped to keep interest rates at record lows, helping businesses and households across Northern Ireland, and our new employment allowance will see national insurance cut for 25,000 Northern Ireland businesses, with 10,000 small and medium-sized enterprises paying no tax on jobs at all. This will provide better help for business than Labour’s one-off national insurance tax break.
We have exempted Northern Ireland electricity generators from the carbon price floor, to provide a level playing field with the Republic. That was a key ask from the Northern Ireland business community, as well as from the Executive. We have also devolved long-haul air passenger duty to help to save our direct air link with the United States, again at the direct request of the Northern Ireland Executive.
The Secretary of State will know that her predecessor made a big play for enterprise zones in Northern Ireland. Is that still part of the coalition’s plan?
We certainly believe that enterprise zones such as those being established in England, Wales and Scotland can play a positive part in boosting the private sector and in job creation. Our conversation with the Executive on a fresh economic package to provide additional help for Northern Ireland includes looking again at enterprise zones, to see whether we can make them attractive to the Executive.
Access to the £2.1 billion Aerospace Technology Institute will strengthen Northern Ireland’s reputation as a centre of excellence in aerospace. Also, when I met representatives of HBO in New York recently, I heard at first hand that the Chancellor’s tax relief for high-end TV production was crucial to delivering HBO’s plans to film a fourth series of “Game of Thrones” in Belfast, with all the job opportunities that that will provide.
The Budget gave the Executive an extra £94 million of capital spending, bringing to £900 million the total additional funding provided to Stormont since the last spending review. The Prime Minister announced in March that Northern Ireland would receive an extra €181 million of EU structural funds above what would have been the case if the Government had stuck to the European Commission’s recommended formula. The size of the block grant for Northern Ireland means that public spending per head continues to be 20% higher than the UK average.
We are delivering a £700 tax cut for over 600,000 working people in Northern Ireland, and taking 75,000 of the lowest paid out of income tax altogether. We have dealt with the collapse of the Presbyterian Mutual Society and ensured that smaller, more vulnerable savers got most or all of their money back. Our welfare reforms, bitterly opposed by the Labour party, will ensure that work always pays and that people cannot take home more in benefits than the typical family earns by going out to work. These are the measures of a Government who are on the side of those who want to work hard and get on in life.
As for the comments of the hon. Member for Gedling on the spare room subsidy, I recognise how sensitive this issue is, particularly for Northern Ireland where so much social housing is still segregated. The reform we are making brings the social rented sector into line with the rules that the previous Government introduced for the private rented sector. We owe it to all people on housing waiting lists or living in overcrowded accommodation to use our social housing stock as efficiently as possible. A £3.4 million fund has been set up to help in hard cases, which has been doubled by Nelson McCausland over the spending review period. Discussions with the Northern Ireland Executive are continuing on whether they might fund a different approach on the spare room subsidy—at least until the Northern Ireland housing stock has more one and two-bedroom homes.
I thank the Secretary of State for her remarks, but as she is aware, the housing stock does need to transform dramatically. The cost differential between building one and two-bedroom properties and three-bedroom properties is negligible, but we end up with a less flexible housing stock as a result. Has the impact of this measure been properly thought through, particularly in respect of elevating the cost of one and two-bedroom properties through increasing demand, while not reducing the cost of purchasing those properties in comparison with three-bedroom houses?
These matters are being thoroughly discussed between Ministers in the Northern Ireland Executive and those in the Department for Work and Pensions, which remains anxious about and open to finding a solution that will work for the Executive.
Will the Secretary of State inform us about ongoing discussions between the Minister for Social Development in the Northern Ireland Executive and appropriate Ministers in the Department for Work and Pensions on the issue of getting further flexibility to enable the people of Northern Ireland to deal with these cuts, which are the consequence of welfare reform?
Those discussions are ongoing, and I am confident of a positive outcome from them. The hon. Lady will appreciate that a number of flexibilities have already been obtained from the DWP by Nelson McCausland.
The Secretary of State is explaining the depth of the discussions that are happening, and I am sure that she has been greatly involved in them as they affect Northern Ireland. Will she explain exactly how many one-bed properties are available in Northern Ireland’s social housing stock?
I do not have the figure to hand, but this very important issue is being carefully considered in the discussions between the Northern Ireland Executive and the DWP.
I will take one more intervention, but then I want to make some progress.
The right hon. Lady will be relieved to know that I am not going to ask her about the bedroom tax, but I do want to take her back to the reference she made to the Presbyterian Mutual Society. It is absolutely right to put on the record the gratitude felt by PMS savers, particularly those saving up to £20,000. The Secretary of State’s immediate predecessor, and indeed the Prime Minister, did a wonderful job on the repayments, but that being the case, I am bewildered, as are many of my constituents, about why she did not make more effort to ensure that the Northern Ireland ombudsman’s report into the PMS fiasco was published in full—only a summary was published. Will she give an undertaking to go back and try to ensure that the ombudsman’s report is published in full?
Obviously, I do not have standing to dictate to the ombudsman what they choose to do with their report, but I am certainly happy to look further into that matter and come back to the hon. Lady about it. I am grateful for her praise of the work done by my predecessor and the Prime Minister.
We are all, of course, concerned about unemployment in Northern Ireland, as it remains far too high, particularly among young people. It is the case that some parts of the community feel that the peace process has not delivered all they hoped it would, so we want to do more to strengthen the economy and help Northern Ireland in the global race for investment and jobs. That is why the Prime Minister decided to bring the G8 summit to County Fermanagh in June. I am grateful for the support for that decision expressed by the hon. Member for Gedling, both in the past and today. This provides us with an unprecedented opportunity to market Northern Ireland as a great place to visit and to do business with. I am working with the Executive to make the most of all the opportunities that that brings us.
I agree that, despite the progress that has been made over the years, it cannot be right that there are still some deep-seated divisions in parts of Northern Ireland society. As I go round Northern Ireland, I see many excellent examples of initiatives designed to bring people together, such as the Jethro centre in Lurgan, Forthspring in West Belfast, and Intercomm in North Belfast. As the flags-related disorder demonstrated, however, more needs to be done to build mutual understanding and mutual trust across sectarian divides.
Policy responsibilities for community relations are devolved, but this Government have always been keen to work with the Executive and to support them in moving things forward. During his visits to Northern Ireland, the Prime Minister highlighted the importance he places on this issue.
Following the meeting with the Prime Minister and the First and Deputy First Ministers in March, we are working with the Executive on a substantial new economic package, alongside measures that we hope will build a more cohesive and stable society.
The package is in addition to the support Northern Ireland already receives from the UK Government. The Government are examining ideas on making enterprise zones more attractive, helping the Executive to take forward infrastructure projects, improving access to bank finance, and various other measures. Meanwhile, the Executive have the opportunity to use their devolved responsibilities to develop economic and social measures, including work on a shared future which we are all committed to delivering.
Put simply, this is a two-way street: the greater the Executive’s ambition, the more the Government will be able to do to support and help them. This is about partnership and working together on our shared goals, and I am optimistic about the chances of achieving a good outcome for Northern Ireland. The hon. Member for Gedling spoke about dealing with the past.
Before the right hon. Lady leaves the point about the provision of extra help for Northern Ireland, she will be aware that a different interpretation was put on her remarks, not least by people in the Belfast Telegraph who described what she said as tantamount to blackmail. They feared that money might be withheld unless politicians in Stormont made a certain amount of progress, as viewed by the Government. Will she clarify exactly what she means in her approach to this matter? Clearly, what she has enunciated today is certainly a more constructive way of putting it, but can she rule out the suggestion or fear among many that this money will be held as a form of blackmail to get the Executive to do certain things?
I assure the right hon. Gentleman that this package is about working together. The shared objective of the Northern Ireland Executive and the UK Government is to rebalance the economy and to address sectarian divisions, and we feel that we have a good opportunity to work together on those crucial issues. As I have said, the package is about new measures and new ways of supporting the Northern Ireland economy, rather than any subtraction from the existing support for Northern Ireland.
As the hon. Member for Gedling will appreciate, this is no easy issue. His party’s Government tried to resolve it, but were unable to do so, because they could not build enough support for the legislation that they were considering. It is important to accept that the UK Government do not own the past, and that progress cannot be made solely at their behest. Progress requires the building of consensus between different sides and different parties in Northern Ireland. We are certainly willing to play our part in efforts to deal with these matters, as was demonstrated by the Prime Minister’s response to the Bloody Sunday report and the de Silva review, but we do not believe that singling out a few more cases for costly open-ended inquiries is the right way forward.
I pay tribute to the work that is being done by many groups and organisations in Northern Ireland to help people understand the past and give them a chance to tell their stories. Yesterday I visited the University of Ulster to learn more about its CAIN-ARK network, a resource shared with Queen’s University Belfast which has had 64 million page views and which contains a huge amount of material on the troubles. I encourage anyone who wants to understand Northern Ireland’s past to visit the website.
Fifteen years ago, the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland made an historic choice: they decided that their future would be determined by democracy and not by violence. The Belfast agreement and its successors have given us a platform on which to build a new, confident, inclusive and modern Northern Ireland whose best days lie ahead. There is no doubt that we have come a long way—in many respects, Ireland is unrecognisable in comparison with the place that it was two decades ago when John Major made the Downing Street declaration—but much remains to be done to heal long-standing divisions in Northern Ireland society. In a number of ways, the peace process is still “work in progress”.
No one should doubt the determination of the UK Government to move forward, working in partnership with both the Northern Ireland Executive and the Irish Government, in our efforts to create a peaceful, stable and prosperous Northern Ireland of which all its citizens can be proud.
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Commons Chamber1. What discussions she has had with political leaders about recent disturbances in Northern Ireland.
I have had regular discussions with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister and other political leaders in Northern Ireland about the disturbances of recent months. The protests should now end. A way forward that commands broadly based support can be found only through dialogue and working together.
In the light of the recent successful interception of four mortar bombs by the police in Northern Ireland, will my right hon. Friend tell the House what steps she is taking to counter the work of terrorists whose aim is to kill and maim innocent people?
The attempted terrorist attack this week demonstrates how severe the terrorist threat continues to be in Northern Ireland. It was only through the highly effective action of the Police Service of Northern Ireland and its partners that mass casualties were averted. The Government remain vigilant in the face of the threat and have included it as a tier 1 priority in their national security strategy.
The interception of the mortar bomb attack prevented a devastating attack on Londonderry and saved lives. In the light of the string of attacks and attempted attacks from that particular quarter, will the Secretary of State tell us what extra resources she is going to give to the police and the security forces in Northern Ireland in the coming year to counter the dissident terrorist threat?
The right hon. Gentleman will be aware that shortly after taking office the coalition devoted an extra £200 million to national security priorities in Northern Ireland, which has been tremendously helpful to the PSNI, not least in enabling it to replace its Land Rover fleet. We will continue our discussions on the successor funding when that £200 million runs out, and we continue to do everything we can to support the PSNI and its partners, and the Northern Ireland Executive, in countering this threat.
The Secretary of State will be aware that some of those involved in the dissident terrorist campaign in Northern Ireland who have been charged with the most serious offences, including murder, have been released on bail in recent days, while others who have been involved in the protests and who are likely to receive a non-custodial sentence have been remanded on bail. Does she understand the bewilderment of most ordinary people in Northern Ireland at that situation, and the anger that is perpetuated in the community by what is perceived to be this double standard?
The right hon. Gentleman will appreciate that those are matters for the courts, not for me as Secretary of State and not for the police. I am afraid that the courts make their own decisions on those matters, taking into account the risk of reoffending.
The Secretary of State says that those are matters for the courts, and indeed they are, but the right hon. Member for Belfast North (Mr Dodds) has referred to the huge challenges now facing Northern Ireland from the so-called new IRA and from the loyalist demonstrations. Does the Secretary of State agree that she must now have more than just regular discussions with political parties, and that she really needs a structure for those discussions with the Irish Government and with all the political leaders in Northern Ireland if we are to deal with those serious issues?
Of course it is important that those discussions continue. I had a very helpful meeting with the First Minister, the Deputy First Minister and the Tánaiste a few weeks ago, and we hope to put another so-called quad meeting in the diary very shortly. Both Governments believe that it is important for a dialogue to occur on flags and symbols, and for progress to be made towards the shared future in Northern Ireland that everyone in the political leadership wants. It is essential that that should now be delivered.
In view of the current political difficulties and the impasse on some issues, would the Secretary of State consider it useful to convene round-table discussions involving herself, the Irish Government and all the political parties in Northern Ireland?
It is important for Northern Ireland’s political leadership to develop a process so that the leaders of all the political parties can work together on matters such as flags and identity. That is an important way of ensuring that the protests come off the streets and that we find a genuinely inclusive way to decide on these issues. The Belfast agreement gives guarantees on protecting identities of Irishness and Britishness, and it is now time for the political parties to work together to see how we can translate those guarantees into a sensible way of approaching issues around flags and symbols in Northern Ireland.
I thank the Secretary of State for her comments to date. At a time when the PSNI is under extreme pressure and when the rule of law is under threat from loyalists and republicans, does she agree that it is hugely important that all political leaders in Northern Ireland give their unambiguous support to the rule of law and to the PSNI, and that they articulate within their communities the need to support those organisations and principles, rather than simply becoming a voice for dissent?
I agree. I am firmly supportive of the PSNI, which does an outstanding job. It has dealt with these protests in a very sensible way, and it has faced difficult situations. Indeed, almost 150 of its officers have been injured, so it has my firm and unqualified support. I hope that it will enjoy that support from Northern Ireland’s political leadership as well.
In her recent discussions, has the Secretary of State been able to confirm that the amendments to the Crime and Courts Bill tabled by the Home Secretary, which would allow her to transfer lead responsibility for counter-terrorism to the National Crime Agency, will not apply in Northern Ireland and that the Chief Constable will remain in overall control of all counter-terrorism investigations and operations?
The Home Secretary certainly agrees that if there were any suggestion of extending the NCA’s remit to national security matters in Northern Ireland, that could happen only with the consent of the Chief Constable of the PSNI. The primacy of the Chief Constable is retained to ensure consistency with the devolution of policing and justice.
2. What discussions she has had with Ministers in the Northern Ireland Executive on the Government’s proposed welfare reforms.
8. What her policy is on youth unemployment in Northern Ireland; and if she will make a statement.
The Government’s efforts to reduce the largest deficit in UK peacetime history and deliver sustainable economic recovery are an important way of dealing with youth unemployment. Further specific measures to help young people in Northern Ireland to find jobs are the responsibility of the Northern Ireland Executive, with whom we are happy to work closely.
Given that youth unemployment now stands at over 20%, does the Secretary of State not share Opposition Members’ sense of urgency about the need to get Northern Ireland’s young people back to work? We have proposed a bank bonus tax that would help to create 2,000 jobs for those young people. What specific things are the Government going to do?
I will take no lectures from Labour on youth unemployment. Youth unemployment rose by a third—by 35%—under Labour in Northern Ireland, youth employment fell by nearly 10%, and economic activity among young people fell by 3%. We are determined to rebalance the Northern Ireland economy. Our deficit reduction plan is keeping interest rates low, which is vital for job creation and investment, and corporation tax is being reduced. We have also recognised the special circumstances of Northern Ireland by providing, on average, a higher block grant per head than is provided anywhere else in the United Kingdom.
Since it was established by the British and Irish Governments, the International Fund for Ireland has played an important role in facilitating and encouraging investment in projects that support communities, businesses and young people. What future role does the Secretary of State envisage for the IFI, and how can it help the Governments and the Northern Ireland Executive to tackle the scourge of youth unemployment in Northern Ireland?
I join the hon. Gentleman in paying tribute to the IFI. It has done tremendous work in the past, and continues to do that work. I shall be happy to meet IFI representatives to discuss how we can work together more closely to address youth unemployment issues. I am sure that they will engage with Northern Ireland politicians who will travel to the United States for the St Patrick’s day commemorations in a week or so.
The Secretary of State referred to corporation tax. Will she update the House on her discussions with the Treasury about the possibility of devolving to the Northern Ireland Assembly the power to set its own rate of corporation tax?
I have had a number of very useful discussions with the Prime Minister and Chancellor on this important matter. The Prime Minister will meet the First and Deputy First Ministers shortly to discuss it further, before deciding on possible next steps.
Youth unemployment in my constituency has increased significantly in the last year. Will the Secretary of State ensure that that figure is not added to by the closure of the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency office in Coleraine, and will she speak with the relevant Transport Minister to make sure that those 200 jobs and their cost-effectiveness are preserved by bringing employment across to Northern Ireland?
I am very much aware of the importance of this issue. I was in the Coleraine area only last week, and I have discussed this matter with the Transport Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon (Stephen Hammond). He is aware of the concern felt in Northern Ireland, and he either met Alex Attwood for further discussions yesterday or will meet him today. It is important that he takes into account the views of Northern Ireland before he makes his decision.
Instead of saying, “It’s not me, guv,” and shuffling responsibility for the terrible level of disaffection among unemployed young people in Northern Ireland, why does the Secretary of State not accept that it is her Government’s macro-economic policies that are causing this disaffection? With the marching season coming up and the loyalist disorder just past, this is a very toxic situation and she is just walking away from it and shuffling responsibility on to the Northern Ireland Executive.
Not at all. The Government’s macro-economic policy is focused on dealing with the deficit and creating the right conditions for growth so we can start to resolve problems in relation to youth unemployment. That is why we are focusing on such matters as keeping interest rates low by dealing with the deficit and reducing corporation tax; why we are investing in broadband capacity—that is why Belfast and Londonderry are going to become part of our super-connected cities programme; why we are offering tax breaks for high-end TV, another growth area of industry in Northern Ireland; and why the Prime Minister is bringing the G8 to Northern Ireland, to showcase it to the world as a great place to do business.
5. What her policy is on the funding of political parties in Northern Ireland.
6. What consideration she is giving to bringing forward an amendment to the Public Processions (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 in relation to notification requirements as part of the proposed Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill.
Under the relevant legislation, anyone who is organising a parade must notify the Parades Commission. If they fail to do so, the parade is illegal and those who organise or participate in it are liable to criminal prosecution.
First, as the MP for the city in question, may I join in the Secretary of State’s earlier condemnation of the attempted murder attack and her commendation of the PSNI interception of it, averting devastation and death?
Does the Secretary of State recognise that there was a gap in the understanding of the Parades Commission and the PSNI in relation to unnotified parades, and that that created a situation whereby we were getting dangerous notions, instead of responsible heads? Does she recognise that we, as legislators, may need to clarify the law on parades so that things are not destabilised during the forthcoming parades season?
I am always open to considering ideas for making these decision-making processes work better, but the reality is that the problem over recent weeks has not been how the legislation is structured—the problem has been that people have not been obeying it. So it is vital, as we go into the parading season, that people respect the decisions of the Parades Commission, notifying it when a parade is contemplated.
I also wish to echo the hon. Gentleman’s comments condemning unreservedly the horrific terrorist attack that his constituency was threatened with and that was narrowly averted by the swift action of the PSNI.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. What consideration has the Secretary of State given to bringing forward an amendment to the Northern Ireland Bill to remove the Parades Commission, which is seen by many as part of the problem and not the solution?
It is vital that everyone recognises that the Parades Commission carries out an important function. It is the only lawfully constituted body in relation to parading and its decisions must be obeyed. We have always said that we are open to a reform of the system that would see a devolved solution. If the Northern Ireland political parties wish to put forward such a solution, we will consider it seriously.
7. What recent assessment she has made of the prospects for economic growth in Northern Ireland.
The Government are committed to dealing with the deficit to create the right conditions for growth and economic recovery. We are working with the Executive to rebalance the Northern Ireland economy and boost the private sector.
Does the Secretary of State agree that the important thing is to increase our exports for the UK as a whole? What role does she think Northern Ireland can play? What support can she give businesses in Northern Ireland to increase exports?
I am working closely with Northern Ireland Ministers on this matter. There are huge opportunities this year to highlight Northern Ireland as a great place in which to invest, not least when the eyes of the world focus on County Fermanagh as the G8 summit comes to Northern Ireland, thanks to the personal decision of the Prime Minister. [Interruption.]
Order. In my experience the hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) rarely has difficulty in making himself heard, but there is a lot of noise at the moment and so, just in case, let us have a bit of quiet for Mr Stephen Pound.
Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. I am mortally obliged, sir.
Some 111,000 working families receiving tax credits in Northern Ireland will lose out because of the Government’s tax on strivers. At the same time, the Government will give a tax cut for those earning £1 million and above. Does the Secretary of State think that economic growth will be helped or hindered by having Christmas in April for millionaires?
The Government are fully committed to their welfare reform programme. We believe that welfare reform is essential to ensure that work always pays. We believe that it is deeply irresponsible for Her Majesty’s Opposition to continue to oppose all the reforms of welfare, which are designed to get the welfare bill down. That spiralled under their tenure of the economy.
Like many other peripheral regions of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland has suffered most during this recession. We understand that reckless expenditure will damage the economy, but would the Secretary of State support the calls by all the regional administrations in the United Kingdom for a fiscal stimulus for capital expenditure, which will create short-term jobs and increase the economy’s capacity in the long run?
As Finance Minister for the Northern Ireland Executive, the hon. Gentleman has options available to him within the block grant, which he receives under the Barnett arrangements; his grant remains considerably higher than the UK average. We are happy to continue to work with him and his colleagues in the Executive to generate inward investment for Northern Ireland and to ensure that our macro-economic policy, for example, on reducing corporation tax, is delivering the maximum benefits possible to rebalance the Northern Ireland economy.
Does the Secretary of State understand the strength of feeling from the political parties and the business community about the case for the reduction of corporation tax in Northern Ireland so that it can better compete with the Republic?
I certainly understand that and I gather that the right hon. Gentleman had some lively discussions on that matter at the Alliance party conference. The Prime Minister is well aware of that perspective on corporation tax and I have discussed it with him and with the Chancellor and Deputy Prime Minister on a number of occasions.
9. When the most recent report of the investigation into the McGurk’s bar bombing will be made public.
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Written StatementsFollowing the joint decision by the UK and Irish Governments to wind up the Independent Monitoring Commission in 2011, my predecessor made a commitment to provide bi-annual updates to the House on the security situation in Northern Ireland. This is my first such statement as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.
Overall threat in Northern Ireland
Since the statement in July 2012, the threat level in Northern Ireland has remained at “severe”. This means that an attack remains highly likely. There were 24 national security attacks during 2012, compared with 26 attacks in 2011. So far, there have been three national security attacks in 2013. A majority of attacks have involved the use of crude, but potentially lethal, pipe-bomb devices; there were also a number of more sophisticated and serious attacks.
The cowardly murder of prison officer David Black, in November 2012, by a group referred to as the “new IRA” was a brutal reminder of the continuing threat posed by dissident republican terrorists. They continue to target police officers, soldiers and prison officers. Yet these are also attacks on the wider community causing disruption and discomfort to the daily lives of many people.
The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and the Security Service, along with An Garda Síochána (AGS), continue to demonstrate a robust commitment to bringing to justice those who carry out attacks. Across the island of Ireland 173 arrests and 64 charges were made during 2012. There were also 18 convictions of individuals involved in planning and participating in attacks. Many more attacks were prevented and disrupted.
During 2013, Northern Ireland has a great opportunity to showcase itself through events such as the G8 summit, world police and fire games, and Derry-Londonderry city of culture. The PSNI, the Security Service, and AGS will continue working together to ensure these events happen safely and successfully. PSNI has a wealth of experience at managing large events and will also be able to call for assistance from police services in Great Britain where necessary, particularly with regard to the G8 summit.
Threat to GB from Northern Ireland-related terrorism
In October 2012, the threat level from Northern Ireland related terrorism in GB was reduced from “substantial” to “moderate”. The Security Service reached this assessment on the basis of current intelligence, although it recognises that dissident republican terrorists continue to aspire to conduct attacks in GB. All threat levels are, of course, kept under review.
Activity of republican paramilitary groups
New IRA—In July 2012, a number of disparate groups came together to form an organisation generally referred to as the “new IRA”. This new grouping primarily consists of members of the Real IRA, Republican Action Against Drugs (which conducts brutal shootings against nationalist members of the community) and a number of unaffiliated individuals who we believe have connections to the fatal attack against Massereene barracks in 2009. This group has already demonstrated its lethal intent, claiming responsibility for the murder of David Black last November. The group also conducted an unsuccessful attack in September 2012, in which it attached a bomb to a bicycle as part of a trap to kill police in Londonderry. It has, however, also suffered setbacks. For example, on 6 December 2012 a number of individuals were arrested and charged after being found in possession of an explosively formed projectile capable of penetrating armoured vehicles.
Continuity IRA—This group is dangerous and continues to conduct attack planning. In late January, Continuity IRA (CIRA) claimed responsibility for a shooting attack against police officers in Lurgan, though nobody was injured.
Óglaigh na hÉireann (ONH) has also continued to be active over the past six months. We judge that this group is responsible for two attempted under vehicle car-bomb attacks since December 2012. Fortunately none of these were successful. Had they exploded they would almost certainly have been fatal for anyone in the vicinity, potentially including families and young children. Most recently, we believe that ONH were responsible for throwing a pipe bomb which struck a PSNI vehicle in north Belfast on 30 January.
All of these groups remain heavily involved in criminality, in particular fuel laundering and smuggling, but also drugs, robbery and extortion.
Activity of loyalist paramilitary groups
The leaderships of the main loyalist paramilitary organisations, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), remain committed to their ceasefires. While individuals associated with the UVF were involved in recent loyalist public disorder, the PSNI do not believe that this was sanctioned by the UVF leadership. Both the UDA and the UVF have endorsed calls for an end to the public disorder. Both groups do, however, remain involved in organised crime, including smuggling and other criminal activity.
During the public disorder over 140 police officers were injured. To date there have been more than 170 arrests and over 125 charges. We shall continue to do all we can to support the PSNI in policing the protests and bringing those involved in public disorder and other illegal activities to justice.
Paramilitary style shootings and assaults
Both republican and loyalist paramilitary groups continue to carry out paramilitary style assaults—so-called “punishment attacks”—by which they seek to intimidate whole communities. Within the communities affected there is, rightly, widespread revulsion against such activities.
Co-operation
I meet regularly the Northern Ireland Minister of Justice, David Ford, and the chief constable, Matt Baggott, to discuss the terrorist threat. The Government continue to offer its full support to the PSNI. We are currently examining future funding needs when the current £200 million security package that the Government agreed in 2011 expires in March 2015.
I will also be working with the Minister of Justice, the chief constable and colleagues in Whitehall to ensure the people of Northern Ireland receive the best possible protection against international crime. These include activities such as child abuse and human trafficking. The Government were extremely disappointed at the decision by the Northern Ireland Executive not to pursue a legislative consent motion for the operation of the National Crime Agency in Northern Ireland. We do, however, remain willing to consider proposals by the Executive which would amend the arrangements for the National Crime Agency to reflect Northern Ireland’s specific circumstances.
Cross-border co-operation with our colleagues in the Republic of Ireland remains excellent. AGS has made a significant number of arrests in recent months as a result of its own investigations into republican paramilitary activity. This has undoubtedly saved lives. AGS continues to work tirelessly to bring those involved in criminality and terrorism to justice. I speak frequently to the Irish Justice Minister, Alan Shatter.
I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to PSNI Constable Philippa Reynolds, who died in the service of her community on 8 February, and offer my condolences to her family. I would also like to place on record my condolence to the family of Garda Adrian Donohoe who was murdered by criminals operating across the border on 25 January. Both Constable Reynolds and Garda Donohoe died as they worked, to keep people safe in the communities they served.
Conclusion
It is clear from the violence carried out by both republican and loyalist groups that there are still people in Northern Ireland who demonstrate contempt for democracy and the rule of law. Their numbers remain small, but the threat they pose continues to be very real. While these groupings enjoy virtually no public support, sectarianism and division can fuel grievances on which they will seek to capitalise. There is a responsibility on local politicians and community leaders to work together to address sectarianism and build a shared future for everyone in Northern Ireland. For our part, this Government remain fully committed to tackling the threat from terrorism and keeping the people of Northern Ireland safe and secure.
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Written StatementsSubject to parliamentary approval of any supplementary estimate, the Northern Ireland Executive departmental expenditure limit (DEL), net of depreciation, is increased by £326,962,000 from £10,420,601,000 to £10,747,563,000.
Within the total DEL change, the impact on resources and capital is set out in the following table:
Summary | Opening Position | Changes | Current Position |
---|---|---|---|
Fiscal RDEL | 9,463,471 | 34,362 | 9,497,833 |
Ring-fenced Student Loans in RDEL | 69,210 | 184,800 | 254,010 |
Ring-fenced Depreciation in RDEL | 386,382 | 0 | 386,382 |
Capital DEL | 887,920 | 107,800 | 995,720 |
Total DEL (RDEL + CDEL - Depreciation) | 10,420,601 | 326,962 | 10,747,563 |
Fiscal RDEL | £’000 |
---|---|
Provision at Main Estimates | 9,463,471 |
Changes in Supplementary Estimate | |
Devolved Administration Budget Exchange | 48,275 |
Budget Transfer to NIO: HR Connect | -1 |
Budget Transfer to NIO: Stormont House | -46 |
Budget Transfer to NIO: Queen’s Diamond Jubilee | -220 |
Reserve Claim: Coastal Communities Fund | 450 |
Reserve Claim: Policing and Justice | 61,254 |
Resource to Capital Switch | -75,350 |
sub total | 34,362 |
Revised Provision (Supplementary Estimate) | 9,497,833 |
Ring-fenced Student Loans in RDEL | |
Provision at Main Estimates | 69,210 |
Changes in Supplementary Estimate | |
Reserve Claim: Student Loans | 184,800 |
Revised Provision (Supplementary Estimate) | 254,010 |
Ring-fenced Depreciation in RDEL | |
Provision at Main Estimates | 386,382 |
no further changes | |
Capital DEL | |
Provision at Main Estimates | 887,920 |
Changes in Supplementary Estimate | |
Devolved Administration Budget Exchange | 6,807 |
Barnett Consequentials (Autumn Statement 2012) | 1,543 |
Reserve Claim: Policing and Justice | 24,100 |
Resource to Capital Switch | 75,350 |
sub total | 107,800 |
Revised Provision (Supplementary Estimate) | 995,720 |
(11 years, 9 months ago)
Written StatementsThe Government have received and welcomed the annual report from Lord Carlile of Berriew on the operation of arrangements for handling national security matters in Northern Ireland for the period 22 November 2011 to 11 December 2012.
Lord Carlile is briefed by both the Police Service in Northern Ireland (PSNI) and the Security Service for the purpose of his reports; he states that he is satisfied that the briefings he has received have been full and not selective. He states that the Security Service and the PSNI work well together and clearly in the national interest.
Lord Carlile reports that the level of terrorist activity appears broadly similar to that of the previous year; it remains a challenging and variable environment for the PSNI and Security Service. He notes the very serious incidents which took place in 2012, including the murder of David Black on 1 November, and states that the overall picture is of a very dangerous, unpredictable terrorist threat.
I welcome the content of this report and have made it available to the Home Secretary. Given its sensitive nature I do not however intend to place copies in the Library.
(11 years, 9 months ago)
Commons Chamber1. What recent assessment she has made of the level of anti-Semitism in Northern Ireland.
The Community Security Trust, which monitors anti-Semitic activities, estimates that there were fewer than 10 incidents in Northern Ireland last year. As we approach Holocaust memorial day, I know the whole House will join me in condemning anti-Semitism and all forms of hatred on the grounds of a person’s ethnicity, religion, disability or sexual orientation.
I thank every Northern Ireland politician and every Northern Ireland party present in the House today for their active engagement in the parliamentary committee against anti-Semitism. Will the Secretary of State ensure that the interests and concerns of the very tiny Jewish community in Northern Ireland remain an important priority, despite their smallness in number?
I can give the hon. Gentleman that assurance. He is right that the Jewish community in Northern Ireland is small—around 200, I believe—but that does not make it any less important to combat anti-Semitism. This is a disgraceful crime. The UK Government take it very seriously, and I would like to pay tribute to the hon. Gentleman for his work on combating anti-Semitism throughout the UK.
I, too, commend the work of the hon. Member for Bassetlaw (John Mann) in this regard, and I thank the Secretary of State for what she has said today. Does she agree that the attack on anyone’s symbol or identity causes serious problems everywhere—as we have seen in Belfast and on other issues—and will she assure me that the Police Service of Northern Ireland will be given adequate resources, if required, to deal with anything that amounts to anti-Semitism arising in Ulster?
It is important that the police take anti-Semitism and other forms of hate crime very seriously, both in Northern Ireland and in the rest of the United Kingdom—I know they do, as does Justice Minister David Ford. It is also important to reflect on the fact that a number of identities are present in modern Northern Ireland, including the Jewish identity. People should be able to practise their identities in a way that is free from oppression by other people.
The Secretary of State is right to stress that there is no tolerable level of prejudice against any minority, no matter how small. Someone who espoused the ethic that no minority was too small to be protected or cherished was Inez McCormack, whose funeral takes place today. Will the right hon. Lady join in paying tribute to the work Inez McCormack did, not just as a trade unionist, but in stressing that the benchmarks for a new fair society in Northern Ireland must include equality, cherishing of difference and the protection of all minorities?
I am happy and enthusiastic to join the hon. Gentleman in paying that tribute. For many years, I have campaigned against anti-Semitism, and I believe that it is a hallmark of a civilised society that it protects minorities. That is one of the vital reasons why we should all continue to be vigilant on the matter of anti-Semitism and other forms of hate crime.
2. What assessment she has made of the recent public disorder in Northern Ireland; and if she will make a statement.
10. What assessment she has made of the recent violence in Belfast.
The recent violence in Northern Ireland has been intolerable. The Government fully support the efforts of the Police Service of Northern Ireland in their efforts to combat this disorder and to bring to justice those responsible for it.
While the activities and involvement of many young people in the recent disorder has been criminal and wrong, does the Secretary of State agree that what those young people need is some hope for the future, through jobs and training? What will she do to ensure that the Northern Ireland Assembly gets all the support it needs in that endeavour?
The UK Government continue to support the Northern Ireland Executive through the block grant, which is approximately 25% higher in Northern Ireland than it is in England. Our economic strategy is focused on rebalancing the Northern Ireland economy, providing a boost by getting the public finances under control and keeping interest rates low. We are providing support for families by cancelling Labour’s fuel tax rises, and we have provided an income tax cut for over 600,000 families in Northern Ireland.
Belfast still sadly remains a city where communities are divided physically by walls and fences. What steps is the right hon. Lady’s Department going to take to help rebuild these communities and to link them together so that the disorder we have witnessed recently will become history rather than something we have to deal with in the present and the future?
In addition to the economic measures I mentioned earlier, there has been a strong focus—by me, my predecessor and the Prime Minister—on working with the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver a shared future by healing divisions between different parts of the community in Northern Ireland. A huge amount was achieved with the Belfast agreement, but recent events demonstrate that there are still significant sectarian divisions, which it is now urgent to address.
Does the Secretary of State agree that the Westminster Government have a responsibility to provide whatever assistance is needed to the Police Service of Northern Ireland to deal with matters of national security? Does she view it in that light?
The impact of the recent disorder on resources is certainly a cause for concern. However, the United Kingdom Government are already giving the PSNI significant assistance through the £200 million of additional security funding that we allocated in 2011, and that money is helping the PSNI to deal with the current protests. Not only has it released resources for other forms of policing, but it has enabled the PSNI to purchase a new fleet of Land Rovers which are being deployed directly in policing the protests and combating the violence.
The current difficult situation is of concern to all of us. There is significant violence and illegal behaviour, and daily we hear anecdotal evidence of the potential economic withdrawal of some of the hard-earned foreign direct investment that we have received for the past few years. We need a solution. Would the Secretary of State be amenable to a round-table conference with the two Governments and all the Northern Ireland parties to sort out all the issues that confront us?
All Northern Ireland’s political parties must work together to find a political way forward. The violence is unacceptable. The protests need to stop, and be replaced by a political dialogue. I have been urging the parties to engage in such a process, and I welcome the hard work they are doing in trying to set it up. I believe that the constructive meeting that I had with the First Minister, the Deputy First Minister and the Irish Foreign Minister last week has provided an impetus for the political parties to continue their discussions on a political solution.
As we have heard, the violence in Belfast has had a bad impact on the employment prospects of people in that city. This morning the Northern Ireland Finance Minister announced that he intended to launch an advertising campaign to make people aware that, in spite of everything else, Belfast is a great place in which to work and do business. Is there any way in which the Secretary of State can support him in his quest?
I welcome my hon. Friend’s question, which gives me an opportunity to emphasise that there is much that is positive in Northern Ireland, and that 2013 still has the potential to be a fantastic year for it. There has been a very successful start for Derry/Londonderry as the UK city of culture, the G8 is coming to Northern Ireland, and the World Police and Fire Games, one of the biggest sporting events in the world, are to be held there as well. All that demonstrates the existence of a modern, forward-looking Northern Ireland that has resolved a great many of its problems.
The violence is counter-productive, and it is damaging Northern Ireland’s image abroad. I will strongly back efforts to bring people back to the centre of Belfast to support the economy there. I urge everyone to recognise that Northern Ireland is a great place for inward investment, a great place in which to set up a business, and a great place to visit as a tourist.
May I continue the positive theme? The Secretary of State will be aware of the Belfast Telegraph’s excellent campaign, “We’re Backing Belfast”, which people have joined in supporting. Could the Secretary of State do any more to back the city at this time? Could she, for instance, arrange for meetings of the Northern Ireland Grand Committee to take place in Belfast, or arrange for the Cabinet to meet in Belfast in order to show support for it—and, perhaps, take the opportunity to announce economic measures such as a cut in corporation tax?
Those are interesting ideas, and I will pass them on to those who make such decisions. As for corporation tax, the Prime Minister is considering the issue and will make an announcement in due course.
The Secretary of State will know of reports that leading members of the Provisional IRA who were formerly involved in its campaign of violence in Northern Ireland are now working with dissident groups there and providing them with expertise. What discussions has she had with the Chief Constable about the matter, and has she asked Sinn Fein what it knows about those people and their involvement in dissident violence?
I regularly discuss with the Chief Constable the serious terrorist threat posed by dissident republicans, and I will continue to do so. The UK Government are vigilant in combating the threat from dissident republican terrorists. They are small in number but they have lethal intent, and unfortunately they also have capability.
The Secretary of State will be aware that it is not just city centre traders who have been affected by the current trouble. During her visit to my constituency last week, she met representatives of local businesses who have been affected by the disruption. Does she agree that we will only be able to create the conditions for long-term stability and growth on which we can build if the parties in Northern Ireland work collectively, along with both Governments, to develop a shared future and tackle sectarianism?
I agree that the lessons from the past few weeks demonstrate, once again, how important it is that all the elected representatives in Northern Ireland work together to build a shared future and to heal sectarian division. I very much welcome the opportunity to come to the hon. Lady’s constituency and her office, and to meet those who have been affected by the protests. She continues to have my sympathy for the treatment that she has undergone and to which her staff have been subjected.
I join the Secretary of State, and hon. Members on both sides of the House, in standing against the recent violence. It is important that Westminster sends a clear message that it is unacceptable. Does she agree with me, and with what other hon. Members have said today, that we need more than just condemnation—we need action? Will she outline what steps she has taken and, more importantly, what steps she intends to take now to deal with these problems?
My focus has been on meeting the people affected by this disorder, talking to the businesses and the communities that have been disrupted by it, keeping in very regular touch with the Chief Constable to give my absolute support to the brave efforts of the Police Service of Northern Ireland in keeping order on the streets, and driving forward a political solution from the political parties. I am in very regular touch with them, urging them to meet to discuss this issue, in order to find a political way forward to resolve these critical issues on identity and build a shared future.
I thank the Secretary of State for her reply. Of course, as she said, there is positive news, but will she now, with the Northern Ireland Executive and the Irish Government, review what has happened? Will they then set out together concrete proposals to deal with the underlying issues, specifically those relating to culture and identity, social and economic deprivation, and sectarianism? In doing that, we can continue to work together to build the shared and prosperous future that we all want for Northern Ireland.
As I have said, at last week’s meeting with the First Minister, Deputy First Minister and Irish Foreign Minister we did review the current situation. I will continue, as I know the Tanaiste will, to press the Northern Ireland parties to make real progress on this situation. It is now vital that we see practical steps towards delivering a shared future and healing those sectarian divides. That is a point I have made repeatedly in pretty much every speech I have made since being appointed. Now is the time for real progress and seeing the Northern Ireland Executive and all Northern Ireland’s political leaders going forward to deliver that shared future that they all very much support.
3. What discussions she has had with the Irish government on the recent violence in Belfast.
I have been in regular contact with the Tanaiste, Eamon Gilmore, in recent weeks. Last Thursday, we met the First Minister and Deputy First Minister in Belfast to discuss various matters, including recent violence and disorder.
As well as discussing the violence, has the Secretary of State any plans to discuss the question of a border poll with Dublin and, in particular, the Social Democratic and Labour party’s idea of a long-term financial support framework for Northern Ireland, agreed between London and Dublin, which would survive future constitutional change while, over time, reducing the north’s net dependency on the Treasury? Will she meet my party to discuss such proposals?
I am certainly happy to meet the hon. Lady and her party colleagues. I have not discussed a border poll with Eamon Gilmore recently. My feeling is that the conditions that require a border poll are certainly not present in Northern Ireland, and we have no plans to call one at the moment.
The United Kingdom Prime Minister has a number of times made apologies in this House. In the Secretary of State’s discussions with the Government of the Irish Republic, has she raised the issue of the Dublin Government making apologies concerning previous Republic Governments arming the Provisional IRA and therefore raining more than 30 years of terror and mayhem down on the innocent, law-abiding British people in Ulster?
That is not an issue I have discussed directly with the Irish Government, but the Prime Minister has made it very clear that everyone with an involvement in Northern Ireland’s troubles has a duty to confront their role and address issues raised by the past.
5. What steps she is taking in conjunction with the Northern Ireland Assembly to address the issues that have given rise to the Union flag dispute in Belfast.
I have discussed these matters on a number of occasions with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, and with representatives from the other main political parties. It is vital that political leaders in Northern Ireland identify ways to reduce community division and build a genuinely shared society.
I thank the Secretary of State for her response. Is she aware that some of the underlying issues that have led to the flag dispute include getting jobs in the public sector for the Protestant community, cultural differentials between Ulster Scots and Irish and parading disputes? Those issues led to the flag dispute and then this morning the police ombudsman ensured that investigations will take place only into the IRA activities of the past. All those issues are causing problems and must be addressed. Will she liaise with the appropriate Ministers in Northern Ireland to address those issues and see that they are resolved?
I agree that there are probably a number of underlying issues relating to the recent flag protests and I am happy to work with the relevant Ministers on all those matters, as I am already doing. The strong message I would send out is that it is far more difficult to address such issues when there is violence on the streets of Belfast. That is why it is essential that the violence stops and the protests are replaced by a political dialogue on a way forward.
Will the Secretary of State reassure me that, irrespective of the scale of violence and unrest, the coalition Government will always support the democratic decisions taken on the flag issue?
Yes, I can give him that assurance. Democratic decisions must be respected; they cannot be changed by rioting. If they are going to change, they should be changed through the democratic process and by dialogue.
Will the Secretary of State congratulate the Unionist forum on its formation? Its task is to try to identify the issues and solutions across the whole of the unrest in Belfast.
It is constructive to have dialogue across the board. The Unionist forum can provide a good opportunity to engage with the loyalist community and I welcome the fact that those heading it up have emphasised that there is a twin-track approach that will involve dialogue with the other political parties and other parts of the community.
May I add to the comments made by the hon. Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan) about the role played by Inez McCormack over many years? In moving the peace process forward, she always said that if we want to move from a shared divided past to a shared united future we must do that in a non-partisan way while recognising that we must compromise. The Northern Ireland parties in this House have attempted to work together, so will the Secretary of State give her commitment that she will ensure that that makes progress?
6. What discussions she has had with the devolved Administrations on developing a UK-wide strategy on tackling diabetes.
8. What the cost to the public purse has been of policing the recent protests and disorder in Northern Ireland.
I am advised that the additional cost of policing the recent protests is estimated at £3.9 million for the period up to 31 December 2012. That figure does not include costs arising from injuries to officers, or the cost of investigations to bring those responsible for disorder to the courts.
Can my right hon. Friend confirm that at a time of great pressure on public expenditure, additional resources that have to be spent on policing the protests and disorder in Northern Ireland are inevitably money that will not be spent on housing, education or tackling the kind of deprivation that some have suggested fuelled the protests in the first place?
Yes, it is disgraceful that this violence has occurred, and the fact that it has had such an impact on police resources is deeply regrettable. It makes it much more difficult for the police to continue their commitment to community policing and outreach in the community, which is another reason why the violence has to stop.
11. What discussions she has had with Ministers in the Northern Ireland Executive on attracting inward investment.
(11 years, 9 months ago)
Commons ChamberWith permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement about recent events in Northern Ireland.
Before updating the House on the protests and disorder, I wish to report on a serious attempted terrorist attack. On 30 December an officer of the Police Service of Northern Ireland discovered an improvised explosive device attached to the underneath of his car shortly before he was due to drive his wife and family to Sunday lunch. The IED was viable and were it not for the alertness of the officer in checking his car, it is highly likely that he and his family would all have lost their lives.
This despicable attack bears the hallmarks of the so-called dissident republicans and looks to be the latest example of the relentless attempts of these groupings to try to murder police officers. It underlines the need for continued vigilance and the Government will continue to do everything they can to help the PSNI combat the terrorist threat in Northern Ireland.
The House should also be aware that two individuals have been charged in relation to the murder of Prison Officer David Black.
Turning to the disturbances in Belfast and other parts of Northern Ireland, since I last reported to the House on 11 December protests over the flying of the Union flag at Belfast city hall have continued, with only sporadic respite over Christmas. Although many of these protests have been peaceful, even they have seen roads blocked and daily life disrupted. A significant number of protests have led to serious disorder, mainly concentrated in east Belfast.
Although, thankfully, there were no significant public order incidents last night, the violence during the preceding six days saw masonry, bricks, fireworks and petrol bombs thrown at police, and in once instance shots were fired. Police vehicles have been attacked with sledge hammers and, in total, 66 police officers have been injured since the protests first began. On 5 and 7 January, water cannon and AEP rounds—attenuating energy projectiles—were discharged. Threats and intimidation against elected representatives continue, with the office of the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) still the subject of daily intimidation.
The intimidation and violence is unacceptable and intolerable. The Government condemn those responsible in the strongest possible terms. We reiterate our full support for the Chief Constable and his officers in their courageous attempts to maintain law and order. I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the bravery and professionalism of PSNI officers, who put their personal safety on the line every day to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure.
According to the Chief Constable, senior individual members of the Ulster Volunteer Force are involved in orchestrating the violence, although in his view this is not being sanctioned by the leadership of the group.
Since 3 December, 107 people have been arrested and 82 charged with various offences. The perpetrators of this violence should be in no doubt that, as the Chief Constable made clear on Monday, they will face the full rigour of the law. Those who continue to organise these protests and engage in violence need to ask themselves what they think they are achieving. The idea that hurling bricks at police officers is somehow defending the Union flag or protecting Britishness is incomprehensible. These people are not defending our national flag; they are dishonouring our national flag and our country. What is more, they are being reckless with the peace process and all that it has delivered.
The damage that those people are inflicting on Northern Ireland’s economy must be considerable. Huge efforts have been made in recent years to project a modern, confident, outward-looking Northern Ireland that is a great place to do business. However, the pictures of riots and disorder that are being beamed around the world make it far harder to compete in the global race for inward investment. Jobs and livelihoods are under threat. It is therefore essential that the protests and violence stop now.
Since the disturbances began, I have been in regular contact with the Chief Constable, the First and Deputy First Ministers, the Justice Minister and other political leaders. The Northern Ireland political parties need to work together to find a way forward. It should not be impossible to find a solution which sees decisions on flags made in a way that respects different views and takes into account the different traditions and identities present in today’s Northern Ireland. For that to happen, the issue needs to come off the streets to allow local politicians and community leaders the space to sit round a table and engage in constructive dialogue.
I have used recent weeks to highlight the urgent need to make progress in addressing the underlying divisions within the community in Northern Ireland, which can make decisions on issues such as flags so fraught with tension. On many occasions, Northern Ireland’s political leaders have expressed their firm commitment to building a shared society, free from sectarian division. That is a theme to which I and my predecessor, along with the Prime Minister, have returned many times.
So much has been achieved in the 20 years since the peace process really got under way. The overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland can lead their lives with a normality and freedom from fear that would have been impossible back in the dark days of the troubles. However, we all need to acknowledge that the process is not finished, and the stability delivered by the Belfast agreement should never be taken for granted.
For some, sectarian divisions remain deeply entrenched and it is time for bold moves by Northern Ireland’s political leadership to address them. We need to build a genuinely shared future for everyone in Northern Ireland. It will not be easy, but Northern Ireland’s political leaders have already shown themselves capable of taking difficult decisions in order to make progress on many matters. They have fixed tougher problems than the ones that we face today. I believe that they can rise to this challenge as they have to so many others over the past two decades. The UK Government stand ready to work with them and support their efforts to deliver a better and more cohesive future for Northern Ireland.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement and for advance sight of it. I join her in condemning the disgraceful violence that we have seen over the past weeks. The serious rioting, attacks on the police and threats against elected representatives, including the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long), have been appalling. As the Secretary of State has said, the hon. Lady has behaved throughout with dignity and courage.
This violence would not be acceptable in London, Cardiff or Edinburgh, and it is not acceptable in Belfast. People in Northern Ireland need to know that the UK Government are giving this matter the highest priority and that Northern Ireland matters. May I therefore ask the Secretary of State what discussions she has had with the Prime Minister about the recent violence and what discussions he has had or intends to have with Northern Ireland Ministers about what might be done to support them further?
It was welcome that the Secretary of State updated the House on the attempt by dissident republican terrorists to murder a police officer and his family over Christmas, which was sickening. As she said, that reminds us of the ongoing threat from those who wish to destroy the peace and progress. It is good that the police have made arrests in relation to David Black’s murder. That sends out the clear message that the perpetrators of these crimes will be brought to justice wherever possible.
The public disorder and violence that we have seen on the streets began when the decision was taken by Belfast city council that the Union flag should be flown only on designated days. Will the Secretary of State join me in saying that in a democracy one cannot try to change decisions by the use of force, and that those who break the law can expect to be dealt with using the full force of the law? Violence can never be allowed to win.
As the Secretary of State said, the Police Service of Northern Ireland has shown exceptional bravery and courage, even at great personal cost, with 66 officers having been injured already. Let us all follow her in commending the police for their professionalism and dedication to duty.
The Chief Constable has stated clearly that senior figures from the Ulster Volunteer Force are involved in much of the violence. What assessment has the Secretary of State made of loyalist paramilitary involvement in the disturbances? Does she agree that attacks by paramilitaries on the police and elected politicians are matters of national security? Is she confident that the PSNI has the resources to continue its current level of commitment without impacting on its other policing duties?
Today, I was due to visit a project in Belfast that helps young people back to work. I have seen in communities across Northern Ireland, both nationalist and Unionist, initiatives to ensure that every young person has hope, that every community looks to the future, that jobs are created and that everything possible is done to overcome the sectarianism and divisions of the past. The responsibility for much of that is devolved, but will the Secretary of State ensure that the consequences of all her Government’s economic and social policies are fully considered with respect to Northern Ireland? Deprivation, disengagement and alienation are a challenge in any community, but if that challenge is not met in Northern Ireland, it can have dangerous consequences. As the Secretary of State said, we need to ensure that Britishness and Irishness are fully respected in Northern Ireland.
Will the Secretary of State join me in saying that the scenes that we have seen on the TV do not represent the real Northern Ireland, and that we must do all that we can to ensure that positive messages about the new Northern Ireland are seen and heard across the world? There has been real progress over recent years in Northern Ireland. It is not easy and sometimes there will be setbacks. As I have said, we need to deal with the alienation that we see in some of the communities of Northern Ireland, and particularly in some of the most deprived communities. However, the setbacks must not be allowed to define Northern Ireland and its people or to derail the progress that has been made. Too much has been achieved for that and we must not allow the clock to be turned back.
If you will forgive me, Mr Speaker, I will answer at some length, given the number of important matters that have been raised.
Like the shadow Secretary of State, I pay tribute to the courage and dignity of the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long). It is intolerable that she and so many other elected representatives from Northern Ireland have been subject to death threats and intimidation.
I welcome, once again, the constructive and bipartisan tone of the Opposition on the matters that we are discussing. I wholeheartedly agree with the shadow Secretary of State that such violence is not acceptable on the streets of the United Kingdom, whether in Edinburgh, London, Cardiff, Manchester or Belfast. It is intolerable and deeply damaging.
The shadow Secretary of State asked for assurances about contacts with the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is being briefed every day and I have had three face-to-face meetings with him on this matter, including one this morning. I am keeping in regular touch with him. He retains a close personal interest in Northern Ireland because he knows what a great place it is and what huge opportunities it has. That is one reason why it was his personal decision to take the G8 to Northern Ireland later this year. He is keeping a very close eye on all that is going on. I should also mention that I have briefed the Irish Government on these serious matters.
Like the shadow Secretary of State I think that although the headlines focus on the disorder, we should never forget that the ongoing terrorist threat is very serious. One risk associated with such disorder is that police officers are brought into vulnerable situations where they might become targets for dissident republican attacks. I also agree with the shadow Secretary of State that democratic decisions cannot be changed by violence. The history of Northern Ireland over the past 50 years demonstrates that it is sitting round a table, talking, engaging in a dialogue, and considering compromises and an inclusive way to resolve issues that lead to progress, rather than resorting to violence and rioting.
The shadow Secretary of State mentioned the role of the UVF, which we have discussed on a number of occasions. I have also discussed the issue with the Chief Constable and other PSNI officers. It is of concern that individual loyalist paramilitaries are involved in these matters, and crucial that the police do all they can to ensure the full rigour of the law is brought to bear on anyone engaging in violent conflicts, whether or not they are members of paramilitary organisations. As I have said, the Chief Constable’s view is that the orchestration is not coming from the leadership of the UVF, and that is consistent with my view.
Whether these issues raise matters of national security is a point I discussed with the Chief Constable and Drew Harris yesterday afternoon. In essence, there is always an overlap at the border between matters of national security and other areas of policing, but I assure the House that the PSNI and its partner agencies such as the Security Service are doing all they can to combat that threat. They are certainly not letting the borderline between national security and other matters get in the way of an effective response. However these incidents are categorised or classified, it is vital that the police bring to bear every means available to combat these disgraceful scenes of violence. On PSNI resources, the Chief Constable is confident that he has the capacity to deal with the disorder, but having resources tied up dealing with these riots leaves fewer resources for the community policing that is so important for confidence building and protecting people from crime.
Like the shadow Secretary of State I welcome the positive initiatives under way in Northern Ireland to give young people hope, and I reassure him that all the Government’s economic policies are thoroughly tested for their impact on low-income and disadvantaged communities. The reality is that it becomes much more difficult to fix the kinds of problems that may concern those involved in these protests—educational under- achievement, health care, jobs—if there is rioting on the streets. It is counter-productive for protesters to engage in violence; they are doing no service to the causes they espouse but instead making it more difficult for the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver a safe and prosperous Northern Ireland.
Like the shadow Secretary of State I believe that a key part of the Belfast agreement is that both Britishness and Irishness are fully respected as different identities in Northern Ireland. The success of the past 20 years demonstrates that those who define themselves as British and those who define themselves as Irish can co-exist peacefully in Northern Ireland and work constructively together.
Finally, I welcome the opportunity to emphasise the positive about Northern Ireland, and whatever has happened over the past six weeks should not blind us to the fact that it is a great place in which to live and invest. It could be a fantastic year for Northern Ireland with Derry/Londonderry already taking its place as a successful UK city of culture, the G8, and the world police and fire games—one of the biggest international sporting events in the world. All those things are an opportunity to project a modern, forward-looking Northern Ireland. We need to get back to that because the protests are undermining what could be a fantastic year for Northern Ireland.
I thank the Secretary of State for early sight of her statement and for keeping me, as Chairman of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, informed about what has been going on in Northern Ireland. I also join her in paying tribute to the dedication and bravery of the PSNI which, along with its predecessor the Royal Ulster Constabulary, has saved Northern Ireland from sinking into even deeper problems over many years.
We have heard it said that certain people in Northern Ireland have not reaped the benefits of the peace process. Although I agree there is a lot of work to do in that respect, does the Secretary of State agree that the underperformance of the economy in Northern Ireland is largely a result of violence over many years, the likes of which we have again witnessed over the past few weeks? Is not the way forward, as she has said, for both communities to sit round the table and discuss these matters, rather than carrying out terrible acts such as the murder of prison officers and the attempted murder of police officers?
I very much agree with the Chairman of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Many of the economic difficulties in Northern Ireland have their roots in the violence of the past. That is why it is so frustrating that rioting and violence today is undermining what have been incredibly successful efforts by the First and Deputy First Minister to attract inward investment. If any of the rioters are concerned about prosperity and jobs, going out on the streets and hurling bricks at police officers is the last thing that will improve that situation. Such behaviour is guaranteed to deter investors from coming and creating jobs.
I say to the Secretary of State that condemning the deplorable violence is the easy bit, and will she do two further things? First, given her national security responsibilities will she engage directly with the loyalist groups and be willing to talk even to those who may be on the fringes of the violence—as we did to positive effect in 2006-07—who feel excluded from the political process? Secondly, will she come up with a package of resources to tackle the deplorable level of youth unemployment? Some of the young republicans—and in recent times the young loyalists—involved in this violent activity have no stake in the society. That does not justify their violence but it does explain why it is happening.
I certainly think that part of the way forward is an inclusive dialogue that must be led by Northern Ireland’s political parties. Indeed, as part of our work I and the Minister of State engage in regular conversations and listen to the concerns of people across the community. Addressing youth unemployment is one of the UK Government’s highest priorities. Employment figures across the UK have been improving over recent weeks but there is still a very significant problem, particularly in Northern Ireland. The issue continues to be one of our highest priorities and we will continue to work with the Northern Ireland Executive on ways to grapple with it. One reason David Cameron chose to bring the G8 to Northern Ireland was to demonstrate his commitment and attract inward investment.
I know the Secretary of State was referring to the Prime Minister. We are clear.
The whole House agrees that the violence and intimidation taking place in Northern Ireland is totally counter-productive and undermines the very cause the protesters are protesting about. Does the Secretary of State agree with me that it is right that the flag of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland should fly above city halls, town halls and all municipal buildings throughout the United Kingdom, as it does above the British Parliament?
I agree that these violent protests are counter-productive and that those engaged in violence are undermining the cause they wish to support. It is important that decisions on flags are taken in an inclusive way with respect for different perspectives and points of view. Arguably, there is no one-size-fits-all solution, which is why I have been encouraging the leadership of the political parties to come together and engage in dialogue on the right solution for flags and symbols in Northern Ireland.
I am proud to be British and proud of our Union flag but the violence in Northern Ireland, whether from loyalists or dissident republicans, grieves me greatly. We have been unequivocal in our condemnation of all such violence and of attacks or threats against elected representatives. Before Christmas, I, my wife and my children were threatened with being shot because of the stand that I take in Northern Ireland. This House will stand with all Members from Northern Ireland who continue to uphold the standards and principles of democracy.
I echo the comments of the right hon. Member for Neath (Mr Hain): we need more than condemnation. The Good Friday agreement and the St Andrews agreement were about developing consensus politics in Northern Ireland. With respect, the decision of Belfast city council to remove the Union flag was not about consensus politics; in fact, it was a reversion to the very thing the nationalists say they detest—majority rule. We need to build a consensus, and Unionists must be included in such sensitive issues. If we exclude one community, we get not consensus but confrontation, which we need to move away from.
A shared future must include everyone—not just one side of the community, but both sides—and it must respect the identity and tradition of both sides. I therefore urge the Secretary of State to support Northern Ireland politicians, because I believe the Government have a role to play in that. Politics is the only answer. As the right hon. Member for Neath has said, we need to consider initiatives to tackle social deprivation in areas where there is a disconnect.
The DUP will provide leadership—the First Minister has stated that—but we need a level playing field. Right now, many people in Northern Ireland feel that the peace process has become skewed, and we need to correct that imbalance.
It is a great regret and concern that the right hon. Gentleman and his family have been subjected to those threats and I pass on my sympathies to them. He is right that the way forward is to seek consensus, and one that respects the different identities present in modern Northern Ireland. I fully agree with him on the importance of the UK Government working closely with the Northern Ireland Executive on initiatives to regenerate and provide the economic prosperity that is vital to underpin the peace settlement in Northern Ireland. That is particularly important in deprived communities across Northern Ireland. I am happy to continue the work I have been doing since being appointed on how we can boost the Northern Ireland economy and attract jobs and inward investment from around the world.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement and join her in deploring the attempted murder on 30 December by dissident republican groups.
I am conscious of some of the figures the Secretary of State mentioned: there have been more than 100 arrests and 66 police officers have been injured. We should imagine the impact in England, Scotland or Wales if 66 police officers were injured over a period of about a month. There would be absolute uproar, so my appreciation and respect for the PSNI is second to none.
I should like to emphasise the flag issue. I have been doing research in the past few weeks. Interestingly, I discovered that, in the city of Lisburn, all the political parties have reached an agreement, led by the DUP and the Ulster Unionist party—
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I am grateful for your reminder—I am approaching my question. Does the Secretary of State agree that it is incredibly important at this time that the political parties provide leadership and maturity, and that the leading political party in Northern Ireland needs to go that one step further in providing that leadership by accepting that democracy trumps everything?
It is very important for the political parties to provide leadership in Northern Ireland and I am confident that they are doing so. They take this matter seriously. The events are a wake-up call to all of us—a reminder that we need to address the underlying causes of the tension, and to find ways in which to bring different parts of the community together to build mutual understanding, so that it becomes easier to resolve flags and symbols issues without provoking such distressing scenes on our streets.
I join the Secretary of State in condemning the attempted murder of a police officer and his wife and family in my constituency by dissident republicans. I also join her and the shadow Secretary of State in commending the police for their professionalism under extreme pressure during the loyalist disturbances and riots, and for holding the line on behalf of the whole community of Northern Ireland between the rule of law and descent into chaos.
The PSNI has assessed that senior members of the UVF in my constituency are involved in orchestrating that rioting and are participating in it. Combined with the dissident republican threat, we find ourselves in a grave situation in the general peace process. What role does the Secretary of State believe the UK Government can have in tackling not only that violent threat, but the deep-rooted sectarianism that is rampant in Northern Ireland, in trying to create a more stable foundation on which to build for the future? Does she agree that the only sustainable, lasting and enduring solutions in Northern Ireland will be found by our sharing responsibility and taking things forward on behalf of the whole community, and that such solutions will not be found in partisan and tribal options?
I am grateful to the hon. Lady for her question. Yes, it remains a grave concern that individual members of the UVF are involved in the violence—I discussed that with the Chief Constable and the Justice Minister yesterday. Indeed, I passed on some names that had been provided to me on the matter.
On the dissident republican threat, the riots create dangers and vulnerabilities for the PSNI that it would not otherwise have, as I have said. The increased presence of members of DR organisations in nationalist areas such as Short Strand is gravely worrying. The hon. Lady is right that the threat is real—those who are engaging in the violence are being reckless with the peace process.
I also agree with the hon. Lady that it is important for the UK Government to be engaged in efforts to help the Northern Ireland Executive to make progress on a shared future. That is why such progress has been the focus of pretty much everything I have said as Secretary of State, why my predecessor returned to it again and again, and why the Prime Minister highlights it every time he visits Northern Ireland. It is vital that we see progress, and we are keen to work with the Northern Ireland Executive on those matters.
I agree with the hon. Lady that sharing responsibility and building consensus is the way forward on sensitive issues such as flags, rather than seeking to change things through violence.
May I associate myself with the Secretary of State’s words on the PSNI and the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long)?
Two very important points have been made by the shadow Secretary of State and the former Secretary of State, the right hon. Member for Neath (Mr Hain). This is not about flags, but about something much more profound. When visiting Northern Ireland over the new year period, I spoke with residents in the Sandy Row and Shore road areas of Belfast. There is a profound sense of alienation in the deprivation of those communities, and a real sense that they are not being listened to by those they have elected. Will the Secretary of State join me in urging all elected politicians in Northern Ireland—Members of the Assembly, councillors and Members of Parliament—to get into those communities and listen, and will she listen to what they tell her about what we can do to improve the conditions in those communities?
Certainly, in any democracy, it is vital for elected representatives to engage at the grass roots with members of the community who feel alienated. I urge all those who feel a sense of detachment from the political process to come forward. I imagine that many people who are rioting on the streets are probably not even registered to vote. There are many ways for them to express their political views and to support Britishness, and many ways to support the flying of the Union flag, that are peaceful and constructive, and that will work. There is a way forward. There is openness and an opportunity for those who genuinely care about our national flag to get involved in a broad conversation on how we resolve those issues. I encourage them to do so.
While recognising the social problems that unfortunately continue to exist in Northern Ireland, is it not necessary to make it perfectly clear that there can be no excuse whatever for violence or intimidation from either side? Is it not the case that the large majority of people in Northern Ireland support the peace settlement, which was started by John Major and negotiated successfully, following a change of Government, by Tony Blair and Mo Mowlam? Moreover, as a result of those negotiations, articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution were removed—the very articles that caused such annoyance and complaints from the Unionist community over many years.
The hon. Gentleman is right. We should not forget everything that has been achieved by the peace process. He is also right that there is no excuse for violence, regardless of social background. It is important to recognise that although there are problems with sectarian division in Northern Ireland, there are many people who no longer share those sectarian views and have left them behind. We need to ensure that that becomes more broadly based across the community.
The House is still in shock about the death of the prison officer David Black. The second incident on 30 December sends us again into shock. It is an appalling regression to what might have happened in the past, and let us hope that we can get a grip on it. May I ask my right hon. Friend whether there has been evidence of weapons either being seen or used in the riots in Belfast?
As I said in my statement, in one incident shots were fired at the police. My understanding is that the rounds were blank, but I am afraid that there is a ballistic threat in relation to these riots.
Further to the point articulated by my hon. Friend the shadow Secretary of State, on education, and as one who, as a former student leader, worked with the National Union of Students-Union of Students in Ireland as long ago as the late ’90s, it is clear there is a generation of young male Protestants who have not achieved their full education potential, and have been educated in crumbling schools with no great drive to go on to further and higher education. Will the Secretary of State listen to the cross-party pleas to help the Executive to invest more in education to give all parts of the community in Northern Ireland a real future?
The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right that educational opportunities are key to addressing some underlying problems. This is an issue I have discussed with a number of community groups, for example, a great organisation called the Resurgam Trust in the Lisburn area. There is a crucial opportunity for the early intervention programmes that have proved so successful in many parts of the United Kingdom. It is not for the UK Government to dictate to the Executive how much of a priority they give to that, but we are very supportive of the work that is being done. He is right that this is a key way to improve the current situation.
I thank my right hon. Friend for her well-thought-through statement. Has she made an assessment on whether this is localised to Belfast, or is it a broader issue? May I also ask her what can we do to ensure better school results in Northern Ireland? I understand that there is success in some places, but that in others only 3% or 4% of children end up getting five GCSEs or more.
The Northern Ireland education system has significant contrasts. For many children, it is spectacularly successful, and, of course, it has two world-class universities. However, there is a concern about those for whom it is not delivering and a concern about educational underachievement. As I said, this is a high priority for the Northern Ireland Executive and the Education Minister, and the UK Government continue to support them through the block grant they give to Northern Ireland. I am very happy to work with the Northern Ireland Executive on the good work they are doing to improve the current situation.
I agree wholeheartedly with the remarks made by the hon. Member for Bournemouth West (Conor Burns). There have been a lot of glib phrases about a shared future. Will the Secretary of State define for the House what she means by a shared future? Many people from the majority Unionist community feel bewildered that the British Government and the British Opposition are campaigning to keep Scotland part of the United Kingdom, while in Northern Ireland we are talking about a shared future. Why are we not talking about a shared future in Scotland, and why are we not putting the same resources and support into keeping Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom?
As the hon. Lady will be aware, and I am sure she will agree with me, the question of Northern Ireland’s future in the Union is settled on the basis of consent. The Government are not neutral on the Union and we believe that Northern Ireland’s place in the United Kingdom is safer than it has been for many years. Regardless of that, it is crucial to find ways to unite the community in Northern Ireland. It is true that there remain sectarian divisions. On the subject of Scotland, I know that there are indeed some concerns about sectarianism there, although it does not manifest itself in the same ways as it does in Northern Ireland. It is true that many people in Northern Ireland have left those sectarian divisions behind, but not everyone has. We need to give children the opportunity to participate in shared education, and look at ways to have space that can be genuinely lived in, occupied and used by both parts of the community. In particular, I single out some of the education initiatives in County Fermanagh, which have demonstrated that it is possible to give children the opportunity to be educated alongside those from other backgrounds in a successful way. Those are the sorts of initiatives we need to deliver.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement and join her in praising the PSNI for all it is doing to maintain peace in the Province of Northern Ireland. Does she agree, as we try to continue the peace process and move towards reconciliation, that all political leaders should be very careful in their use of language and what they put into print, to ensure that they do not create a climate that leads to a feeling of justification for other measures that people unfortunately take that are beyond the bounds of political debate?
I agree that it is important that inflammatory language is avoided, because we can see the potentially disastrous consequences to which it can lead.
I join the Secretary of State in praising the bravery of PSNI officers, particularly in recent days and nights. She is right, and the Prime Minister was right yesterday, to underline the vital responsibility that every politician in Northern Ireland has to map out a shared future to which everybody, including disaffected loyalist communities, can feel they belong. One area that she retains responsibility for is the work of the Parades Commission. Given that we are just weeks away from the start of this year’s parading season, will she update the House on recent discussions she has had with members of the commission about the role that they can play, alongside police and community leaders, to make sure that parades, and indeed legitimate protests, are properly stewarded and responsibly organised?
I met the whole Parades Commission just a few days ago to discuss its thoughts on the forthcoming year. Technically speaking, I think the parading season begins in mid-February. The commission takes its role very seriously and there was some progress last year on public order issues related to parading. It is focused on doing the best it can to make the right decisions that are balanced and fair, and to take into account competing considerations. I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the work of the right hon. Gentleman, and members of his Government, in building peace and calling for the same kind of shared future that the Prime Minister has focused on so strongly during his term of office.
Further to the decision of Belfast city council on which days the Union flag may be flown, what steps is my right hon. Friend taking to ensure that all citizens of Northern Ireland feel that they can express their views, including by the ballot box, rather than being disengaged as so many seem to be?
It is important for this House to send out a clear signal that there are a whole range of ways that people can get involved in the political process, whether they express their views by e-mailing their MP, using social media sites, or coming along to public meetings. That is the way to influence the outcome of important debates on the future of Northern Ireland—not by chucking bricks at police officers.
It is my understanding that when Scotland hosted the G8, additional policing resources were not provided. I think the Secretary of State said that they would be provided in Northern Ireland this year—can she confirm that point? Will she also confirm whether the Chief Constable has asked for additional resources to deal with the ongoing violence?
The Chief Constable has not asked for additional resources to deal with the ongoing violence, but he is making a careful assessment of the impact of the violence on his resources. The resources needed to police the G8 summit are under consideration, and we are working with colleagues in the Home Office and the PSNI to see what might be possible. It is also important to emphasise that the £200 million deployed by the Government to assist the security efforts in Northern Ireland have played an important part during the riots, not least because it has funded the vehicles that have come under attack—the capital renewal of the PSNI’s vehicle stock was partly funded by the extra £200 million.
The saddest aspect of this senseless violence is the potential deterrent effect on business investment and tourism. Will my hon. Friend update the House on conversations she has had with business leaders, retailers and other potential employers on improving the Northern Ireland economy, increasing investment and creating new jobs?
Virtually every day I am in Northern Ireland, I am in those kinds of discussions, because it is crucial that Northern Ireland’s economy recovers. We saw some fabulous, successful events last year, including the Titanic centenary events and the Queen’s visit, and, as I have said, this year again we have opportunities to showcase all that is good about Northern Ireland. I am enthusiastically taking part in that, and I know that the Prime Minister will be doing so as well during his forthcoming visits to Northern Ireland, including for the G8. We are confident that we can host a successful and secure G8 summit, despite the recent disorder.
I was struck during the statement by the sense of disengagement in certain parts of the community, but I have been less clear about the Secretary of State’s strategic vision for dealing with that. Will she be a bit more specific about the steps that will be taken to try and engage some of these communities? Simply asking them to come forward is not a solution. Will she tell us specifically what she is doing, with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, to engage some of these communities?
As I said, I have regular discussions with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. Today sees the first meeting of the Unionist forum, which will be engaging with members of the Unionist community, and, as I have said, I and the Minister of State are focused on wide and inclusive engagement on all the challenges facing Northern Ireland. It is important for the Northern Ireland Executive to continue the work to build a shared future and to engage with disaffected communities. A key way to do that is by focusing on educational under-achievement and the sorts of social problems we have debated this morning.
I join my right hon. Friend in paying tribute to the PSNI, which has behaved with professionalism and bravery in the face of intense provocation and attacks over recent weeks. I expect it will be almost impossible to put a cost on the economic and reputational damage to Northern Ireland, but has she been able yet to estimate the policing costs so far of the recent protests and disorder?
Various unofficial figures are circulating, and it is deeply regrettable that resources that could be going into visible community policing and confidence building are being taken up by rioting. As I said, the Chief Constable is looking carefully at the implications of the situation for his resources and will keep me updated.
(11 years, 10 months ago)
Commons ChamberWith permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement about recent events in Northern Ireland.
Over the past week a series of protests has taken place relating to the decision taken by Belfast city council on the flying of the Union flag. A number of these have witnessed violence, rioting and attacks on police officers. Yesterday evening, a masked gang threw a petrol bomb inside an unmarked police car; a young policewoman narrowly escaped very serious injury. That is now being treated by police as attempted murder.
As I made clear in the House last Wednesday, there can be absolutely no excuse or justification for this kind of thuggish and lawless behaviour. It is despicable. We condemn it unreservedly, and it must stop immediately. I welcome the motion passed unanimously yesterday in the Northern Ireland Assembly, which unequivocally condemned
“rioting and the campaign of intimidation, harassment and violent attacks on elected representatives”
and reaffirmed
“the absolute and unconditional commitment of all its Members to respecting and upholding the rule of law and the pursuit of their political objectives by purely legal and political means”.
Let us be very clear: no one can be in any doubt about the Government’s support for the Union and its flag, but the people engaged in the kind of violence we have seen in the past few days are not defending the Union flag. There is nothing remotely British about what they are doing. They are dishonouring and shaming the flag of our country through their lawless and violent activities. They discredit the cause that they claim to support. They are also doing untold damage to hard-pressed traders in the run-up to Christmas, and they undermine those who are working tirelessly to promote Northern Ireland to bring about investment, jobs and prosperity.
In addition to outbreaks of violence, appalling threats have been made against elected politicians, including a death threat to the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long). I know that the whole House will join me in expressing our complete solidarity with the hon. Lady and her colleagues in the Alliance party and all the people who have been threatened and intimidated over the last week by this disgraceful conduct. The right of elected representatives to go about their daily business without the threat or fear of intimidation is one of the hallmarks of our democracy, and these threats are nothing less than an attack on democracy in this country.
Throughout this crisis, I have stayed in close contact with the Chief Constable for Northern Ireland. Some 32 police officers have been injured in the line of duty during the last week, and I want to take this opportunity to pay the warmest of tributes to the brave men and women of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, who once again find themselves in the front line in countering and tackling violence, and once again they have shown themselves to be fearless guardians of the rule of law whenever, and from wherever, it comes under attack. I received a further update from the Chief Constable this morning. He informed me that about 38 people have now been charged in relation to this disorder. Those engaged in violence should be in no doubt of the determination of the Chief Constable and the PSNI to apply the full force of the law—those engaged in violence should be well aware of that fact. I have also discussed with the Chief Constable the threats to elected politicians. Again, I am in no doubt as to the extreme seriousness Matt Baggott, like the rest of us, attaches to those unacceptable threats. I assure the House that the PSNI is doing all it can to enable elected politicians to carry out their duties and serve their constituents.
For our part, the UK Government will continue to give their fullest backing to the PSNI. That is why, in the face of the deteriorating security situation we inherited, the Government secured an exceptional additional £200 million from the Treasury reserve. We will continue to do all we can to assist the Chief Constable in keeping the people of Northern Ireland safe and secure, whether from so-called dissidents or from those responsible for this week’s events.
Yet responsibility for solving the underlying issues that have led to the violence does not rest solely with the police or with the UK Government, and it is right that local politicians in Northern Ireland take the lead in trying to reach agreement on a way forward. In tackling these issues, I believe that everybody has a responsibility to consider very carefully the impact of their words and deeds on wider community relations.
Once again, the trouble we have seen in Belfast and elsewhere underlines the urgent necessity of working towards a genuinely shared future for all the people of Northern Ireland. We have made it clear that where the Executive take the difficult decisions needed to deliver that, they will have the Government’s full backing. It would be a huge lost opportunity if Northern Ireland politics were to continue to be defined by questions of identity. There is a pressing need to focus on the wider issues of the economy, jobs and delivery.
The scenes of the past few days have been deplorable, but we should not let them detract from the positive progress that Northern Ireland has made in recent years. That was highlighted last Friday by the visit to Belfast of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. She rightly pointed to the many difficult decisions taken by local politicians and the leadership they have shown in bringing us to where we are today. I am sure that those politicians will not allow the achievements that have been made to be undermined by lawless violence of the kind we have seen over the past week. I am also sure that this House will remain united in support of their efforts to move the peace process further forwards towards a genuinely shared future for all in Northern Ireland.
I thank the Secretary of State for coming to the House to make this statement and for advance sight of it. Let me say why I, and the Opposition, called on her to do so. There have been eight consecutive nights of violence in Northern Ireland. A Member of this House has had her life disgracefully threatened, and her Alliance party has seen its representatives intimidated and subjected to violence, and its property attacked.
Violence against the police has escalated, to the extent that an attempt was made to murder a female officer last night by breaking the window of a police car and throwing a petrol bomb inside while she was still in the vehicle. Dozens of officers have been injured after coming under sustained attack over the course of the week. A few days before, another murderous attack on the police was narrowly avoided only when a vehicle carrying a rocket was apprehended in Derry. It cannot go on, and Westminster’s voice must also be heard. This violence would not be tolerated in London, Cardiff or Edinburgh, and it should not be tolerated in Belfast. A clear and strong message must be sent from this place today that says this violence is wrong, unacceptable and without justification.
May I join the Secretary of State in once again paying tribute to the Police Service of Northern Ireland for its dedication and bravery? I spoke earlier to the Justice Minister, whom I also met a few days ago in Belfast. What discussions has the Secretary of State had with him and the Chief Constable about resources and the police’s capacity to deal with this disorder, and the continuing national security threat? Will she update the House on what her latest security assessment is?
The homes of public representatives have been vandalised and attacked. Local councillors, who are doing their best on behalf of the communities they serve, and their families have seen their homes targeted and vandalised. I am sure I speak for the whole House when I say that whether we are talking about a Democratic Unionist party councillor in Dungannon, two Alliance councillors and their family in Bangor, or the husband of a Sinn Fein councillor in Armagh, such violence is wrong and must stop. I stand shoulder to shoulder with public representatives in Northern Ireland, for democracy and against violence. When a Member of Parliament is threatened and attacked, I view it as a threat to and attack on all of us and everything we stand for.
Will the Secretary of State tell me what assessment she has made of the involvement of loyalist paramilitaries in the rioting? Does she view their actions as a threat to national security? What discussions has she had with the Prime Minister about this? Has he discussed the ongoing violence with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, or the Justice Minister?
I know there are underlying issues and I am realistic about the challenges we face. I have been with Unionist and loyalist political representatives to visit areas in Belfast and other parts of Northern Ireland, and I want to say this: hon. Members and others from Northern Ireland are doing a really difficult job in these circumstances in these communities. I do not doubt their sincerity, integrity or hard work. They are dealing with frustration and anger, and they need support in helping to channel that away from violence and towards politics. I will do what I can to help, and I make that offer in republican and nationalist communities, too. But violence is never justified and it is wrong. It is damaging those communities and until it stops we cannot even begin to discuss or do anything about the longer-term issues that need to be resolved. What discussions has the Secretary of State had with political representatives about supporting work in these communities? Will she consider bringing political leaders together to see what can be done and what support the UK Government can give to any initiatives in these areas?
I care deeply about Northern Ireland and its people, and I know the Secretary of State and all other hon. Members do, too. I think it was exceptionally important today that we came together as the United Kingdom House of Commons and said that. Northern Ireland matters; it is important. I hope that we see this awful violence ended and that we can look forward to a 2013 in which Northern Ireland is showcased on the world stage as the great place it truly is.
I thank the shadow Secretary of State for the measured tone of his response. Like him, I believe that violence of the sort we have seen over the past week is unacceptable in Northern Ireland, just as it would be unacceptable anywhere else in the United Kingdom. In particular, I fully agree with him that these attacks on the police are absolutely despicable and should not be tolerated.
The hon. Gentleman is right to highlight the arrests recently made in Londonderry in relation to an explosively formed projectile device. They were very significant arrests and Northern Ireland is a safer place as a result of their having taken place. He asked about my contacts with the Justice Minister. I believe I have spoken three times to the Justice Minister since these events started to unfold. I have also spoken to Deputy Chief Constable Judith Gillespie and spoken three times to the Chief Constable to make sure that I am fully aware of their concerns. I know that the Justice Minister continues to work extremely hard to ensure that the police have all the resources they need, and the UK Government are entirely supportive of him in his efforts to do that.
The shadow Secretary of State asked for an update on the general security situation. The threat level from dissident terrorism remains at “severe”, meaning that an attack is highly likely. The PSNI continues to focus strongly not only on these disturbances, but on all activities undertaken by paramilitaries and all terrorist activities in Northern Ireland. He particularly asked me about the investigation of loyalist paramilitary involvement in the disturbances, and I was discussing that with the Chief Constable this morning. It appears that some loyalist paramilitaries attended some of these events. There does not appear to be evidence of organised orchestration by paramilitary groups, but I am sure that the PSNI will be reviewing this carefully and will continue to investigate it as part of its wider investigation, which is extremely serious in relation not just to the disorder, but to the disgraceful threats received by elected representatives.
The shadow Secretary of State asked me whether I have discussed this matter with the Prime Minister. I have been keeping the Prime Minister fully informed on this; a copy of my statement was sent to him, I discussed this matter with his chief of staff this morning and he is following events very closely. The shadow Secretary of State also asked about my contact with Northern Ireland politicians. I spoke this morning to the First Minister about this situation specifically, and I have had a whole series of meetings; pretty much every discussion I have had with Northern Ireland politicians since being appointed Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has focused on building a shared future and dealing with sectarianism, because that is one of the crucial challenges we face as a nation, in the United Kingdom in general and in Northern Ireland in particular.
The shadow Secretary of State was right to focus on and express concern about frustration and anger. It is essential that that frustration is channelled only into legitimate protest and into the political process as well. The history of Northern Ireland shows what incredible progress can be made once people abandon violence and promote the peaceful and democratic resolution of differences across the community.
As a Unionist who believes that the Union flag should fly over every public building in the United Kingdom, may I join the Secretary of State in condemning the violence that we have seen in the Province? I join her also in paying tribute to the members of the PSNI and in sending our sympathies to those who have been injured. I pay great tribute to the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long), who has shown great courage and determination at this time. She is a very valuable member of the Select Committee—a Committee that is working hard to try to help improve the economy of Northern Ireland. Does the Secretary of State agree that nothing could do more to undermine those efforts than the violence that we are currently seeing on our television screens every day?
I thank my hon. Friend for giving me another opportunity to express my concern and sympathy for the hon. Member for Belfast East and all the others who have found themselves in a similar position, not least Sammy Brush, the DUP councillor.
I completely agree with my hon. Friend, the Chairman of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. This is absolutely the last thing Northern Ireland needs. At a time when so much effort is going into reviving the private sector in Northern Ireland and boosting its economy, to promote inward investment and to promote Northern Ireland as a great place to live, to work and to invest, it is hugely damaging to see scenes of riot and disorder on our TV screens. That is another reason why it is imperative that no matter how strongly people feel about flags, they express themselves only through democratic means and never by violence and disorder.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement, and I join her in condemning last night’s wanton and gratuitous attempt to murder police officers who were guarding my constituency office and for whom I have the utmost admiration and respect. That attack is no different from previous murder attempts by dissident republicans against the security services.
Can the Secretary of State therefore confirm that this violence is being treated as a matter of national security, and advise when the Prime Minister will meet the Northern Ireland Justice Minister to discuss the security situation in Northern Ireland, as has been requested? Finally, does she agree that if we are to have a shared future capable of dealing with emotive and charged issues such as the flying of flags, it will require strong, courageous and above all generous leadership, willing to give a little of their own position in order to gain the greater prize for the whole community?
I am grateful to the hon. Lady for her question. However one chooses to label these attacks, whether one calls them terrorism or criminal activities, they are utterly unacceptable. There is a technical definition of national security, but whether or not one applies that in this case, it is unacceptable for these attacks and threats to take place.
With reference to the Prime Minister and the Justice Minister, as Northern Ireland Secretary I remain happy to meet the Justice Minister whenever he would like, and I am happy to pass on again his request to the Prime Minister for a direct meeting with him. I have every sympathy with the hon. Lady’s call for generous leadership. Again, the successes of the past 20 years demonstrate that generous leadership and being prepared to compromise can lead to tremendous benefits right across the community, and I have every confidence that the political leadership in Northern Ireland is capable of that form of generous leadership on flags, as it has been on so many other issues.
May I reiterate my support and admiration for the brave men and women of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and condemn the mindless thugs who are betraying the name of Unionism, which I support? Does the Secretary of State agree that every brick and petrol bomb that is thrown damages inward investment, job creation and tourism in Northern Ireland?
Yes, I agree that significant economic damage is being done as a result of these riots, which is another reason why it is urgent that they cease.
Does the Secretary of State agree that although the priority must be to end the appalling violence, the Alliance party genuinely tried to find a compromise on a very difficult issue? Does she accept that it is important for her, as the United Kingdom Secretary of State not only to talk to the political leaders in Northern Ireland—that is vital—but to engage in conversation with leaders of local government in Northern Ireland, to try to stop the violence happening elsewhere?
I agree that it is very important for me and for my Minister of State to engage with local government on these and other issues, and with the wider community as well. It is essential that councillors from Belfast city council are able to take decisions on issues such as flags without being intimidated, and without having a riot outside their door. It was a disgraceful start to a sad series of events that a council was prevented from taking a vote on the issue. It is down to the council to take its own decisions on these matters.
I wholeheartedly support the Secretary of State’s statement today and endorse, from my own perspective and that of my party, the dignity with which the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) has dealt with the very challenging scenarios of the past 10 days for her and for the Alliance party that she represents. I represent a constituency whose Member of Parliament, Ian Gow, was murdered many years ago by the IRA. He is still fondly remembered across the whole party political spectrum in Eastbourne. I seek reassurance from the Secretary of State—it is particularly relevant to what the hon. Member for Belfast East and some other politicians have been going through—that both the UK Government and the devolved Government will work closely together to ensure that elected politicians in the north of Ireland continuously and continually have the appropriate levels of security for their protection?
At the outset, on behalf of my right hon. and hon. Friends, I unreservedly condemn those who have engaged in violence on our streets and assure those injured or affected by such violence, including the police, of our support. I also unreservedly condemn any threat against the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) and her colleagues. I certainly know what that is like because the IRA tried not only to attack my property, but to assassinate me and my complete family because I wanted to hold to the Union flag. However, does the Secretary of State agree that it is not right to demonise those who wish to protest peacefully against a decision to remove the Union flag from Belfast city council? That flag is the very core of the Unionist identity and many people of Northern Ireland died in order to keep it aloft in our Province. Can the Secretary of State therefore assure me that the PSNI has every resource that it needs to maintain law and order and to facilitate peaceful protest?
I very much welcome the hon. Gentleman’s forthright condemnation of what has gone on. Clearly, he has a special perspective on this, having himself been a victim of such terrible threats in the past. It is a fundamental part of our democracy that people have the right to protest peacefully. That cannot, of course, justify the terrible scenes that we have seen on our television screens over the past week.
Everyone in the House will have seen how communities across the United Kingdom have fought hard over the past few years to reclaim the Union flag as an identity for everyone who lives in this country—something that we saw so splendidly this summer in the jubilee and the Olympics. Is my right hon. Friend not frustrated that in this year when the flag really did become a symbol for everyone who lives in this country, no matter from what background they come, it is being so abused at present?
It is a concern that we see our Union flag being abused. Like my hon. Friend, I shared the joy that I think everyone felt with fantastically successful events this year, such as the Queen’s jubilee and the Olympics, where the Union flag played such a wonderful central role and such a positive one. That is another reason why those who persist in that course of conduct should stop immediately and confine their activities to peaceful participation in the democratic process, rather than seeking to hold people to ransom by rioting and threatening them.
I, too, offer my full support to my hon. Friend the Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long). The Secretary of State referred to her conversations with the Chief Constable of the PSNI, who has indicated that the violence has been stoked up by individuals using social media. Does she agree that in order to identify those responsible it is essential that the police, with proper authorisation, can access relevant details of the communications of those causing the chaos? If she agrees, does she think that the Deputy Prime Minister’s threat to block the draft Communications Data Bill will help or hinder those who have to keep order in such circumstances?
The right hon. Gentleman, who is a former Minister, will appreciate that, regardless of what happens to the proposed Bill, there are already opportunities for the police to look at social media: they can do that in a public way, as everyone else does. I can assure him that the PSNI is carefully monitoring social media within the parameters of what it is allowed to do by law.
I agree entirely with the Secretary of State’s claim that this is nothing less than a fundamental attack on democracy. Part of being a democracy is accepting that sometimes we do not get what we want. Opposition Members know that very well, as every day of the week we have to accept things we do not like, and the same was true for Government Members when they were in opposition. Can we be very clear, on behalf of everyone in this House, that there is no way that the people leading the riots will succeed and that we will support the people in Belfast in carrying out their democratic mandate in what they have agreed to do properly?
I welcome that firm statement, which I am sure that everyone will endorse. Such decisions need to be taken on the basis of democracy and consent, and indeed decisions on matters as sensitive as flags need to be taken after calm reflection. It is important that a real effort is made to take into account the concerns of people right across the community. There is a way forward. Northern Ireland has demonstrated that it can resolve seemingly intractable problems that have divided people for 800 years, so I am sure that they can find a sensible way forward on flags as well.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement. In condemning the levels of unrest on the streets of Belfast and the assault on democracy and on our hon. Friend the Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) and others across Northern Ireland over the past few days, does she agree that parties that agreed to designated days for flying the Union flag at Stormont should not have exaggerated the significance of having the same policy at Belfast city hall and that the consequences of such agitation, including the distribution of inappropriate literature door to door in east Belfast, have contributed considerably to the unrest on the streets?
As I have said, the important approach is to recognise that those decisions are very sensitive and that different people in Northern Ireland view flags in completely different ways. I think that the guiding principle should always be that those decisions should be taken with care and thought after dialogue and with a mind on the impact on community relations and an understanding of their impact on people who have different views right across the community.
Does the Secretary of State accept that for many hard-working, decent, pro-Union people there is a feeling that a shared future sometimes looks like a dripping away of their British identity? Does she accept that the Taoiseach and the Irish Government continually stand up for the nationalist community and their idea of a united Ireland? Will she, as Secretary of State, stand up more for the pro-Union community and the fact that this is the United Kingdom, and will she help by condemning the fact that a children’s playground has been named after an IRA gunman?
It is my job, as Northern Ireland Secretary, to stand up for all the people in Northern Ireland. I say to the hon. Lady what I have said many times: this Government are not neutral on the Union, and neither am I. I am very supportive of the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it. She invites me to get involved in the dispute about the naming of a playground. It is for the council involved to take that decision. I repeat what I have already said: it is very important that decisions on sensitive matters, whether playgrounds or flags, are taken in a measured way with appropriate attention to community relations and the consequences of those decisions on the wider community, including on people whose views are very different from those of the people taking the decisions.
If I am reading the Secretary of State correctly, I agree that it is completely insensitive and foolish for people to think that they can name play-parks after murderers and terrorists and remove the national flag from Northern Ireland, or reduce its flying, and think that there will be no consequences whatsoever. Sadly, we have seen that identity and the struggle for identity have consequences, and I condemn the violent consequences that have occurred. In giving meaning to the words in her statement, that nobody can be in any doubt about the Government’s support for the Union and its flag, will she go to Northern Ireland at her earliest convenience and reiterate again and again the view that Ulster’s Britishness is not diminished whatsoever?
As I have said, I have repeated on many occasions the Government’s support for the Union and for Northern Ireland’s place within it. The question of Northern Ireland’s future is settled on the principles of the Belfast agreement; it will only ever be decided by democracy and by consent. When it comes to the politics of identity, I think that it is very important that when decisions are taken, whether on flags or other issues, the very different traditions, perspectives and perceptions of identity in Northern Ireland are taken into account, but I will never be in doubt about my support for the Union or about the UK Government’s support for it.
I fear that in many of these replies to the questions on the statement the idea of identity in Northern Ireland is being treated as somehow a theoretical construct. Last Thursday, when you, Mr Speaker, assisted by calling me to speak on the 41st anniversary of the McGurk’s bar bombing, what was revealed to me was that the people who had researched a book on the bombing and come here to launch it are deeply locked in the past. Clearly those people from west Belfast still feel a deep bitterness towards the United Kingdom and the involvement of its armed forces in their community. Similarly, in my work in the peace process over there, I have found that the people on the ground, not the politicians, feel deeply threatened by the turmoil that goes on at street level about identity, which leads to continued violence by IRA paramilitaries and the clear ability in loyalist communities to round up people on the streets and create violence. I urge the Secretary of State, apart from helping me get to the truth about the McGurk’s bar bombing, to get on the ground, talk to people and stop lecturing them from above.
I can assure the hon. Gentleman that I and the Minister of State do talk with people on the ground about these matters—it is a crucial part of being effective in our roles. With regard to the matter of identity, the important thing is to remember that one of the fundamental principles of the Belfast agreement was the need to recognise that people in Northern Ireland view their identities differently. The agreement recognised the ability of individuals in Northern Ireland to define themselves as British or Irish, and indeed some may choose to define themselves simply as Northern Irish. The politics of identity is fluid and changing, but a key part of the Belfast agreement was recognition of an individual’s right to define their identity in whatever way they choose.
I want to add my voice to those that have expressed solidarity with the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) and with those brave public servants who put themselves in harm’s way to protect the public. Will the Secretary of State provide some reassurance about discussions she might have had with the Justice Minister in Northern Ireland and the Chief Constable on the violence and whether they have all the resources needed to deal with it?
I have discussed both matters with the Justice Minister and the Chief Constable on a number of occasions over the past few months. The Chief Constable is on record as indicating previously that he has the resources necessary to police Northern Ireland, and that is in no small part because of the £200 million that this Government allocated from the Treasury reserve to the PSNI to support its efforts to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure and to combat the terrorist threat. The Chief Constable has not raised resourcing with me, but I am always open to conversations about that. Indeed, I am working with him on what will happen once the four-year period of the £200 million that has already been allocated expires and on what future arrangements might be made.
On conversations with David Ford, I am always happy to listen to his concerns, and if he feels that further resource issues need to be addressed, I am happy to discuss them with him.
I commend the Secretary of State for her statement and join her in offering support to my colleague, the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long), to all her party colleagues who have endured attack, and to representatives of Sinn Fein and the DUP who have endured attack. That empathy comes from a party that has suffered attack from loyalists and republicans. Does the Secretary of State agree that no national flag, whether the Union flag or the tricolour, should be used or abused as a visual aid to sectarianism or as a partisan prop in the way that has happened all too often in the past?
Does the Secretary of State recognise that in circumstances where Northern Ireland will be moving towards having 11 new councils under a carve-up determined by Sinn Fein and the DUP, there is a danger that the whole issue of flags being determined at council level will be played out in those new council chambers in a very difficult and dangerous way? Does she further recognise that there needs to be real dialogue among all parties about how we handle and manage that situation, in relation not only to flags but to the sensitive issue of the naming of public amenities run by councils, including play spaces, which in my view should be neutral and apolitical?
Given the sensitivity of issues relating to national flags, yes, one does need to be cautious in terms of how the flag is approached in political debate. Certainly, any kind of inflammatory approach to these issues is not helpful. The key lies in dialogue and learning from past successes in the peace process where many more intractable issues have been resolved and compromises have been found. There is a real opportunity for the political parties, working together, to find a resolution on this. I welcome last night’s statements from the DUP and the Ulster Unionist party that they want to start such a dialogue.
I, too, express solidarity with the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long), who has shown great courage and dignity in the light of the attacks that she has suffered, and with all our colleagues from Northern Ireland—our valued colleagues in this place—who operate in a political environment in the north of Ireland which perhaps some of us can never fully understand. What is the Secretary of State going to do to make sure that this dialogue between the political parties takes place? It is all very well for us here in this House to express our condemnations of violence, but what needs to be done on the ground is to ensure that the political parties agree that they will operate with statesmanship and not just through rhetoric.
I am very happy to engage in whatever way would be found helpful by the Northern Ireland parties. I echo the hon. Gentleman’s praise for hon. Members from Northern Ireland and the tremendous work that they do for all their constituents. Matters relating to the flag raise difficult issues. This is an opportunity for me, and indeed for the whole House, again to endorse the need to address sectarian barriers. There is very good work going on by the Northern Ireland Executive on things such as shared education—for example, getting schools working together so that children have an experience of being educated alongside those from other faiths. A lot of work has gone into the Executive’s cohesion, sharing and integration strategy. There is the will to make the change. The Northern Ireland parties have delivered phenomenal success in changing in the past, and it is now time to press ahead further and faster in addressing the sectarian barriers and moving towards a genuinely shared, cohesive and integrated society.
I, too, express solidarity with the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) on the difficult issues that she is facing.
The Secretary of State said that the Chief Constable had not asked for additional resources, but I understand that Terry Spence, the chair of the Police Federation for Northern Ireland, has called for 1,000 extra officers in the PSNI to help deal with the possibility of further terrorist threats. Given the recent events, does the Secretary of State intend to pursue that, particularly with the Treasury in light of the additional resources that have been supplied previously?
As I said, I am working directly with the Chief Constable on what will happen in the period after the current additional four-year spending uplift of £200 million comes to an end. I am also working with him and others on the preparations for the G8 summit to ensure that the PSNI have all the appropriate resources. So yes, this is something that I keep a very close eye on. It is always difficult in these times when we need to deal with the deficit, but we are determined to ensure that the PSNI have all the support they need to keep Northern Ireland safe and secure.
I thank the Secretary of State for her statement. In the early hours of Saturday morning, the Alliance councillor in my constituency had her home attacked. I visited her, first, to give her support, but also because she is a personal friend. I have worked with her on many constituency issues for the betterment of the whole community. She had the living room windows, porch windows and bedroom windows smashed in her home, which she has lived in for 24 years, and her car windows broken as well, in what can be described as a cowardly and shameful attack. This single lady, who lives on her own, said to me that it will cost some £5,000 for her windows to be fixed and had some concern about how that was going to happen as Christmas approaches. What steps can the Secretary of State take to ensure that the £5,000 is made available for the replacement of her windows and, indeed, that there is help for everyone else who has had cars burned, windows smashed and houses damaged?
I thank the hon. Gentleman for drawing the House’s attention to yet another very sad case. I am particularly concerned about the number of women who have been targeted as a result of these threats—not only the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) but a number of her Alliance local councillor colleagues. That is of course a matter of very grave concern, particularly at a time when everyone says that we need to attract more women into politics. Few things would provide more of a deterrent to entering politics than the idea that one’s front windows are going to be smashed and one is going to be intimidated. As I said, the PSNI are very focused on protecting those who are subject to these threats. It is difficult for me to comment on individual cases, but I am happy to discuss this one on a bilateral basis with the hon. Gentleman.
Bill Presented
Energy Efficiency and Reduction in Energy Costs Bill
Presentation and First Reading (Standing Order No. 57)
Dr Alan Whitehead, supported by Mr Tim Yeo, John Hemming, Caroline Lucas, Martin Horwood, Sir Peter Bottomley, Martin Caton and Joan Walley, presented a Bill to promote energy efficiency and a reduction in energy costs; and for connected purposes.
Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 18 January 2013, and to be printed (Bill 105).
(11 years, 11 months ago)
Commons Chamber2. What recent discussions she has had with the Northern Ireland Executive on attracting inward investment.
Responsibility for inward investment is largely a devolved matter, but the Government have assured Executive Ministers that we will work closely with them and make every effort to help rebalance the Northern Ireland economy and secure inward investment.
The “Lonely Planet” guide has rated Londonderry/Derry the fourth best city in the world to visit in 2013—the only UK destination in its top 10. Does my right hon. Friend agree that this could help boost tourism and investment in Northern Ireland and support the Londonderry-Derry 2013 UK city of culture programme?
I am very grateful to my hon. Friend for that question. Derry/Londonderry will have a great year next year, with its UK city of culture designation enabling it to project on the world stage what a brilliant city it is. It is also hosting the Fleadh. Such events demonstrate that Northern Ireland is forward-looking, and a great place in which to invest. I was in Derry/Londonderry last week and I was particularly interested in the plans for Digital Derry and the boost that the chamber of commerce wants to give the local economy.
One of the main tools used to attract business into the United Kingdom is regional aid. On future regional aid guidelines, will the Secretary of State support our efforts to have all of Northern Ireland eligible for regional aid, just as we support the UK Government’s efforts to allow support to continue for larger companies?
I believe that it is important that Northern Ireland continues to be able to offer regional aid, given the history of its economy. I have met Arlene Foster to discuss how I can help the Northern Ireland Executive’s efforts to persuade the Commission, when it makes decisions on assisted area status, that the interests of Northern Ireland and its economy should be properly defended.
Has the Secretary of State had a chance to look at the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee report, published last week, which identified air passenger duty as a stumbling block on the road to economic recovery in Northern Ireland? Will she consider accepting our central recommendation and discussing with the Treasury and the Northern Ireland Assembly the prospects of reducing air passenger duty on flights to and from Northern Ireland from Great Britain, or, preferably, removing that tax altogether?
My hon. Friend’s report is strong and he is right to consider the importance of transport links. The Government moved swiftly when the Northern Ireland Executive requested devolution of long-haul air passenger duty. The possibility of reducing short-haul air passenger duty in future is made difficult, of course, by the record deficit that we inherited from Labour. However, the Chancellor is very much aware of the concerns about air passenger duty, and I have discussed the matter with Treasury Ministers on several occasions.
Coming back to the wonderful city of Derry or Londonderry, one of the best examples of inward investment is the Invista, formerly DuPont, plant in my constituency. It won that investment to be the only lycra-producing plant in Europe in worldwide internal competition within the company. Its ability to win future such investment could be compromised by proposed changes in the EU’s REACH—registration, evaluation, authorisation and restriction of chemical substances—legislation. Will the Secretary of State use her position to influence her ministerial colleagues here to ensure that, at the Member State Committee meeting next week, the UK resists those changes?
I am happy to work with ministerial colleagues to ensure that we get the right outcome on REACH. I understand the hon. Gentleman’s concerns. Although the underlying purpose of that directive—to ensure that chemicals are handled safely—is laudable, it would be counter-productive if it destroyed jobs and enterprise and simply exported them outside the European Union. I will therefore press my colleagues to ensure that we get a sensible outcome on REACH, which will not have the damaging impact that the hon. Gentleman fears.
This is an unusual request, but I shall make it anyway. As part of the inward investment power of the G8 summit in Fermanagh next June, will the Secretary of State kindly meet my constituent, Mr Peter Meanley, who is a very distinguished craftsman and wishes to make beautifully glazed Toby jug replicas of all eight Heads of Government and State? It is an usual request, but will the Secretary of State please my constituent and the North Down MP by granting it?
I would be happy to meet the hon. Lady’s constituent. It sounds as though he has an excellent project. Over the coming months, the Government will work hard to ensure that Northern Ireland gets the maximum possible benefits from the G8, which is an opportunity to showcase Fermanagh and the whole of Northern Ireland as a brilliant place to visit as a tourist and a brilliant place in which to invest.
3. What recent assessment she has made of the security situation in Northern Ireland; and if she will make a statement.
The Government are committed to doing all we can to keep people in Northern Ireland safe. The threat level in Northern Ireland remains “severe” but the Police Service of Northern Ireland and its partners are working with dedication and determination in their efforts to frustrate the attacks planned by terrorists.
Northern Ireland is as much a part of the United Kingdom as Dartford, so does the Secretary of State share my deep disappointment that the Union flag will not fly continuously over Belfast city hall, and does she agree with the principle that no law should prevent the Union flag from flying anywhere in the United Kingdom?
I fully appreciate the strength of feeling on the flying of flags, but nothing could possibly justify the scenes of disorder witnessed outside city hall in Belfast earlier this week. Yes, there are serious and significant sensitivities about flag flying, but these decisions must be taken on the basis of sound, reasoned discussions and democratic votes, and not as a result of mobs seeking to beat down the door of city hall.
Given the upcoming G8 summit at the Lough Erne hotel near Enniskillen, which will be important for the whole country and not just Northern Ireland, will my right hon. Friend assure the House that security plans are being drawn up to ensure that the summit is the success it truly deserves to be?
I can give my hon. Friend that assurance. Planning is already very much under way. The Government are committed to working closely with the PSNI and its partners to ensure that the policing and security operations around the G8 are a success.
As we have heard, Londonderry will be the city of culture next year. Will my right hon. Friend join me in congratulating the divisional commander of the PSNI, Mr Stephen Martin, on the exemplary way in which he and his officers have countered the terrorist threat locally so that we can look forward to a full cultural programme next year in that city?
I certainly join my hon. Friend in that. I met PSNI officers from Derry/Londonderry just a week or so ago. They do an incredibly good job in very difficult circumstances with great bravery and dedication. They are determined to continue community policing close to the community. They will not compromise on that, but delivering it in the face of a continuing terrorist threat, and continuing attempts to target and attack officers, is extremely difficult. I am only too happy to join him in congratulating the police in Derry/Londonderry on the job they do.
The Secretary of State will agree that there can be absolutely no justification at any time for attacks on police officers or anyone, or for threats to elected representatives. Those of us who have been the subject of threats, assassination attempts and bombs in our constituency offices and homes know that very well indeed—and we have no time for it whatever.
Further to a previous question, does the Secretary of State agree that naming a playground after an IRA gunman, as Newry and Mourne district council did the other day, and tearing down the national flag at civic buildings in Belfast, do nothing for community relations and are deeply destabilising?
As I have said, the flying of flags outside city hall is a matter for Belfast city council to decide. It is important that it is allowed to make that decision free from any kind of intimidation, including riots outside. I entirely join the right hon. Gentleman in condemning any attempts made to intimidate elected representatives or politicians from whichever party.
As to the decisions local authorities make on naming playgrounds, I do not think it would be sensible or wise for me to interfere in that discussion. We need to move towards a genuinely shared future in Northern Ireland, where such sensitive decisions can be taken on the basis of reason and mutual respect for the points of view of different parts of the community.
I welcomed recently the Secretary of State’s statement that she was not neutral on the Union. People in Northern Ireland will be disappointed that she cannot bring herself to condemn a decision to name a playground after an IRA gunman. A clear message needs to be sent out by the Secretary of State and the House that such behaviour and gestures are deeply destabilising and very damaging to community relations, especially with respect to those parents who will now not take their children to a playground where they feel intimidated.
I entirely respect the right hon. Gentleman’s point of view, but I also totally respect the devolution settlement, whereby a whole range of decisions are now made locally in Northern Ireland. It is not for the Secretary of State to seek to interfere in those decisions, and I have no intention of doing so.
Once again this year disputed parades have led to community tension and serious disorder. Has the Secretary of State recently held discussions with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister about plans to devolve the legal framework for parading in line with the agreement that they reached at Hillsborough castle in 2010?
Parading has been one of the issues I have discussed with the First Minister, the Deputy First Minister and other politicians in Northern Ireland. As the right hon. Gentleman points out, it was discussed as part of the devolution settlement. The Government remain entirely open to a devolved solution on parading, if the political parties in Northern Ireland can build a consensus to deliver it.
4. What practical support she can give to the families from Northern Ireland of those (a) serving in and (b) who have returned from Afghanistan.
7. What recent assessment she has made of the level of cross-border security co-operation between the Police Service of Northern Ireland and An Garda Siochana; and if she will make a statement.
Co-operation between the PSNI and An Garda Siochana has never been stronger. It has made a real difference in tackling terrorism and other forms of criminal activity. I have no doubt that it has saved lives.
I thank my right hon. Friend for her answer. Will she assure the House that co-operation between the PSNI and the Garda covers not only terrorism, but other activities, such as organised crime, that help to finance terrorism? With that in mind, will she tell us what recent discussions she has had with counterparts in Dublin as part of our joint efforts to combat terrorism?
I have had discussions with the Irish Justice Minister, Alan Shatter, the Garda Commissioner, Martin Callinan, and the Taoiseach about the importance of cross-border co-operation. As I said in my opening answer, that co-operation has never been stronger, and we are always open to options for deepening that co-operation in our joint fight against terrorism and criminality.
After congratulating my right hon. the Member for Lagan Valley (Mr Donaldson) on reaching his 50th birthday, will the Secretary of State tell us when she intends next to meet representatives from Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs to discuss how they will tackle fuel and cigarette smuggling on a cross-party basis? It is depriving her Government of billions of pounds in lost tax revenue.
I am happy to join the hon. Gentleman in wishing the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Mr Donaldson) a happy birthday. I have met Treasury Ministers on many occasions, and my colleague, the Minister of State, has recently met representatives from HMRC and will be meeting them again soon. I am happy to do that as well. The Government are strongly committed to cracking down on tax evasion in all forms. We have devoted £917 million, and—who knows?—further announcements on cracking down on tax evasion might be made later this afternoon.
8. What representations she has received from the Finucane family in advance of the scheduled publication of the de Silva report on 12 December 2012.
I have not received any representations from the Finucane family since taking office, but my officials are in touch with the family’s legal advisers on the arrangements for publication of the de Silva review next week.
I thank the Secretary of State for her answer. It seems that we take a long time to bring justice to grieving families, and I am surprised that the Government have been involved in checking the de Silva report. How does she intend to bring justice for the death of Pat Finucane, given that the family have not been involved in the review?
I strongly believe that the de Silva review will reveal the truth. It has been a very serious exercise. One reason the Prime Minister and my predecessor chose the review process, as opposed to a public inquiry, was the experience of public inquiries taking many years. It would not have been right to wait that long or for the family to have to wait another 12 years to get to the truth. The truth is what counts, and I am sure that the de Silva review will reveal it next week.
I thank the Secretary of State for her premature, but nevertheless welcome, birthday wishes.
The Secretary of State takes a great interest in the Finucane case, but will she cast her mind to the families of the 10 people murdered at Kingsmill in south Armagh, and will she note that one of the guns was found in possession of Raymond McCreesh, after whom a play park in Newry has now been named—shamefully—by the Social Democratic and Labour party and others? Will she cast her mind to those innocent victims who today are hurt by the decisions of Newry and Mourne district council, which frankly are a disgrace?
It is important, both today in the House and next week when the de Silva review is published, to remember all the victims of the troubles. There were far too many despicable murders and tragedies, and the focus on individual cases should not blind us to the gravity of the suffering imposed on so many people across so many years. We will be emphasising that next week when we look at the Finucane case. [Interruption.]
Order. I remind the House that we are discussing extremely serious matters of life and death, and it would be appreciated if the House would respond accordingly.
Does the Secretary of State agree that the Finucane case is not just about truth but about justice, and that there is a need to follow through and obtain justice, as much as truth, for the Finucane family?
Of course, the review is about finding the truth and obtaining justice, but whether prosecutions follow will, of course, be a matter for the prosecution authorities, not the Government. [Interruption.]
9. What recent assessment she has made of the activities of dissident republican groups.
Attack planning by these terrorist groupings continues. The level of threat in Northern Ireland remains at “severe”. These groups possess lethal intent and we remain vigilant. The Police Service of Northern Ireland and its partners are working strategically to tackle the threat, to keep the people of Northern Ireland safe and secure.
In view of the continuing activities of the IRA under a new guise—the “new IRA”, and indeed the Continuity IRA—can my right hon. Friend assure me that she has done as much as humanly possible to identify long-term hides of weapons?
The PSNI and its partners, including the Garda Siochana, are focused on suppressing terrorist activity. They are absolutely determined to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure. That means combating the efforts the terrorists are making to access weaponry, whether by seeking to import them, steal them or access hides from the past. This is an important priority for the PSNI, and it has the full support of Her Majesty’s Government in the brilliant work it does on these matters.
Dissident groups have been responsible for bomb attacks on my party headquarters and party members. I thank the Secretary of State for the attention she gives to that issue. However, the most recent attacks on my party colleagues and our party offices—our constituency offices and our staff—with threats and intimidation, have come from loyalist sources. Will she confirm that all threats of politically motivated violence will be treated with the same vigour as dissident republican attacks?
I was discussing this matter with David Ford, the Minister of Justice, this morning. It is unacceptable if elected representatives or their staff are intimidated in any way. I know that the Minister of Justice and the PSNI will continue to defend robustly the ability of politicians in Northern Ireland to carry out their duties without intimidation.
(11 years, 11 months ago)
Written StatementsFollowing my written ministerial statement of 13 November 2012, Official Report, column 13-14WS, I would like to announce that the report of the Patrick Finucane review, chaired by Sir Desmond de Silva QC, will be published on Wednesday 12 December. A statement will be made to this House at the time the report is published.