(1 month ago)
Commons ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
This extract highlights statements made by Government Ministers along with contextual remarks by other members. The full debate can be read here
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I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.
I begin by thanking the Leader of the House, the Chief Whip, their counterparts in the other place, colleagues in my Department and in the NHS, the Bill team and parliamentary counsel, who have moved mountains to prepare this Bill in double-quick time. I once again place on the record my sincere thanks to my counterparts in the Governments of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland—as well as the respective Secretaries of State for those nations—for the spirit in which, regardless of party, they have helped us to bring the Bill forward. Last but by no means least, I am enormously grateful to Jackie Baillie, Labour’s deputy leader in Holyrood, for her wise counsel.
The NHS is on the road to recovery, not least because of the herculean efforts and dedication of NHS leaders and frontline staff who, even in the depths of winter, are delivering outstanding episodes of care, hour after hour and day after day. Among the encouraging signs of year-on-year improvement are waiting lists falling at their fastest rate in three years—down more than 300,000 under Labour—and quicker ambulance response times, shorter waits in A&E and speedier cancer diagnoses for more people. December was the busiest month in NHS history for 999 calls, but despite that, and regardless of industrial action and winter pressures, ambulances arrived at heart attack and stroke patients nearly 15 minutes faster compared with last year.
The progress we are seeing is a reminder that nothing positive for the people who use the NHS ever happens without the people who work in our NHS. Our investment and modernisation are starting to restore confidence and renew belief among frontline staff; with that, hope, optimism and ambition are returning too. That is why, outside of the pandemic, staff retention is at its highest in a decade and vacancies are at their lowest since records began in 2017. There is lots done, but, as we know, there is so much more to do.
I will always be honest about the state of our national health service—what is going well and where we need to improve. There is no sugar coating the fact that staff morale is still too low, and the way that some of our NHS workforce is still treated and the conditions in which too many of them still work are nothing short of a national disgrace. Not only is it a stain on our NHS, but it shames us as a country when those who care for us in our hour of need suffer bullying, harassment and racist abuse; have nowhere to rest, go to the toilet or get changed; cannot get a hot meal on a night shift; have limited flexible working options; must book holiday a year in advance; need to log in seven times just to use a PC; spend time form-filling rather than looking after patients; and face basic errors with pay and contracts. Before Christmas, I had a doctor in my constituency advice surgery in tears as she described the way she had been treated by a previous employer. This is no way to treat the people who kept us going when everything else stopped, so we are taking action.
Trusts are now implementing the 10-point plan for resident doctors and my Department, together with NHS England, is developing new staff standards to create better working practices and better conditions.
We have awarded above-inflation pay rises to everyone working in the NHS for this year and last year, which is beginning to recover the pay erosions seen under the last Government. We have begun 2026 with constructive talks with the British Medical Association’s resident doctors committee, as we seek to broker industrial peace. I have also told NHS leaders that they need to step up when it comes to the conditions that their staff face. They cannot expect the Secretary of State to micromanage availability of hot food in their canteen, for example.
However, there are workforce problems that only Government can solve. We have known for years that the treatment of resident doctors is often totally unacceptable and that the very real fears about their futures are wholly justified. Every time I have met a resident doctor, either formally or informally, they have told me without fail how their careers are blocked because there are far too many applicants for training places. Not only do I think that they have a legitimate grievance, but I agree with them.
The Secretary of State is essentially talking about postgraduate training. I wonder what thought he has given to new clause 2 in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Runnymede and Weybridge (Dr Spencer). I have spoken to students who worked really hard all the way through medical school to get the best exam results and perform highly but then ended up in an allocation system that pays no attention whatsoever to that. Merit has been entirely removed from the system. I think it was wrong for us to make that change. Does he have any sympathy for returning to a merit-based system?
I certainly do have sympathy with that argument. We have begun to move the system in the right direction in terms of giving applicants greater preference in placements, but it is not lost on me that the system of rotations, placements and jobs means doctors are moved around the country and families are uprooted. The frictional cost of relocating from one place to another is a challenge that resident doctors in particular face. I do not think that an amendment to the Bill is the right vehicle in which to address that issue, but I am sympathetic to the arguments that the hon. Member makes, and I am sure he will make them again during this afternoon’s proceedings. We will take his arguments seriously and look to work together with the BMA and others to act to improve the experience of training, rotations and jobs.
UK graduates used to compete among themselves for foundation and specialty roles. Now they are competing against the world, because of the visa and immigration changes made by the Conservative Government post Brexit. The situation is compounded by the previous Administration’s total lack of workforce planning, which saw more students going to medical school without the number of specialty training places being increased. That is why we see the training bottlenecks that resident doctors face today.
Several hon. Members rose—
I will give way to the hon. Member for Henley and Thame (Freddie van Mierlo) and then to my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin (Alistair Strathern).
Freddie van Mierlo (Henley and Thame) (LD)
A constituent of mine is studying medicine at Queen Mary University of London but at a campus in Malta. Students at the Malta campus complete the same General Medical Council-approved curriculum, assessments and licensed exams as London-based students, and graduates hold a UK primary qualification. He was given a formal guarantee that he would be at no disadvantage if he chose to study at the Malta campus. Can the Secretary of State reassure me that graduates like my constituent will be prioritised on the NHS foundation medical training programme?
Students studying in Malta will not be prioritised in the Bill, but they will still be able to make applications. Queen Mary University’s Malta website is clear that Queen Mary does not administer the UK foundation programme and cannot control whether or on what basis applicants are accepted into the programme, and no one is guaranteed a post on qualification.
Will the Secretary of State give way?
I will make some progress because, with respect, I have not yet set out the measures that we are to debate today. Let me take the intervention from my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin, then I will set out the Government’s rationale and take further interventions.
I wonder if the Secretary of State shares my residents’ utter disbelief that the last Government created a system where thousands of UK medical graduates, educated at the cost of billions to the UK taxpayer, were suddenly forced to compete with overseas students, pushing many abroad for their careers and losing a big talent pool that should be powering our NHS and getting it back on its feet.
That is right. I have to say, many of my counterparts around the world cannot fathom how we ended up in this situation in the first place. They certainly do not do as we have been doing, investing so much in their home-grown talent only to then see that talent compete on equal terms with anyone from anywhere else in the world.
Let me set out why we need this Bill. There are workforce problems that only Government can solve. We know that the treatment of resident doctors has been totally unacceptable for years and we see the training bottlenecks that resident doctors face today. In 2019, there were around 12,000 applicants for 9,000 specialty training places. This year, that has soared to nearly 40,000 applicants for 10,000 places, with nearly twice as many overseas-trained applicants as UK-trained ones. As a result, we now have the ridiculous state of affairs where UK medical graduates, whose training British taxpayers fund to the tune of £4 billion a year and who want to carve out a career in their NHS, are either being lost abroad or to the private sector. If we do not deal with that, the scale of the issue and the resentment it causes will just get worse. More taxpayers’ money will be wasted, more British medics will turn their backs on the NHS, and patients and our NHS will ultimately suffer.
Seamus Logan (Aberdeenshire North and Moray East) (SNP)
The Secretary of State knows that the SNP believes that this is a pragmatic Bill that will have a net-positive outcome for the health service in Scotland. We welcome the Bill and are glad to support it. However, there are specialty fields, such as general practice, which have a high number of international graduates. Because of Government policy, there are significant challenges in supporting the retention of some individuals. For example, the new requirement for settled status is 10 years with some exceptions, whereas training programmes are often only three years long. I am sure that the Secretary of State does not want the UK to be a hostile environment for our vital overseas medical staff. Will he therefore make representations to the Home Office so that it is aware of the anomaly?
I will say two things to the hon. Gentleman. This Bill does not in any way detract from the fundamental point that the NHS has always been an overseas recruiter and we have always been fortunate to draw on global talent from around the world who come and give through their service, their taxes and their wider contribution to the national health service and our country. We will continue to welcome that and people will continue to be free to apply. In future, they will apply on terms that are fairer to our own, home-grown talent.
There is nothing in what the Home Secretary proposes that will stop people who come through our universities and have the skills that we need to contribute to our health and care system applying for jobs and settling and making the UK their home. The Bill supports the Home Secretary to reduce an over-reliance on overseas talent and labour, which contributes to levels of net migration that even bleeding-heart liberals like me can see are too high. That is the issue that the Home Secretary seeks to deal with.
Kevin Bonavia (Stevenage) (Lab)
My right hon. Friend is right that we need to deal with this pressing problem and I support the aims of the Bill. However, as he can imagine, as the only current Member of this House with Maltese heritage, I have had representations from all quarters, both in the UK and in Malta, about the impact on Malta of this. Our two countries have a special health relationship, including the affiliation of the UK foundation programme with the Maltese equivalent. I understand that now may not be the time to have Malta in the priority group, but I note that there is a power in clause 4(6) that allows the Secretary of State to amend that in future. Is that something that my right hon. Friend will think about reviewing in future?
My hon. Friend is right about the measures in the Bill. He is also right about the importance of our relationship with Malta, which is long-standing and deep, and this Government place enormous value on that. We will, of course, keep the workings of the measures in the Bill under review. He is also right to say that the Bill provides flexibility to the Secretary of State to adjust, as our needs may demand.
The Bill is basically a good one, and we all share the intent to encourage home-grown talent to remain in our national health service, so could the Health Secretary explain why he appears to have set his face against British students who for various reasons train at, for example, St George’s in Cyprus or St George’s in Grenada and who then want to come back and practise in our national health service? They want to come back and practise at home. Amendment 9 would deal with that conundrum. Why will he not support it?
We set UK medical school places based on future health system needs. We cannot control how many places the overseas campus universities create, whether they are UK-based universities or not. Prioritising those graduates in the way that the right hon. Gentleman suggests would undermine sustainable workforce planning. It would also undermine social mobility and fair access. Those campuses are commercial ventures; they receive no public funding and students are generally self-funded. The nature of prioritisation is that we set priorities, and these are the priorities that this Government are setting out. We must break our over-reliance on international recruitment.
As I have said, I am proud of the fact that the NHS is an international employer, and it is no coincidence that the Empire Windrush landed on these shores in 1948, the very year our NHS was founded. We are lucky that we have people from around the world who come and work in our health and care service. Since Brexit, however, under the last Government, we have begun to see something much more corrosive, with the NHS poaching staff from countries on the World Health Organisation’s red list because their own shortages of medical practitioners are so severe. The continued plundering of doctors from countries that desperately need them while we have an army of talented and willing recruits who cannot get jobs is morally unacceptable. If some Opposition Members want to defend that record and dismiss the morality argument, I would point out that that position is naive on economic grounds. Competition for medical staff has never been fiercer. The World Health Organisation estimates a shortfall of 11 million health workers by 2030. Shoring up our own workforce will limit our exposure to such global pressures without depriving other countries of their own home-grown talent.
Ben Coleman (Chelsea and Fulham) (Lab)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his excellent speech and the strong points that he is delivering. I associate myself with the remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Stevenage (Kevin Bonavia) about Malta. As a member of the Health and Social Care Committee, I have also been approached by Queen Mary University. It seems to me that we should be approaching this with a sense of fairness, and if students have entered into a GMC-recognised course with the expectation of having priority access for foundation status, we should accept that those who are currently in training still enjoy that, even if we change the rules for people who enter those courses in the future. Is that something that my right hon. Friend will consider?
As I have said, the position we have set out is founded on fairness. The basis on which people have applied to these universities has made it clear that the universities cannot guarantee places and that overseas applicants studying at UK universities’ overseas campuses can still apply. There is nothing to prevent those people from applying, but when it comes to prioritisation, we are prioritising UK-trained medical graduates from UK-based universities who have undertaken their training here in the UK. I think that is the right priority to draw.
I will take an intervention from the hon. Gentleman. I will come to my right hon. Friend in a moment.
Gregory Stafford
The Secretary of State mentioned the need for more medical staff across the world and, of course, in this country as well. At the general election, he pledged to double the number of medical school places by 2030. Is that still a commitment, and how far has he got with it?
With respect, I think the hon. Gentleman has got his chronology slightly wrong. As shadow Health Secretary, I proposed that we should double the number of undergraduate medical school places. That policy was poached by the then Conservative Government, who made modest progress with it. We then came into government, looked at their long-term workforce plan and concluded that it was not a particularly long-term workforce plan, and we are revising it as we speak. The number of medical school places will be determined by future need. We will publish our long-term workforce plan in the not-too-distant future.
I will give way to the hon. Lady and then to my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East (Anneliese Dodds).
Alison Bennett
The Secretary of State rightly notes that there is international competition for healthcare talent. On Friday, I met Dr Osoba, a GP who trains future GPs. She told me how disheartening it is to train future GPs whose intention is to leave the UK. What is the Secretary of State doing to ensure that British-trained medics stay working in the NHS?
The hon. Member puts her finger right on the issue at the heart of the Bill. That is exactly the challenge we want it to address. The Bill is not a panacea—it does not solve all the problems—but reducing competition for specialty places from around four to one to less than two to one, as the Bill will do, will make it far more likely that people who have undertaken their training here in the UK will stay here and contribute to our national health service. Of course, there is much more to do on career structure, pay and conditions, but we will go as fast as we can and as far as the country can afford. We recognise that we need to keep the great people we have invested in, because doing so is in their interest and in our national interest.
My question relates to exactly that issue. The Secretary of State will be aware, because I have written to his Department about it a number of times, that many disabled medics face a particular challenge. They may have had to take time out of their training because of a medical condition. They are told that they can obtain a certificate of readiness to enter specialty training and go into a training specialism, but the computer says no and NHS England is not sorting this out. Will he please get a personal grip on this and fix it for my constituents?
I am certainly aware of my right hon. Friend’s concerns. I can give her that assurance and will report back to her on progress.
Without action to prioritise UK medics, we will also make it tougher than it already is for those from working-class backgrounds like mine to become doctors—or, for that matter, to even consider a career in medicine. The odds are already stacked against them: they are less likely to know doctors, their teachers may be less familiar with how to help students into medical school, they will have fewer opportunities to do work experience, and fewer people in their lives will tell them that they should aim high and reach for the stars. The result is that only 5% of medical school entrants are from lower-income working-class backgrounds. Someone’s background should not be a barrier to becoming a doctor, so our job—especially as a Labour Government committed to social justice—is not just to ensure that a few kids like me beat the odds, but to change the odds for every child in this country so that they can go as far as their talents will take them.
Aphra Brandreth (Chester South and Eddisbury) (Con)
It is vital that we address this issue to ensure that UK-trained doctors are prioritised for vacancies over international applicants—the Secretary of State is making important points about that. We need those places to be opened up for UK medics immediately, so will he explain why the Bill will not come into force immediately after Royal Assent but instead includes provision for it to come into force
“on such day or days as the Secretary of State may by regulations appoint”?
It is important that the Bill is workable. A number of factors may well interrupt our ability to move at the pace at which I want to open up those places. One of those factors is the ongoing risk of industrial action. We know that the BMA is balloting for further industrial action at the moment. We respect the process that it is undertaking, and we are not closing the door to discussions while it does so. However, we are clear that that is a further disruption risk. I hope that we will be in a position to open up a new application round very shortly for current applicants, but that will depend on our ability to expedite the passage of the Bill through both Houses, and to ensure that the system is ready to implement it. That is why bringing forward the Bill on this timescale has been particularly important.
I am grateful to the Health Secretary; he is being generous with his time. Is he saying that he intends to use this as some sort of lever or bargaining chip in his discussion with the BMA?
I am clear that this is about whether the system will be ready to implement the measures in the Bill. I must say that I view the Conservatives’ amendment on this issue with a degree of cynicism. Not so long ago, they were accusing me of being too kind to resident doctors when it came to making changes to pay or conditions without something in return. They seem to have completely changed their position. I am sure that that is not remotely cynical and is for entirely noble reasons, but I will wait for the shadow Health Secretary, the right hon. Member for Daventry (Stuart Andrew), to make his case. Let’s just say that I am not entirely convinced.
The Bill implements the commitment in our 10-year plan for health to put home-grown talent at the front of the queue for medical training posts. Starting this year, it prioritises graduates from UK medical schools and other priority groups over applicants from overseas during the current application round and in all subsequent years. For the UK foundation programme, the Bill requires that places are allocated to UK medical graduates and those in a priority group before they are allocated to other eligible applicants.
For specialty training, the Bill effectively reduces the competition for places from around four to one, where it is today, to less than two to one. That is a really important point for resident doctors to hear, not least because in the debate we had on the Government’s previous offer to the BMA, that point was lost amid some of the broader and, frankly, more contested arguments between the Government and the BMA around pay. It is not just the provision of additional training posts that reduces the competition ratio; it is also the measures in this Bill. I hope that that message is heard clearly by resident doctors as they think about their own futures immediately or in the coming years. For posts starting this year, there must be prioritisation at the offer stage, and for training posts starting from 2027, prioritisation will apply at both the shortlisting and offer stages.
In the 10-year plan, we committed to prioritising international applicants with significant NHS experience for specialty places in recognition of the contribution they have made to our nation’s health. This year, we will use immigration status as a proxy for determining those who are eligible, so that we can introduce prioritisation as soon as possible. From next year, under the terms of the Bill, we will set out in regulations how we are defining significant NHS experience.
I give way to my hon. Friend with significant NHS experience.
Dr Opher
I commend the speed with which my right hon. Friend has brought this legislation to Parliament. I have been a GP trainer for 25 years. Fifty per cent of GP trainees are international medical graduates, and there has been some disquiet from them. Will he reassure our international medical graduates that they are welcome and treasured in the health service?
My hon. Friend is absolutely right about the contribution that international medical graduates make, and I have no doubt that that will continue to be the case for many years to come. I hope it is clear to those going through medical school or aspiring to a career in medicine that, in terms of the future of healthcare in this country, general practice is where it’s at. We are looking to shift the centre of gravity in the NHS out of hospital and into the community, with care closer to people’s homes and, indeed, in people’s homes, with GPs as leaders of a neighbourhood health service. I hope that gives encouragement to GPs serving today about the future of their profession, about which they care enormously. I also hope that that message resonates with people who are thinking about a career in medicine, when they think about what kind of career that might be.
Sarah Pochin (Runcorn and Helsby) (Reform)
I recently spoke to a doctor in my constituency who was concerned about resident doctors going abroad to get a training place in their chosen specialty. We in Reform welcome this Bill. Can the Secretary of State make a commitment that we will prioritise our own UK-trained resident doctors ahead of those trained abroad, and will he assure me that the Bill will help UK-trained resident doctors to secure a training post in their chosen specialty?
I can give the hon. Member that assurance—that is exactly what the Bill does. Madam Deputy Speaker, I cannot, however, resist the enormous temptation to say that while I welcome the support of the hon. Member and her party, I hope that her party’s position will not change now that it has adopted so many of the formerly Conservative culprits who landed us with this system in the first place. Whether it is the former Home Secretary, the right hon. and learned Member for Fareham and Waterlooville (Suella Braverman), or the former Immigration Minister, the right hon. Member for Newark (Robert Jenrick), I am afraid that Reform looks rather more like the Conservative party that the country rejected at the last election, which I am sure will not be lost on people when they go to the ballot box in May—[Interruption.] As my hon. Friend the Minister for Care says from a sedentary position, Reform UK are increasingly the teal Tories—it is certainly the most successful recycling project currently taking place in the House of Commons. Anyway, that was totally self-indulgent, and very churlish given that the hon. Member for Runcorn and Helsby (Sarah Pochin) is supporting the Bill, so I will slap myself on the wrist and get back to the serious matters at hand.
As we set out these changes, it is important to note that they will have no impact on doctors working in the armed forces, who will continue to be a priority, and neither does the Bill exclude international talent, as people will still be able to apply for roles and continue to bring new and vital skills to our NHS. The principle here is home-grown talent. It is not about where students are born; it is about where they are trained. What the Bill does is return us to the fair terms on which those home-grown medics competed before Brexit.
Robin Swann (South Antrim) (UUP)
I welcome the Secretary of State’s approach to the Bill, and how he has worked across all devolved Administrations. May I seek his assurance that medical students who reside in Northern Ireland, who identify as Irish and who study in an Irish institution in the Republic of Ireland will not be excluded from coming back to work in the national health service in Northern Ireland, where we very much need all the talent we can get?
I absolutely give the hon. Member that assurance—the Bill covers medical graduates from the UK and Ireland, for very obvious reasons. I welcome the broad support that the Bill appears to have across the House, because for the changes to benefit applicants in the current round—for posts starting this August—it must achieve Royal Assent by 5 March. Any delay will risk vacancies in August and disrupt planning in NHS trusts, which rely on their new trainees to deliver frontline care. Doctors also need sufficient time to find somewhere to live, sort childcare and arrange other aspects of their lives before their posts start. I am grateful that Parliament has agreed to expedite the Bill’s progress, and confident that we will be able to work at pace with our majority in this House, and with cross-party support in the other place.
I sense that the Secretary of State is about to reach the end of his remarks. We are keen to start the debate, but it would be helpful to get clarity on one thing before we begin. When will we see the workforce plan? It has been delayed a couple of times. We wrote to the Department in November asking for an explanation as to why it has been delayed and when we can expect it. Can the Secretary of State give us some clarity, because that is the context in which the narrow technical measure that we are discussing needs to happen?
That is a fair question from the Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee. We are taking longer than I would have liked with the workforce plan. I hope it reassures the hon. Member and the House that we have taken more time because that is what the royal colleges, trade unions, and clinical and NHS leaders asked us to do. Their strong urging was to get it right, rather than rush according to a political timetable, which I thought was a fair challenge. It will be published this spring.
Alex McIntyre (Gloucester) (Lab)
I welcome this legislation. Does the Secretary of State agree with me that the fact that the Government have listened to the concerns of resident doctors about training places, and have acted at pace to bring forward the legislation, shows that we as a Government are committed to fixing the problems left behind by the Conservative Government? Does he agree that the BMA should consider that when thinking about going forward with any potential further action?
I agree with my hon. Friend. For context, I say to members of the BMA and resident doctors that to bring forward legislation in this way and at this pace is not easy. We have a packed legislative programme. The clock is ticking on getting everything through that we want to get through in the time that we have available, and I am grateful to the business managers in both Houses for facilitating the Bill. Cross-party support is going to be important, particularly in the other place, where we have lots of expertise to draw on, including from Cross-Bench peers.
We have introduced the legislation because fundamentally we agree with the case that the BMA and resident doctors have been making. In our discussions with BMA representatives, immediately prior to the last round of industrial action and since, it has been very clear that when it comes to jobs, we are not that far apart. We recognise the problems and we are working together to address the solution. On pay, there remains a gap between the expectations of the BMA and what the Government can afford. All I ask of resident doctors and their BMA representatives is some understanding and a bit of give and take about the range of pressures on the Government and the national health service, many of which require funding, which is why there are choices and trade-offs.
I hope that the BMA representatives know and have noticed that, regardless of the fact that we remain in dispute on these issues and have had a number of rounds of industrial action, I have not slammed the door in their faces and stopped talking—we have continued with good-natured and constructive talks—and I have not thrown my toys out of the pram either, and said “Right, we will not proceed with this Bill.” We have continued to work to enact solutions that we think are good for resident doctors, and therefore good for patients and good for the NHS. I hope that this will be the spirit in which we can work together.
The goal is to be in a place, particularly with the BMA and resident doctors although this applies to other groups in the workforce too, where we can work together and make progress outside disputes, so that we can gather around tables as partners, rather than as opponents. That will take some gear shifting from where we have been to where we want to be, but I know that both the Government and the BMA have entered the new year in that spirit, so we will continue to make progress.
Having stressed the urgency of the legislation, I want to address the commencement clause included in the Bill, which has already been raised. First and foremost, it is there as a failsafe. We are running to an extremely tight deadline. I do not want to be in a position where a law is enacted and we are unable to implement it in a timely and orderly fashion. Secondly, there is a material consideration about whether it is even possible to proceed if strikes are ongoing, because of the pressure that they put on resources and the disruption that is caused operationally, particularly among the people I require to help me deliver the measures in the Bill. Of course, I am keeping my options open. We are in a good place with the BMA, and we have entered the latest round of talks in good spirit, but we do not yet have an agreement on their disputes and we are waiting for the outcome of their ballot, so I am not going to do anything now that unnecessarily makes it harder to end the strikes.
The Opposition amendment to remove the commencement clause is designed to make industrial action more likely, not less likely. It tries to bind my hands and make this job even more difficult. It looks like political gameplaying, at a time when we are trying to save the NHS, and it looks like party interest before national interest. I hope that the Conservatives will consider whether their amendment is really necessary.
British taxpayers spend £4 billion training medics every year. We treat them poorly, place obstacles in their way and make them fearful for their futures. We are forcing young people, who should be the future of our NHS, to work abroad, in the private sector or to quit the profession entirely. It is time that we protect our investment and our home-grown talent. This Bill will ensure a sustainable workforce, cut our reliance on foreign labour, halve competition for places and give home-grown talent a path to become the next generation of NHS doctors. I commend this Bill to the House.
It is a pleasure to close on behalf of the Government. I welcome the support of the Opposition spokespeople and the Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee, the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon (Layla Moran). I put on record my thanks to them for meeting me in advance of the Bill and for airing their concerns.
From the many contributions this afternoon, there is clearly a broad base of sympathy and support right across the House for the measures in the Bill to support our NHS staff, who have been at the sharp end of every ill-conceived policy of the past 14 years—not least since the previous Government lifted the visa restrictions in 2020, as outlined by my hon. Friend the Member for Bournemouth West (Jessica Toale). The last Government’s failure to do any proper workforce planning has also led to patients struggling to find a GP appointment while GPs struggle to get a job, bottlenecks for resident doctors and an over-reliance on overseas workers and a refusal to foster our own home-grown talent.
Although I welcome the support, I find it slightly ironic that some of the Opposition speeches were around the need for clear and consistent routes and for clarity. That is exactly what we intend to provide to fix the mess. We will bring forward wider issues in the workforce plan, which, as the boss said earlier, will be in the spring. That is as a result of the concerns around training from the Royal Colleges and other stakeholders and making sure that we do that properly. We will bring that forward in due course.
I am going to make some progress. Time is of the essence, I am afraid, but we can pick up more in Committee.
When I was a manager in the NHS, I worked alongside many overseas doctors, and I want to make it clear from this Dispatch Box this afternoon that they are, of course, welcome here. The NHS is and always will be one of the most diverse employers in the world. This Bill is about bringing future generations into the health service and giving them the secure future that we all know they need. It is about sustainable workforce planning so that patients are no longer at the mercy of the market. Crucially, it is also about fairness. How is it fair that every year the taxpayer picks up a £4 billion bill to train medics who cannot then get jobs? Those taxpayers deserve a return on their investment. How is it fair that medics in this country put themselves forward to train, make sacrifices, get into debt and work long hours only to find themselves trapped in bottlenecks?
I am going to try to address a number of colleagues’ points. I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland Central (Lewis Atkinson), for his experience and for outlining the capacity and demand issues that people like him have to face as managers, and also for his important point about our workforce needing to reflect our society. He talked about the great work being done in Sunderland, and I was pleased to meet the leaders there, including Dr Wilkes, to see the work they are doing so that we can take that elsewhere. That is exactly what we want to do.
I also commend my hon. Friend the Member for Carlisle (Ms Minns)—the mum of a nurse, as she told us—for putting on the record the work of the Pears Cumbria School of Medicine and the intention of growing doctors who are steeped in Cumbria. She also mentioned health inequalities, and I would be pleased to meet my hon. Friend to discuss those issues further. My hon. Friend the Member for Thurrock (Jen Craft) was right to highlight the soaring numbers of people we are losing and to recognise that it was all going back to front.
Why do we need emergency legislation? We need Royal Assent by 5 March at the latest to ensure that the change happens this year. We do not want medics to face another year of bottlenecks. Specialty training offers will be made from March, and any delay will risk vacancies in August. This emergency legislation gives the NHS the certainty and stability it needs to carry on bringing down waiting lists and to keep us on the road to recovery. The people applying for those posts need enough time to make decisions about their lives, including deciding where they will move, finding accommodation and sorting childcare, and they deserve enough time to get on with that.
A number of colleagues have raised the definition of prioritisation for training posts. Let us be clear that, for specialty training posts starting this year, we will prioritise UK medical graduates and others, using their immigration status as a proxy for having significant experience of working in the health service. Colleagues might wonder whether there has been some pulling of strings to include Irish doctors in that prioritisation, but I can assure them that that is not the case. Ireland is included because of our special and long-standing relationship with Ireland and very similar epidemiology. I thank the hon. Member for South Antrim (Robin Swann) for the important points he raised about Magee College and working with the devolved institutions. I can assure him that officials have worked closely with officials in Northern Ireland on this. If there are any other issues, he should please raise them, but we have worked closely on that point.
From next year, 2027, immigration status will no longer automatically determine priority. I accept some of the points from my hon. Friend the Member for Poole (Neil Duncan-Jordan) . He perhaps suggested that the proposal was crude, but it is a proxy for this year. Next year we will bring forward regulations to prioritise whether someone has significant experience as a doctor in the health service or by reference to their immigration status. This point was raised by the Chair of the Select Committee, the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon, and many others. We will continue to work with all partners and the devolved Governments to agree those criteria in time for the autumn application round.
On international staff, my hon. Friends the Members for Birmingham Edgbaston (Preet Kaur Gill) and for Uxbridge and South Ruislip (Danny Beales), the Chair of the Select Committee and others raised the issue of foreign doctors. Let us be clear that international staff play an important role in our NHS and they always will. The NHS might be the most diverse public body in the world, and we would not have it any other way, but we are recruiting doctors from abroad—sometimes even from countries that are short of medical staff—when there is already a pool of applicants at home.
As my hon. Friend the Member for Morecambe and Lunesdale (Lizzi Collinge) said, we are not about nicking other people’s workforces. Home-grown doctors are more likely to work in the NHS for longer, and be better equipped to deliver healthcare tailored to the UK’s population, because having been trained in the UK’s epidemiology, they better understand it. It is not fair for British taxpayers to spend over £4 billion training medics every year, as my hon. Friends the Members for Worthing West (Dr Cooper) and for Cannock Chase (Josh Newbury) said. Nor is it fair for doctors who struggled to get into specialty training places. As my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Edgbaston said, a responsible Government get a grip on this.
I will refer to the amendments when we move into Committee of the whole House. We are seeing the green shoots of recovery as we repair the NHS following the damage done over the past 14 years. We are turning another page on that decline. However, the decision in 2020 to lift visa restrictions has done untold damage to the system and to staff morale, and contributed to a national mood of cynicism and pessimism, especially among the young, so we need to act. Those points were articulated well by the hon. Member for Weald of Kent (Katie Lam), and expertly, as always, by my hon. Friend the Member for Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket (Peter Prinsley).
Let me end my remarks by talking about the many young people who will be affected by the changes that we are setting out. As my hon. Friend the Member for Ipswich (Jack Abbott) said, these are not abstract statistics but personal costs. When I speak to those in my family, my constituency and even my parliamentary office who have breached the first barrier of getting to a medical school from a state school, I am disheartened to hear how many of them feel that their careers would be better served by moving abroad. In the 1970s, James Callaghan said that if he were a young man, he would emigrate. I do not want young people to take that path; I would rather say to them, “By all means, travel, see the world and enjoy that time, but there are great opportunities for you all in this country, and we want you to rebuild the NHS with us.” My niece is currently in Australia, and we sometimes call this the “bring Talia home Bill”.
The NHS must play its part in training our young people and keeping top talent in the UK. If colleagues agree that that is worth doing, and if they want to keep our people here, they should join us in voting for the Bill.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read a Second time; to stand committed to a Committee of the whole House (Order, this day).
(1 month ago)
Commons ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
This extract highlights statements made by Government Ministers along with contextual remarks by other members. The full debate can be read here
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
In the interests of time, I will address the amendments at the end of proceedings, when I have heard from them—I think we have the gist of most of those issues. I restate our firm commitment to the Bill and all clauses.
Let me turn to clause 4 and clarify how we are defining “UK medical graduate” and “the priority group” for the purposes of the Bill. “UK medical graduate” in this context excludes those who have spent all or the majority of their time training for their medical qualification outside the British isles. This means that if a person has obtained a primary UK qualification but has studied mainly overseas, they will not be eligible for prioritisation as a UK medical graduate unless they fall into another group that is to be prioritised under the Bill. While internationally educated graduates from overseas remain an important part of the workforce and can continue to be recruited under the Bill, we are committed to growing home-grown talent, who are more likely to work in the NHS for longer, and to be better equipped to deliver healthcare tailored to the UK’s population.
Clause 8 sets out the territorial extent of the Bill and deals with commencement. The Bill extends to England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, and we have worked closely with the devolved Governments to ensure that it meets all needs and provides consistency. We are grateful to them for their support in bringing these measures forward so quickly. The Bill will engage the legislative consent motion process, and the devolved Governments have committed to commence this process in their Parliaments.
To ensure that the systems, planning and operational capacity required for successful implementation are in place, the Bill will be commenced
“on such day or days as the Secretary of State may by regulations appoint.”
As the Secretary of State outlined on Second Reading, this is an important fail-safe to ensure that we are not in a position in which a law is enacted that we cannot implement effectively at the time. I am happy to expand on that after we have discussed the amendments, but the key issue is the ability of the NHS and training providers to deliver the measure. That is why we have a fail-safe; we first need to be very clear that the NHS is in a position to deliver. Members have talked about the strikes. Those would be one consideration, and there are many others. We are asking the NHS and training providers to do something very difficult very quickly, and in order to ensure that they have the capacity and capability to do it safely, we are reserving the right to commence the Bill at a later date, rather than at the end of this Session. I will come back to the amendments when I close the debate.
I call the shadow Minister.
As always, Mrs Cummins, it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship. I rise to speak to new clause 2, which stands in my name and is supported by many other Conservative Members. I declare again that I am now a non-practising doctor and my wife is a doctor.
I believe that ambition should be encouraged, and success should be dependent on the talent and hard work of the individual. However, in a vocation where we really want to encourage and support the brightest and the best, the signal being beamed out by the NHS and its various arms and quangos is unfortunately quite different. We have already seen this over the years in how the NHS treats competence and excellence among doctors—someone could be the best doctor in the world and be treated exactly the same as someone who is just about competent. No other operation would approach employment, and celebrating and supporting success, in that way.
I do not think, though, that I have ever seen as egregious and extreme an example of completely ignoring talent and merit as the preference informed allocation system. The shadow Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham (Dr Johnson), has laid out some of the details behind that system, but I encourage Members across the Committee to read about how preference informed allocation works—about the soulless, computerised, algorithmic method by which it allocates human beings a random number. That random number is then the sum total of those people’s dreams, hopes and ambitions when it comes to placements as they take their first steps into their medical career. To me, PIA looks better suited to the dystopian sci-fi programmes that I enjoy watching—better suited to “Logan’s Run” or “The Prisoner”, in which people are allocated numbers. It is not the way that we should be treating people in this country, and it is outrageous that such a system has been brought into force. We in this House should stand up for merit, and I really hope the Minister will affirm from the Dispatch Box today that the Government will dismantle this awful scheme.
I am grateful to Members for their contributions to the wider debate at this hour and for their considered amendments. I will respond briefly to their points and the amendments that have been tabled.
Amendment 6 and 7 would widen the scope of who is prioritised for specialty training starting in 2026 by prioritising applicants who worked as a doctor in the health service on 13 January. Although we welcome the intention to recognise the importance of internationally trained doctors, we cannot accept the amendments at this time. They would mean that the Bill was ineffective in delivering on its intention to tackle bottlenecks and ensure that we have a sustainable medical workforce that can meet the needs of the population.
I remind the Committee again that the Bill does not exclude anyone. In particular, there are likely to be opportunities in specialties such as general practice, core psychiatry and internal medicine, which historically attract fewer applicants from the groups we are prioritising for 2026. International medical graduates also continue to have opportunities in locally employed doctor roles. That could lead to NHS experience that might count towards future prioritisation as we look to make regulations to set criteria for what is considered “significant” NHS experience from 2027.
Amendment 10 would ensure that members of the armed forces are not excluded from prioritisation due to having undertaken medical training while on posting outside the British islands. We cannot accept that amendment as we believe it is not necessary. That is because medical cadets do not spend time outside the British islands as part of their UK medical degree. While cadets undertake their elective with the military, which may be overseas, that is no different from other civilian medical students, many of whom undertake electives overseas. As such, we do not believe that medical cadets are disadvantaged by the Bill.
Amendment 9 would include all British citizens within the priority groups so that British citizens will be prioritised for the purposes of the foundation programme and specialty training from 2027 onwards. It has no effect for 2026 specialty training, as British citizens are already prioritised by virtue of their immigration status. We therefore cannot accept the amendment. To do so would risk a significant increase in the pool of prioritised doctors who would compete with UK-trained doctors. The amendment would incentivise the expansion of the market for overseas medical schools, including medical schools working with foreign Governments to grow the overseas campus sector. That could offset any increase in postgraduate training places and undermine workforce planning. While British citizens will be prioritised for specialty training places in 2026, this is a proxy that is necessary for practical reasons. From 2027 we want to prioritise applications with experience and training based in the NHS.
Again, prioritisation does not mean exclusion. International medical graduates who are not prioritised will still be able to apply and will be offered places if vacancies remain after prioritised applicants have received offers. However, it is important that we do not incentivise actions that will undermine the Bill. This Bill will reduce competition for places for UK-trained doctors so that home-grown talent can become the next generation of NHS doctors.
Amendment 8 would limit the definition of a UK foundation programme in clause 5 to include programmes only where the majority of training has occurred within the UK. Although I understand the desire to do that, the number of doctors on a foundation programme within the meaning of the Medical Act 1983, but where the majority of training occurs outside the UK, is very small. Indeed, we understand that there is only one such active training programme. There are fewer than 25 doctors on that programme this year, of which fewer than five applied to continue their training in the UK. As such, there is no material impact on the Bill, so we do not think amendment 8 is necessary. However, we will keep the situation under review.
Amendments 2, 3, 4 and 5 would change the procedure for making regulations to set additional priority groups for specialty training from 2027. The regulations would prioritise additional groups based on criteria indicating that a person is likely to have significant experience of working as a doctor in the health service or by reference to their immigration status. To be clear on our intention, the Bill sets out the groups of people who are to be prioritised for specialty training from 2027 onwards. The delegated power is limited to adding to that list by reference to their having
“significant experience of working as a doctor in the National Health Service”,
or immigration status. Although I am sympathetic to the desire for more parliamentary scrutiny, as outlined by the hon. Member for North Shropshire (Helen Morgan), we believe that, due to the limited scope of the power, the negative procedure is justifiable. I therefore encourage her not to press those amendments to a Division.
Amendment 1 would change the commencement of the Bill—from being commenced by regulations to being commenced automatically on Royal Assent. As my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State outlined, the commencement clause is important, and I have addressed that point. It is a failsafe that, given the tight timeline for introducing the Bill, will ensure that we are not in a position where a law is enacted that we cannot implement effectively for whatever unforeseen reason.
As I have said, there is also the question of whether it is even possible to implement prioritisation if, for example, the strikes are ongoing, given the strain that they put on resources and the impact that could have on delivery of the Bill. Because our objective is not just to move quickly but to get this right, these considerations are key to the commencement of the Bill, which is why the Government believe that we need to be able to commence the Bill when it makes sense to do so. For those reasons, we cannot accept the amendment.
We do not think that new clauses 1 and 3 are necessary, because the data is already published, or, as we have said, we would be seeking to monitor the impact. New clause 2 would require the allocation of individual candidates to foundation and specialty training places on merit, once the requirements to prioritise certain applicants had been met. We consider the new clause to be unnecessary at this time because existing systems for recruitment to foundation and specialty training already assess the applicants on many of the merits outlined by in it. The Bill does not alter that; it simply ensures that UK medical graduates and other eligible applicants are prioritised.
I am coming to the hon. Gentleman’s point. We will keep the current system under review—I think the Secretary of State was clear about that—but we think that any change is best made through established guidance rather than through legislation.
Many Members raised the issue of our relationship with Malta and Queen Mary, and the work that is done there. That relationship is clearly important. We have a great deal of work ongoing with Queen Mary, in the medical field as well as others. We are not excluding anyone. We are making sure that the prioritisation works in the best way possible, and we will of course keep all that under review. I thank hon. Members for their constructive debate on this important legislation.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 1 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 2 and 3 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 4
“UK medical graduate” and “the priority group”
Amendment proposed: 9, page 3, line 3, after “are” insert
“a British citizen or are”.—(Stuart Andrew.)
This amendment would require British citizens to be prioritised for places on UK Foundation programmes and for interviews and places on speciality training programmes from 2027 onwards.
Question put, That the amendment be made.
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Third time.
I will not use this time to rehearse any of the arguments made today. We have had some good discussions. I want to thank the Leader of the House, the Chief Whip, parliamentary counsel and business managers, the public servants in my Department and NHS England, who have worked so hard to bring this together, and the devolved Governments for their support. They really have worked well together to bring this important measure to this place.
I am also grateful to all colleagues for scrutinising the Bill so thoughtfully and thoroughly during today’s proceedings and, as I said previously, for meeting me last week to go through some of the provisions. It shows that Parliament can put its shoulder to the wheel and get stuff done in the public interest. We act in the public interest because we were elected on a mandate to fix our broken NHS and make it fit for the future, and we will not succeed in that goal without our workforce, who are and will always be our greatest asset.
When I worked in the NHS during the Lansley reforms, I had a front-row seat to see their devastating impact on staff morale. I saw that patients bore the brunt of some of that collapsing morale. When our workforce does well, our NHS does well. That is why we are working to restore confidence and renew belief among frontline staff. The Bill is another step on that journey, and I urge colleagues to come with us and see it through.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed.
(3 weeks, 2 days ago)
Lords ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
This extract highlights statements made by Government Ministers along with contextual remarks by other members. The full debate can be read here
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
That the Bill be now read a second time.
Northern Ireland, Scottish and Welsh legislative consent sought.
My Lords, it is essential that the changes we hope to make in this Bill resolve some of the existing workforce issues within our NHS. I say at the outset that the Bill will not be a silver bullet, and I do not wish to present it as such, but the changes it introduces for foundation and specialty training will lead to a more sustainable medical workforce that can better meet the health needs of our population.
I am most grateful to all those who have engaged with us, including the devolved Governments, to recognise the shared challenges that we face across the United Kingdom. My thanks are also due to noble Lords from across the House for their constructive contributions, time and interest in meeting me and officials. I am also most grateful for the cross-party support that has been demonstrated, both in the other place and in my discussions with the Front Benches in this House. A number of organisations have also expressed their support, including: the BMA, the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges, the Royal College of Physicians, and the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh.
The NHS is beginning to show signs of recovery, following a period of unprecedented strain. Nothing in the NHS functions without its workforce and I am grateful for the dedication and professionalism of our workforce. Supporting, valuing and planning for that workforce is fundamental and, I know, something that your Lordships’ House takes a great interest in—and rightly so. Because the NHS depends on its workforce, we are developing a long-term approach to workforce planning, aligned with the ambitions set out in the 10-year health plan published in July, which set out the intent of this Bill.
That work will culminate in the publication of a 10-year workforce plan in the spring, setting out how we intend to ensure that the NHS has the right people in the right places with the right skills. Staff have been clear for some time that they want change, not only in absolute numbers but in how they are trained, supported and treated at work. We have heard from many who have been exceptionally frustrated by the current application process. There are challenges within medical training that cannot be addressed without legislative change, and that is why we are taking action with this Bill. I am absolutely delighted that my noble friends Lord Duvall and Lord Roe have chosen to make their maiden speeches in this important debate. I, like all noble Lords, very much look forward to hearing from them.
One of the most pressing of those challenges is the severe bottleneck in postgraduate medical training. For several years now, the number of applicants for foundation and specialty training places has grown far more rapidly than the number of available posts. In 2019, there were around 12,000 applicants for 9,000 specialty training places. In 2020, visa restrictions were lifted, and we find this year that this has soared to nearly 40,000 applicants for 10,000 places, with significantly more overseas-trained applicants than UK-trained ones.
This has created intense competition, uncertainty and frustration for many at the start of their careers. At the same time our NHS has become increasingly reliant on international recruitment. This Government deeply value the contribution made by doctors from all around the world, many of whom have played and continue to play a vital role in patient care, and nothing in in this Bill diminishes that contribution. However, it is neither sustainable nor ethically comfortable for the UK to depend so heavily on recruiting doctors from countries that themselves face serious workforce challenges while a growing number of UK-trained doctors struggle to access training posts. Competition for medical staff has never been fiercer. The World Health Organization estimates a shortfall of 11 million health workers by 2030. Shoring up our own workforce will limit our exposure to such global pressures without depriving other countries of their homegrown talent, and this Bill seeks to address that imbalance.
Let me turn to the Bill itself. The Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill gives effect to the Government’s commitment to place UK-trained doctors and other defined priority groups at the front of the queue for medical training posts. It does so while continuing to allow internationally trained doctors to apply for and contribute to the NHS. Let me emphasise that the Bill is about prioritisation. It is not about excluding people, but it is unashamedly about prioritisation. For the UK foundation programme, the Bill requires that places are allocated to UK medical graduates and those in priority groups before being offered to other eligible applicants. For specialty training, it introduces prioritisation initially at the offer stage for 2026 and from 2027 at both the short-listing and offer stages. That will significantly reduce the level of competition being faced by UK-trained applicants, and it will provide greater certainty at a critical point in their career.
Internationally trained doctors with significant NHS experience will continue to be prioritised for specialty training, recognising the service that they have given. This year, immigration status will be used as a practical proxy for NHS experience in order to allow prioritisation to begin swiftly. For following years, we have taken powers in regulations to enable us to refine this approach in consultation with key partners. I have been asked by noble Lords what this means for those with refugee status. This status is not a stand-alone priority group, although refugees will be prioritised for specialty training in 2026 if they fall within another priority category, such as holding indefinite leave to remain or having completed the foundation programme. Refugees who do not fall within a prioritised group may still apply for specialty training posts and the Bill will not change their eligibility to apply for locally employed doctors’ roles.
I am seeking to address up front some of the concerns that will quite rightly be raised in the course of the debate. One of those is a concern I have heard about why British citizens who have graduated from medical schools outside the UK will not be in the priority group, including some doctors who would be eligible only for provisional GMC registration. I understand the reasons why this is being raised, and I have heard how some would prefer all British citizens, in a blanket sense, to be prioritised. The problem with that is that it would undermine the very intent of the legislation, which is to enable effective workforce planning and the development of our future medical workforce.
The principle is to create a sustainable domestic workforce. It is not about where a student is born; it is about where they are trained, and the fact is that UK-trained doctors are more likely to work in the NHS for longer. In addition, the Government set UK medical school places based on future health system needs. Student intakes and graduate outputs of overseas medical schools are not included in our domestic workforce planning. If we prioritised British citizens in a blanket sense for foundation training places regardless of where they studied, that would undermine our key aim to build UK-trained capacity while ensuring that we do not provide more foundation programme places than we need. I reiterate that this Bill is about prioritisation and not exclusion. All eligible applicants will still be able to apply and will be offered places if vacancies remain after prioritised applicants have received offers, which we expect to be the case on the basis of our long experience.
I have also listened to colleagues expressing concerns around the treatment of applicants graduating in Malta. The UK’s long-standing partnership with Malta on healthcare is valued and will continue. Doctors training in Malta will still be able to come to the UK to gain NHS experience to support their training, for example through fellowship schemes. These arrangements are not affected by the Bill. However, as I stated earlier, for recruitment to specialty training places in the UK, the Government assess that it is important to prioritise to ensure a sustainable workforce that meets health needs.
I turn to the matter of public health specialists, who are particularly identified in the Bill. Public health is a unique medical specialty that draws applicants from medicine and other professional backgrounds who all undergo the same rigorous training. All public health specialists, regardless of professional background, complete the same rigorous medical specialty training programme and are subject to the same high professional standards. The Bill excludes from prioritisation any specialty programmes wholly in the field of public health, as it would undermine the multidisciplinary public health specialist workforce. The Government will monitor the impact on the public health specialist training programme, which currently accepts very small numbers of international medical graduates.
I am aware that there are concerns relating to terms and conditions and mobility for some specialists. We have set out the actions we will take to make the NHS a better and great employer. However, a focus on the NHS alone will not support the whole health workforce, as many public health specialists work outside the NHS with differing employment arrangements. But we are committed to working with the BMA, employers and professional bodies to make public health careers more attractive.
On timing, the Bill includes provisions to allow prioritisation to apply to the current application cycle, with posts commencing this August. That requires Royal Assent by 5 March. It is therefore important to seek timely passage for this Bill to avoid disruption for trainees who need sufficient time to find somewhere to live, sort out childcare and arrange any other aspects of their lives before their posts start, and for NHS trusts that are planning the front-line services. I hear the concerns of some noble Lords about the impact on those applying in the current application cycle, particularly where applicants report that they did not know how prioritisation might affect them. As I said earlier, these concerns are understandable, and they have been carefully considered. However, delaying action would only prolong the current problem by further entrenching the existing imbalance in training competition and it would weaken our ability to plan a sustainable workforce.
The commencement provisions provide necessary flexibility, ensuring that implementation can be carried out in an orderly and workable way, taking account of operational realities. On that point, there is a material consideration, which I am sure will be raised and understandably so, about whether it is possible to proceed if strike action is ongoing. The disruption strikes cause, and the pressure they put on resources, would undoubtedly make it a lot harder operationally to deliver the important measures in this Bill. It is our intention to commence as soon as we can, subject to the Bill’s passage through Parliament, but it is vital to have a safeguard to ensure that the systems planning and operational capacity required for successful implementation are firmly in place.
I conclude by saying that the Bill will not solve every workforce challenge, but it is a very important step towards a more coherent, ethical and sustainable approach to medical training and workforce planning: something that has been called for for many years.
It is estimated that four resident doctors will be competing for every specialty training post in 2026. With the delivery of this Bill, this number can reduce to two resident doctors per place. British taxpayers spend £4 billion training medics every single year. It will be by better aligning public investment, training capacity and long-term service needs that the Bill will give UK-trained doctors a fair chance to serve in the health service they train to support, and to do so in a way that benefits us, the public, across the country. I beg to move.
My Lords, I am most grateful to all noble Lords who contributed to this debate for the support given, including just now by the noble Earl, Lord Effingham, to working with us, because I think there is general recognition that we have a problem that needs to be dealt with. I am very glad, as I said at the outset, to have been the Minister at the Dispatch Box when my noble friends Lord Duvall and Lord Roe made their moving maiden speeches. They both have many years of distinction in public service, and I know that that will continue as they bring their own unique experiences and views on the world to your Lordships’ House, which will be much enriched by their presence.
A strong and consistent theme has come through today’s debate: a shared concern for the well-being of NHS staff, recognition of the importance of workforce planning and the need for a sustainable health service. I am grateful for the thoughtful questions, and I will endeavour to answer as many as possible—I have already referred to some in my opening remarks. I will of course review the debate, as always, and I will be pleased to write to noble Lords on those matters I was not able to get to.
This legislation is about giving future generations of doctors trained in the UK a clearer and more secure pathway into NHS careers. It is about sustainable workforce planning and, as the noble Earl, Lord Howe, referred to, about fairness—to those who train here, to taxpayers who fund that training and to patients. As many noble Lords acknowledged, significant public investment goes into medical education every year, so it is right that we ask ourselves how that investment can be best aligned to what we need.
I have listened closely to the concerns raised today, particularly about the Bill’s impact on those who will not be prioritised. To reiterate, the way I look at this is that the Bill is about prioritisation, not exclusion. I assure your Lordships’ House that all eligible applicants will still be able to apply, and they will be offered places if vacancies remain after prioritised applicants have received theirs. We absolutely expect that to be the case; that is our experience. To be more specific, there are likely to be opportunities in specialties such as general practice, core psychiatry and internal medicine, which historically attract fewer applicants than the groups we are prioritising for 2026. We still need those people.
The noble Baroness, Lady Hollins, asked about possible unintended consequences for the UK’s international reputation. I believe our proud history of welcoming colleagues from across the world will continue and, as I have just said, international colleagues can, of course, continue to apply after prioritisation has taken place and there are vacancies.
On new specialty training posts, we have committed to creating 1,000 of these new posts over the next three years, focusing on specialties where there is greatest need. This is on top of creating 250 additional GP training places each year. The noble Earl, Lord Howe, raised questions about the availability of training places. Expansion will be matched with training capacity. We have not yet confirmed which specialties will receive the new posts, but we will ensure that expansion is targeted where patient demand and workforce pressures are the most acute.
I am glad that the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, made reference to the cancer plan. It was a bright spot in today’s news—I am sure all noble Lords will understand —and has not had the airtime it ought to have had, so I am most grateful to him. What I can tell the noble Lord about the creation of new specialty training posts is that there will be a focus on those with greatest need. We will set out steps in due course and I look forward to keeping the noble Lord informed. Non-prioritised graduates will also continue to have routes into NHS careers through locally employed doctor roles, gaining experience that can support future progression and prioritisation.
Let me turn to some of the specific points that were raised by noble Lords. The noble Lord, Lord Patel, asked about British citizens who have graduated from medical schools outside the UK and will not be in the priority group. I understand why these concerns are being raised but, going back to the core of the Bill, to prioritise them would undermine our aim to build UK-trained capacity while ensuring we do not provide any more foundation programme places than we need. To reiterate, UK-trained doctors are more likely to work in the NHS for longer, and retention is an issue that is much discussed in your Lordships’ House. They will be better equipped to deliver tailored healthcare that suits the UK’s population because of what they understand. Reference was made to the provision extending also to the Republic of Ireland graduates. Their inclusion ensures consistency in workforce planning across both jurisdictions, which reflects the long-standing protocol rights for movement and employment. That was something in which the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, was particularly interested.
On specialty training places starting in 2026, British citizens will be prioritised, because that is one of the prioritised immigration statuses being used as a proxy to indicate someone who is likely to have significant experience of the NHS. Why? Because applications for posts starting in 2026 have already been made. Prioritisation is only at offer stage because shortlisting is under way, so it is a timing matter about implementation. From 2027, immigration status will no longer automatically determine priority, but we have the ability to set out in regulations the persons who will be prioritised based on criteria which indicate they are likely to have significant NHS experience, or based on their immigration status. As I said earlier, we will be engaging with our partners to work out how best to define that.
On the point made by a number of noble Lords, including the noble Earl, Lord Howe, and the noble Lords, Lord Clement-Jones and Lord Stevens, about graduates of overseas campuses, including Malta, which I will turn to presently, having heard the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, the UK foundation programme applications for 2026 show that there are almost 300 applicants from these overseas campuses, of whom 152 are UK nationals. This is a substantial number and, if we were to do what is being asked—to prioritise graduates of UK overseas campuses—our estimation is that this could encourage universities to establish further international partnerships which would simply increase pressure still further. It also risks creating a loophole that would encourage new overseas partnerships to seek preferential access to the foundation programme across the UK. The noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, picked out Liechtenstein in particular, but, as the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, referred to, we are talking about the EFTA countries, which include Liechtenstein, and they are prioritised simply because of existing international agreements that we are obliged to honour. However, in practice, not all these countries are going to have eligible applicants.
I hope the Minister does not mind. Does the Minister think that the agreement with Malta should be honoured as well?
I am coming on to this, but the agreement in respect of Malta that I would refer to is a reciprocal health agreement. It does not apply in this area. It is about the reciprocal provision of healthcare. I will turn to Malta, however, after saying a brief word about overseas campuses generally.
Just to re-emphasise, overseas campus students are not part of the numbers that the Government are setting. We do not have that control. If we prioritised those graduates as well, that would eat away at the very core of the Bill and the things people actually want us to do.
The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, and the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, wanted an indication of how this would all align with the international education strategy. The Bill does not conflict with this, because the international education strategy supports universities expanding internationally. It does not prevent UK universities delivering medical degrees overseas. That strategy stays in place.
I turn to Malta for the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada—
Can I just a question? The Minister has suggested that these students could come and work in non-training posts. But the problem, as I understand it—do correct me if I am wrong—is that, for example, St George’s students must complete their foundation year in the UK to be eligible to apply for full registration. Therefore, it means that they cannot complete their medical education without being eligible to apply for the foundation training. While a different contract could potentially be negotiated for future students at an overseas campus, the current students who have this contract and expectation in place need to have that honoured. I do not feel that the Minister has responded to the concerns that have been raised eloquently around the House.
As I said at the outset, I will endeavour to answer all questions, but where I do not have an answer, particularly where I want to look at them in closer detail, I will be very pleased to write, of course, as always.
Still turning to Malta—which is a pleasure—let me say straight away that we do have a long-standing partnership with Malta on healthcare. It is valued and it will continue. Doctors who are training in Malta will still come to the UK, as they do now, to gain NHS experience to support their training, for example through fellowship schemes. This is not affected by the Bill.
As I discussed with the noble Baroness just yesterday, senior officials in my department have met with the High Commissioner of Malta to the United Kingdom in order to assure him of this. But it is important to prioritise in order to ensure a sustainable workforce that meets its health needs. Again, that is at the core of the Bill. Malta has its own foundation school. This is not part of the UK foundation programme: it is affiliated with the UK foundation programme office which administers the UK programme. That means—this point has been made to me—the Malta Foundation School delivers the same curriculum and offers the same education and training as the UK foundation programme. The Bill will not impact this affiliation or the other ways in which work carries on closely with the Government of Malta when it comes to health.
The noble Earl, Lord Howe, also made the point that he believed small numbers of students were impacted. I have referred to the 300 applicants from overseas campuses. I hope it is understood that that is why there is a significance there.
If there are other matters that I have not addressed to the satisfaction of the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, I will be very pleased to review this, because I suspect there were some more points to address. I will be very pleased to write to her to give her comfort in this regard.
I move on now to the impact on doctors who were part way through the application process—a point spoken to by noble Lords, Lord Patel, Lord Mohammed, Lord Clement-Jones, and other noble Lords. As I stated earlier, delaying implementation of the Bill until next year, which would be required if we were to respond as requested, would mean another full year where we are not tackling the issue of bottlenecks in medical training. It seemed to me that the feeling in the House was that we did need to do that.
I understand the discomfort of noble Lords around this. It is important that I recognise that, but it is also important to recognise when introducing legislation that sometimes it will not work perfectly for everybody. This is about prioritisation, not about exclusion.
Following that point, the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, and the noble Earl, Lord Effingham, asked about emergency legislation. They asked: why now? As the Health Secretary set out in the other place, he has listened to resident doctors and their concerns about a system that does not work for them. He agreed to bring forward that emergency legislation as quickly as possible, rather than wait—this is key for a number of the points raised—another year to do so.
The noble Earl, Lord Howe, and the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, asked about the Bill’s commencement and why it will not commence at Royal Assent—that is a very fair question. We are introducing reforms for a large-scale recruitment process. I know that noble Lords will understand what a major undertaking this is. We do not want to create errors or more uncertainty. To make sure that it is effective in commencement, we must have clear processes for delivery across the health system, and I am sure that all noble Lords appreciate that these elements cannot be switched on overnight. As the Secretary of State said in the other place, there is a material consideration about whether it is even possible to proceed if the strikes are ongoing. He is concerned—I share this concern, as I am sure all noble Lords do—about the disruption that strikes cause and the pressure they put on resources, which would make it so much harder operationally to deliver the measures in the Bill.
Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)
I will press the point I made earlier about uncertainty. Not having a commencement date creates a lot of uncertainty for the current batch of students, who are really worried about whether they will they gain a place and, more importantly, where. I want to impress this issue on the Minister; it was raised by the Russell group medical school admissions head with me personally.
I completely understand the point about uncertainty. Uncertainty exists in the current system, and uncertainty may transfer for different reasons. We are keen to get on with this. I am just indicating some of the circumstances—strike action—that would cause difficulty for us in terms of commencement. I hope we can proceed. I think the noble Lord will understand exactly what I am saying.
The noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, asked about the release of more granular detail. I draw noble Lords’ attention to the fact that NHS England already publishes a wide range of recruitment data, including data on country of qualification and nationality groups. It will publish further granular data when possible and monitor the implementation of the Bill, should it pass—that, for me, is the most important point. If the noble Baroness is referring to other information, she is very welcome to raise that with me.
I am of course very happy to meet with my noble friend Lord Stevenson. In general, the 10-year health plan commits to working with professional regulators and educational institutions over the next three years to overhaul education and training curricula.
To answer the question from the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, on prioritisation, if I can put it in my language: you either are or are not prioritised. There are no tiers of priorities within priorities; it is as it is written in the Bill.
The noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, asked about the impact of prioritisation on harder-to-fill specialties. This approach will not negatively impact recruitment. In fact, it will ensure that priority groups are considered first, while keeping the door open for when we need people. I think it will help get people into the areas in which we need them, because it will direct people to where we do not have sufficient applicants.
At its heart, the Bill is about the UK-trained medical graduates on whom the NHS heavily relies. We are grateful for their skill, commitment and professionalism. It is our responsibility to ensure they are trained, supported and treated well at work. This is a more sustainable and considered approach to the allocation of medical training places. A number of noble Lords said that this is a problem that has been around for years. We are grasping the proverbial nettle. The Bill is a measured step towards the goals of clarity, fairness and opportunity. It will not, on its own, resolve everything—I am fully aware of that—but it will help us with a pressing problem. With that, I beg to move.
(2 weeks, 1 day ago)
Lords ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
This extract highlights statements made by Government Ministers along with contextual remarks by other members. The full debate can be read here
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My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Patel, deserves our thanks for opening our Committee debate in a cogent and powerful way. He is absolutely right: in this country, we train some of the very best doctors in the world—at great expense to them and to the taxpayer—but too many are choosing to leave the training process because in the now expanded competitive scrum they cannot access the training places they require. Each year many remain unemployed. That is a serious policy challenge, and Ministers are right to seek to address it. We need a long-term and fair solution.
The noble Lord, Lord Patel, is seeking to ensure that UK medical graduates are prioritised for training places first before those in the priority group are offered places. There would then be a third tier of prioritisation for any other eligible applicants. This would put UK medical graduates, as defined by Clause 4, ahead in the queue for training places. I do not think we can fault the noble Lord for his logic. If we believe there is currently a massive and disproportionate injustice being meted out to UK medical graduates, we owe them the best chance we can give them to enter further training pathways in this country.
However, I have two questions for the Minister. First, the Explanatory Notes confirm that those who have trained in Ireland, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway have been included in the priority group because
“existing agreements require us to recognise their qualifications and offer parity in access to the profession”.
Can the Minister please confirm whether the reordering of prioritisation, as proposed by the noble Lord, Lord Patel, would cut across the existing agreements that the UK Government are bound by?
Secondly, I think many of us agree that emergency legislation should be avoided as far as possible, but where it is necessary, it should be simple and straightforward. On the face of it, the amendments from the noble Lord, Lord Patel, would make the Bill a bit more complicated by adding a further tier of prioritisation. If that is so, I am sure he would argue that the extra complexity is well worth it. It would be helpful if the Minister could tell us whether such an additional tier of prioritisation would make the process more complex to manage.
Amendment 2 in the name of my noble friend Lady Coffey would prioritise UK medical graduates who are British citizens first, then those persons in the priority group and then UK medical graduates who are not British citizens. The category of other eligible applicants is not included. Perhaps it is an inadvertent omission; I do not know. Again, this would create a three-tier prioritisation process, where the Government are currently proposing two tiers, with the added dimension of drawing a distinction between different categories of UK medical graduates. Like the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, I am uncomfortable with that as a matter of policy. On the face of it, the amendment presents a more complex set of arrangements than those proposed by the noble Lord, Lord Patel, so it would be helpful to hear from the Minister how the Government view my noble friend’s suggestions, including their ready workability.
My Lords, I am most grateful to all noble Lords for their helpful contributions to this debate. Amendments 1, 3, 6 to 8 and 12 to 14, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Patel, seek to create tiered categories of prioritisation for the UK foundation programme and specialty programmes. Taken together, they would require places to be allocated to UK medical graduates in the first instance, and then to applicants in the other prioritised categories specified in the Bill. As noble Lords have observed, the Bill sets clear priority groups, but it does not make rankings within these groups, and that is what we are looking at.
I welcome my noble friend Lord Darzi, not least because the review that he undertook for the Government in 2024 recommended that we should prioritise medical training, for all the reasons given by the noble Lords who support it. I will return to this whole area when we debate a later group, but on the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Darzi—this will perhaps also be helpful to the noble Earl, Lord Howe—alongside UK graduates, we are prioritising in the Bill graduates from Ireland and the EFTA countries. This reflects the special nature of our relationship with Ireland—specifically, our reciprocal rights of movement and employment—and our obligations under international trade agreements with the EFTA countries, which the noble Earl, Lord Howe, referred to, that require consistent treatment of these graduates in access to medical training. The amendments that we are looking at would mean that we could not honour these agreements. That, by its nature and definition, would create huge difficulties.
On specialty training, these amendments would also mean that we could not effectively deliver on our policy intention to prioritise applicants with significant NHS experience who understand how the health service works and how to meet the needs of the UK population. It might be helpful if I summarise this by saying that the Bill sets out what I would regard as a binary system where applicants are either prioritised or not. Clearly, once that prioritisation has happened, the normal processes will apply to establish who the appointable applicants are, to fill the posts, and so on.
Amendment 2, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, seeks to create tiered categories of prioritisation for the UK foundation programme and to prioritise UK medical graduates who are British citizens above all other applicants. The Bill as drafted prioritises all UK medical graduates who meet the criteria, regardless of their citizenship status. It might be helpful to the noble Lords, Lord Mohammed and Lord Clement-Jones, to restate that what matters is where a doctor is trained, not where they are born. UK-trained medical graduates have undertaken curricula, clinical placements and assessment standards aligned to the NHS, and are therefore best prepared to move directly into NHS practice.
The Government are committed to prioritising those doctors who have already spent a significant part of their education within the NHS and understand how the health service works and how to meet the needs of the UK population, not least because—this is an issue that we have discussed many times—these doctors are more likely to remain in the NHS for longer, supporting the sustainable medical workforce for the future that we are all looking at.
As I set out in relation to the previous set of amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Patel, this amendment would also mean that we would not be honouring the special nature of our relationship with Ireland and obligations under trade agreements with EFTA countries. I emphasise again in the Chamber today that prioritisation does not mean exclusion. All eligible applicants will still be able to apply and will be offered places if vacancies remain after prioritised applicants have received offers, which we expect to be the case particularly in certain areas.
My noble friend Lord Winston raised a question about the Bill in respect of highly skilled overseas doctors and particularly referenced clinical academics. As I have said, it is not exclusion from applying—it is prioritisation. It may be helpful more broadly for me to emphasise that there are likely to be opportunities in specialties such as general practice, core psychiatry and internal medicine, because historically they attract fewer applicants from the groups that we are prioritising for 2026. I understand the point that my noble friend is making, but we have to focus on the core purpose of the Bill. With that, I hope that noble Lords will feel able not to press their amendments.
Obviously, the Minister is not accepting my amendment, but she makes the point that all the priority groups will be treated in the same way—whatever the definition is of people in the priority group, they will all be grouped together as a priority, and that would include UK medical graduates. What assessment have the Government made of the effect that it will have on UK medical school graduates to include all the others in the priority group? What disadvantage will that put UK medical graduates to? Will it be minimal, medium or a lot?
We do not anticipate that that is going to cause a problem. The noble Lord did not specifically refer to the EFTA countries, but I should like to. Some of them will not produce any suitable people who are likely to be included, so in our modelling we do not anticipate that there will be a problem. What matters is patient care and getting people with the right training who understand what the NHS is about, understand the culture of the NHS and provide as best as they can. That is what the whole Bill is directed at doing and prioritising.
I accept that the Minister is not predisposed to accept the amendment from my noble friend Lady Coffey, and she has made a clear case for that, but is she in a position to reassure the House that the issues raised by my noble friend and others about the relative take-up of specialty training places in less popular disciplines, such as anaesthetics or paediatrics, will be looked at by the department? I did not get the opportunity to make this point, but one point was that prioritising British medical students—not excluding others—would have a positive impact on those particularly hard-to-fill disciplines. Is the department taking that into account generally in its workforce planning?
Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)
Can I ask about applications from overseas? I know from the paperwork that has been shared online that everybody has been grouped together as the rest of the world. With the applications that we have had this time and last year, it might be helpful to share the data of the breakdown by each country rather than just lumping it all together as the rest of the world. Then we could see how many applications there are from the nations that we have an international agreement with.
My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who have spoken today, no matter which amendment they spoke to, and I am grateful to the noble Earl, Lord Howe, for his strong support for my amendment. More importantly, he said that UK medical graduates need to be prioritised and should not have to enter into competition with others whose graduation is not from this country. I know that the Minister was not able to say that UK graduates would be seen to be prioritised; I understand that. Of course, these debates help, because the outside world is interested in what is said here. I hope that particularly those who make decisions about interviewing or selecting for interview for training programmes will get the message, take note of this debate and bear in mind what it was all about. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.
My Lords, I offer our strong support for Amendments 9, 11, 24 and 25 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Stevens of Birmingham, and Amendments 5 and 10 in the name of my noble friend Lord Mohammed. I thank the noble Earl, Lord Howe, for his Amendment 4, because it, in essence, sets the theme of this group, which is the dashing of legitimate interests for this year, which a number of noble Lords explored.
Before I address the specific mechanics of these amendments, we need to thank the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, and other noble Lords who highlighted at Second Reading the whole question of the protracted failure in long-term workforce planning. For years, we have seen a disconnect between the number of medical school places and the number of specialty training posts. There is a bottleneck of our own making: 12 applications for one post is a disaster. My late wife trained in the 1970s and became a registrar at Barts. I have no recollection of it being anything like on this scale, and we risk dashing the expectations of many of those currently in training.
As the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, noted at Second Reading, the Bill does not widen the bottleneck; it simply reshuffles the queue. Although we on these Benches accept the principle that UK graduates should not face unemployment after taxpayer investment, we must ensure that, in correcting one failure, we do not commit a second failure of fairness against those have served our NHS in good faith.
These amendments address one of the greatest injustices in this Bill: the decision to implement major changes mid-cycle for 2026, using the blunt instrument of indefinite leave to remain as a proxy for experience. The Government claim that assessing actual NHS experience is “not operationally feasible” for the 2026 rounds. Since Second Reading, we have received compelling evidence to the contrary. As my noble friend says, we have heard from doctors currently using the system who confirm that the Oriel recruitment platform already captures data on “months of NHS experience”. The question is there; the data exists. The claim that this cannot be done is a choice, not an administrative necessity.
By refusing to use this data, Clause 2 creates a perverse experience gap. It excludes doctors who have served on our NHS front lines for two or three years but who have not yet reached the five-year threshold for settlement. We have received hundreds of emails detailing the human cost of this decision. We heard from a mother who lived apart from her one year-old child for seven months to study the MSRA exam, only to find the rules changing days after she sat it. We heard from a neurosurgery SHO with two years of NHS service, who notes that this mid-cycle change renders his sunk costs unrecoverable. We have heard from a British citizen whose wife, a doctor on a spousal visa, is deprioritised, despite being a permanent resident.
Amendments 9 and 11 offer the Government a lifeline. They are permissive—my noble friend’s amendments mandate the Government. The bottom line is that the Secretary of State should use the data we know Oriel possesses to prioritise those with significant NHS experience in 2026, just as they intend to do in 2027. To reject this is to choose administrative convenience over natural justice.
I see the amendments at this stage as a probing opportunity. We need the Minister to explain in specific, technical detail why the existing Oriel data fields regarding employment history cannot be used to filter applicants for this cycle. If the Minister cannot provide a satisfactory technical explanation today, and if the Government resist this flexible approach, we will be forced to conclude that this is a choice, not a necessity. In that event, we may well need to return to it on Report.
This group of amendments relates to the implementation of prioritisation of posts starting in 2026. I thank all noble Lords for their consideration of this. It is a very important area, as noble Lords have said, and I have listened closely, as ever, to the points made.
Beginning with prioritisation for the UK foundation programme, Amendment 4, tabled by the noble Earl, Lord Howe, seeks to prevent prioritisation applying to offers for the foundation programme that were confirmed before 13 January. To clarify, the Bill will impact only offers for places made after the Bill is passed and becomes law. The Bill will therefore not have any impact on offers to the foundation programme made before it becomes law. In our view, the amendment is therefore not necessary. In any event, no such offers exist, other than for a very small and specific group.
The noble Lord, Lord Stevens, asked about those who have already been allocated. The only individuals who have already been allocated foundation programme places for 2026 are those who deferred last year for statutory reasons, such as maternity leave or sickness absence. These individuals have already been assigned to posts, and this year’s allocation process does not affect them in any way.
On a more general point, as I referred to in the earlier group, and as noble Lords will recall, the 10-year plan, which was published in July 2025, confirmed that it was the intention of the Government to come forward with the Bill we are speaking of today. The noble Lord, Lord Stevens, asked about the time it has taken since that date in July 2025. I can only say to the noble Lord that this is linked to our careful listening, which he will be aware of, to resident doctors and our understanding of the pressures that they are facing. The Bill is about action now. It is about acting decisively and introducing legislation for 2026, because, as noble Lords have kindly acknowledged, we need to start reshaping the workforce pipeline and show our commitment to easing the bottlenecks in training places.
I would be grateful if the Minister could say what proportion of those who wrote were disappointed with the Bill versus those who wrote supporting it.
I cannot give an exact proportion, as the noble Lord is aware, but I have noticed that the proportion has changed as the Bill has progressed. As we have approached Committee, I have certainly seen more email traffic urging a non-amended Bill rather than an amended Bill. I would imagine that that is reflected in other emails. The noble Lord is indicating that it is not. I can see differing responses, but that has certainly been my impression.
The application of prioritisation to the 2026 intake is necessary and justified. If, as I referred to earlier, we waited until 2027, competition ratios are projected to rise even further, meaning that more UK graduates would be unable to progress their careers on time, with a greater risk to the long-term sustainability of the workforce. For these reasons, another year’s delay is not an option, and we cannot accept the noble Lord’s amendment.
Amendment 10, also tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, also seeks to change categories of people who would be prioritised for specialty training places, starting in 2026, by virtue of having significant NHS experience or by reference to their immigration status. We cannot accept this amendment on the basis that the effect would be to prioritise every individual who applied for specialty training places in 2026 because all applicants are, by necessity, already registered on Oriel. This amendment would in practice nullify prioritisation for 2026 and render the legislation ineffective. It would not address the severe and growing bottlenecks in specialty training that the Bill aims and is designed to tackle.
The proposal to prioritise those who have demonstrated a professional commitment to the NHS also presents workability problems as there is no clear or objective definition of what such a commitment looks like, nor any reliable way to assess it for tens of thousands of applicants at this stage. Attempting to do so would be unmanageable in a practical sense and would introduce inconsistency, delay and uncertainty for applicants.
One objective proposition that has been suggested is two years of NHS experience, which, it is said, would be readily trackable on Oriel. Can the Minister confirm whether that would indeed be possible?
Although I cannot be specific about what is technically possible, I can say that, as the noble Lord is aware, the arrangements for 2026 in the Bill can change for 2027, and that will be the subject of consultation with a wide range of stakeholders to get the best definitions we can. We know that currently, because of the time pressure, we are going to have to use—I think the noble Lord used the word “proxy”, in my view correctly. So that is where we are.
The Minister criticised Amendment 10 from my noble friend on the basis that, in a sense, it is technically not doing what it attempts to do. But she has not really addressed the key argument at the core of this, which is that the Oriel system is capable of assessing precisely the kinds of two-year experience that so many of these deprioritised doctors will have. Is the Minister saying that it is absolutely not possible to use the Oriel system for that purpose in this context?
My recollection from my discussion with officials about this very point is that, with no criticism of the Oriel system, this is about what we are trying to do now and what we have available to us. It would require—I am looking for the right words—not just using that system but manual attention to thousands of applications. I am very happy to write to the noble Lord with further technical advice on the matter, but that is the situation of which I have been advised. The whole point about the way the Bill is designed is to make it workable. If we change it, we know we cannot deliver in the way the noble Lord might wish.
I thank the Minister for that. I hope that, despite the recess, there will be time to get all the information we need. There is a real problem here with the credibility of the Government’s position. There are many of us who hope that it will be possible to do something different, particularly since, in a way, the boot is on the other foot. The Government have had since last July, as we keep being told, to get the Oriel system fit for purpose in order to supply the information for 2026.
The noble Lord is ambitious on workability, beyond what I can honestly confirm is possible. Noble Lords would not wish me to stand at the Dispatch Box and suggest that, having looked at all we could do, the situation is anything other than that this Bill is a workable option. I can assure him that, as always, all noble Lords will get the information they are promised in a timely fashion. I also hope that the all-Peers letter and the letters I subsequently sent in respect of various areas of concern were helpful to noble Lords. I will of course ensure that anything further is there.
The issue with Amendment 10 is also that there is not that clear objective and definition of what a commitment looks like; it makes reference to it but does not explain it. By contrast, the Bill uses a set of carefully chosen, specified immigration statuses as a practical and proportionate proxy for identifying applicants who are most likely to have an established professional commitment to the NHS, which I believe is what all noble Lords are looking for. After careful consideration, we have concluded that for the 2026 recruitment round, that is the best approach. The amendment would remove any practical effect of prioritisation, which of course is at the heart of the Bill.
Amendments 9, 11, 24 and 25, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, seek to create a regulation-making power to define additional persons with significant NHS experience to be prioritised for specialty training in 2026. We cannot accept these amendments. As already stated, the Bill sets out the most suitable criteria for prioritising specialty training places in this year. Under the existing Clause 2(2), for specialty training places starting in 2026, immigration status will be used as a practical proxy for NHS experience to allow prioritisation to begin swiftly. This proxy is being used because applications for posts starting in 2026 have already been made. Therefore, we need to prioritise based on the information already captured, and which can be assessed.
To build on what I was referring to in the exchange with the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones—I know this is also of interest to the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay—while NHS experience is captured in the Oriel recruitment system, using it as an assessment criteria for the 2026 allocation round would require a manual review of tens of thousands of applications, “manual review” being the words I was looking for earlier. This is just not operationally feasible. There is no current agreed threshold for what constitutes a meaningful level of NHS experience. Stakeholders offer very different views on this, which is why we have committed to a proper engagement process, subject to the Bill’s passage, to ensure that any future definition is fair, evidence-based and deliverable.
The Bill already gives us flexibility to ensure that we take the best approach to prioritising those with NHS experience for specialty training posts in subsequent years. For posts starting in 2017 onwards, the immigration status category will not apply automatically. Instead, we will be able to make regulations to specify any additional groups who will be prioritised by reference to criteria indicating significant experience as a doctor in the health service, or by reference to immigration status.
For the reasons I have outlined, I ask noble Lords to withdraw or not press their amendments.
My Lords, I shall speak to my Amendments 20 and 21 and in support of the other amendments in this group.
My amendments are intended to work together and to return us to one of the salient themes of our debates at Second Reading, a theme which has been persuasively developed today by the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, the noble Lord, Lord Forbes, and other speakers. At the heart of their concerns is why the Government have chosen to adopt a definition that threatens to undermine high-quality workforce capacity in the NHS, that jeopardises the sustainability of medical education delivered overseas by UK institutions, and that runs completely counter to the Government’s stated ambitions on promoting British standards of education internationally.
The Bill prioritises graduates based on strict geographic criteria, rather than on the provenance of their qualifications. UK academic institutions such as Queen Mary University of London and Newcastle University have campuses respectively on Malta and in Malaysia which train doctors to GMC-approved standards, using the same curriculum and the same assessments as those employed on their campuses in the UK.
The noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, has eloquently made the case for Maltese-trained students. I can add little to that. The noble Lords, Lord Clement-Jones, Lord Mendelsohn, and Lord Forbes have also spoken very powerfully on the same theme. The amendments of the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, speak of the two qualifications—in other words that gained in Malta and that gained in London—as being identical in character. The amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Forbes, uses the word “equivalent”. I would go further by saying that the degree issued by the Queen Mary University of London Malta campus is not merely equivalent to a UK degree: it is a UK degree.
Not only that, but Queen Mary University is able to state that cohorts of its students trained in Malta frequently outperform their contemporaries who have studied and trained on the London campus. The intervention from the noble Lord, Lord Winston, has confirmed that that is not an isolated claim. The same claim could be made of many graduates of Newcastle University’s campus in Malaysia. These are excellent doctors, so there is not an issue of quality here.
Nor should there be an issue around numbers. In total, as we have heard, the number of these overseas-trained graduates is modest in comparison to the overall NHS training intake in a given year. The numbers really ought to be treated as de minimis. We have heard from Ministers that, if they were to flex the rules in the way that I and others are proposing, there would be no way for them in the future to control the total numbers of eligible applicants from these sources. My question is: why? It would seem perfectly possible to grant Ministers a power to cap total numbers at a figure corresponding to recent experience. It would then be up to the relevant universities concerned to collaborate year by year to ensure that the cap was not exceeded. That is what my Amendment 21 is intended to do.
Finally, we return to the issue of legitimate expectations. For all the reasons that I have given, students trained on overseas campuses of UK institutions have never dreamed of questioning whether the status of their qualification would differ in the slightest from the status of the qualification gained by their student colleagues in London. They are, in consequence, not to put too fine a point in it, appalled that, through this Bill, they are suddenly to be regarded as less deserving of a medical career in the NHS. I ask the Minister to think again.
My Lords, I am grateful for this debate, as I have been grateful for the time that noble Lords have given to discussing their concerns about various aspects of the Bill in advance of today. I can say to both the noble Earl, Lord Howe, and the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, that I always reflect on what they and other noble Lords say. Indeed, I reflect on what every noble Lord says—it is true that I may listen to some more than others, but that would be telling. I am genuinely grateful. In my view, it really does assist the passage of legislation and I take it very seriously. I will of course reflect, as I have before, not just on what is said in the Chamber but on what we have discussed outside.
The noble Earl, Lord Howe, said previously that people will be watching and reading this debate, and I absolutely agree and am glad that they do. So I must emphasise the point that this is not about excluding people from their applications; it is about prioritising. The reason we are in this position is the removal of the resident labour market test in 2020, which changed the whole landscape. In 2019, there were 12,000 applicants; now, there are nearly 40,000 applicants, which means four resident doctors for every specialist training post. I believe that noble Lords understand the scale. Internationally trained doctors make a huge contribution and will continue to do so. We are aiming to bring forward those internationally trained doctors who have significant NHS experience for training posts in the future, which I think is absolutely right.
Let me turn to the amendments in this group: Amendments 15 and 16, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada; Amendment 17, tabled by my noble friend Lord Forbes; and Amendments 20 and 21, tabled by the noble Earl, Lord Howe. Each of these amendments seeks to ensure that graduates of overseas campuses of UK medical schools are prioritised for foundation and specialty training. I understand why this is being raised, and it is quite right to probe this whole area, in my view. While I appreciate the intention behind these amendments, and the manner in which they have come through, the Government are unable to accept them.
I want to come in on the point about whether or not the UK Government would lack the ability to control the expansion of international places in the grandfathered campuses. Is it not the case that, in fact, the UK Government do have such a tool at their disposal, through the Office for Students? The OfS has to agree the number of undergraduate medical places that a university can operate here in the UK and can cap those, and could therefore introduce an off-setting mechanism so that any additional place created outside the UK would see a reduction in the UK authorisation. That would be incentive enough, I suspect, to ensure that universities did not behave in the way that the Minister is concerned about.
The noble Lord kindly raised this with me before, and I did test it out. I am grateful that he has given thought to this, because it is an important point. However, I am advised that, unfortunately, the solution that he has come up with would not deal with all the concerns we have and would still give us difficulty. The noble Lord talked about the thin end of the wedge, and I fear that we are still in the same place. I am happy to write to the noble Lord, and to make that letter available, to explain further detail. I am grateful that he has given consideration to a solution for what is undoubtedly an issue.
I understand the comments that the Minister has made to my noble friend Lord Stevens. Would she consider wording in the primary legislation that expands on the fact that the campus must be extant and includes that the number of students studying medicine for the UK degree must be the same as when the Bill passes? That would provide rigid guidelines in primary legislation and would not rely on another body, where a quota could possibly be negotiated.
Again, I understand that the noble Baroness is coming forward with a solution and I appreciate her thoughts. I always reflect on what is said, but my initial reflection is that that does not deal with the fact that we already have a number of people. I asked this very question about continuing to prioritise them. It is significant even currently and that is part of the problem, although I understand what she is suggesting.
I will take one more intervention, but it might be helpful to hear all that I have to say.
I am sure that it will, but I just wanted to follow up the Minister’s pledge to deliver a letter to us in which she will set out precisely what her concerns are. Will the timing of that letter be early next week so that there is time to table amendments for Report to meet some of those concerns?
As I always do, I will seek to engage in sufficient time before Report. I will not promise the beginning of next week, but we all know the deadlines that noble Lords are working to and I am very respectful of that.
Amendment 17 could create the loophole I have referred to and risks existing international overseas campuses expanding their intakes further. I am grateful that noble Lords acknowledge the concern and are considering how to deal with it. That would be outside any UK workforce planning.
Amendment 21 would provide a regulation-making power to limit the number of applicants who could be prioritised from these overseas campuses. Going back to my earlier comments, it is not clear how such a requirement would be implemented effectively and fairly in practice but, in any event, it would not provide an appropriate safeguard for UK workforce planning.
The Bill rightly prioritises those whose education and placements the UK taxpayer has supported, who are most likely to work in the NHS in the long term—I emphasise this point—and are better equipped to deliver healthcare tailored to the UK’s population because they understand the UK’s epidemiology. However, I hope my noble friend Lord Forbes and the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, will take back to the university that graduates from international overseas campuses are not excluded and will continue to be able to apply to the foundation programme and specialty training.
Amendment 18 tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, relates to the prioritisation of medical graduates from institutions in Ireland. The Government cannot accept this amendment, and I thought her own assessment of it was most honest and helpful. Throughout the development of this Bill, we have been clear that graduates from the Republic of Ireland are prioritised on the same basis as UK medical graduates. This reflects the long-standing and unique relationship between our countries, including the arrangements under the common travel area, which supports reciprocal rights of movement and employment. It also ensures coherence in workforce planning across both jurisdictions, where medical education and training pathways have been closely aligned for many years.
Introducing different criteria for graduates from the Republic of Ireland, as this amendment proposes, would risk disrupting those shared arrangements. It could also create an uncertainty in the provision of postgraduate training in Ireland.
Amendment 19, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, seeks to add Malta to the list of prioritised countries set out in Clause 4. This would require that those who hold a primary medical qualification from any institution in Malta, irrespective of their nationality, are prioritised for foundation and specialty training. I address this particularly to my noble friend Lord Mendelsohn, to whom I listened closely, as I did to the noble Baroness, but we cannot accept this amendment.
I refer particularly to the European Free Trade Association countries, as they have been mentioned a number of times, including by my noble friend Lord Mendelsohn, the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, and others. Those countries listed in Clause 4 are those with which the UK has signed agreements that include offering parity of access to the workforce. I have looked back at when those agreements were made: for the EFTA countries of Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein, the agreement was made in July 2021, and Switzerland was in 2019. I make these points because they certainly precede this Government. In practice, as I have said before, not all these countries will have eligible applicants in any case.
The 1975 UK-Malta reciprocal healthcare convention will continue and is not affected by the Bill. I emphasise that that agreement is wholly related to reciprocal access to healthcare, not access to training or employment related to medical training. I hope it is helpful to say that the Bill includes a power to amend the list of countries in Clause 4 to reflect any future international agreements that the UK may enter into. As I have also stated previously, the Government set UK medical school places based on future health system needs. I emphasise that there is no disrespect intended here and we very much value the long-standing partnership with Malta on healthcare, and that will continue to be valued. However, prioritising international graduates would undermine our ability to keep foundation training numbers aligned with the NHS workforce that we are planning for and manage those bottlenecks in specialty training, about which there is concern across the Committee. This is about focusing on patient care and ensuring that those whose education and experience best prepares them to practice safely and effectively in the NHS are the ones who are prioritised.
For specialty training, prioritising these individuals would not support our aim to prioritise doctors with significant NHS experience who understand how the health service works and how to meet the needs of the UK population. I reassure the Committee that this Bill will not affect existing fellowship arrangements with Malta, and the affiliation of the UK foundation programme and Malta foundation programme, to which the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, referred, will still stand. Senior officials in my department have met with the high commissioner of Malta to the United Kingdom to assure him of this and last week I received a positive letter of acknowledgement from the Health Minister in Malta.
To be absolutely clear, individuals with a primary medical qualification from Malta will still be able to apply for foundation and specialty training places, and they will be considered for any places that are left after prioritisation. But it would still be the case that it would be at odds with the aim of the Bill for them to be prioritised for these places. For the reasons I have set out, I hope the noble Baroness will feel able to withdraw her amendment.
Lord Winston (Lab)
The NHS is a complex organisation which is going to be rapidly changing, with increasing issues regarding its employees and all sorts of new technologies that will develop in a way we have never seen before. In view of that, does the Minister think there might be some reason for the Government to consider looking at this situation in, say, five years’ time to see the effect of the Bill on the health service?
My noble friend is right about the pace of change, and many of the changes we cannot even imagine as we discuss this today. We keep the impact of legislation under review, and the Bill will be no different to any other Bill in that regard.
I do not want to put the Minister too much on the spot now, so could she clarify in her letter whether Clause 4(3)(b) means that the Bahrain campus is within the allocation for prioritised places, whether any other Irish campuses are, and how the limit would be held on other campuses developed from Ireland, given that the response we have had seems to exclude Malta and Newcastle?
I am happy to set it out in a letter, but I can say immediately that graduates of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland’s Bahrain campus are not necessarily prioritised just because part of their programme takes place in Ireland. The Bill is clear that prioritisation applies to graduates of Irish medical schools who complete the majority of their medical education in Ireland, but I am happy to add to that in my letter.
Baroness Gerada (CB)
I am grateful to the Minister for the care with which she has addressed my amendments. I will be very brief. I must say I am disappointed, and I have a few points.
I will address Malta first. These are not international medical graduates; these are UK-trained doctors training in a UK university, albeit overseas. As I said, they are trained for the NHS. The Minister mentioned several times that it is not exclusion, it is prioritisation. I have already had emails from two doctors, one of whom is being excluded from applying for a postgraduate examination until the UK cohort has applied. I will not say their specialty, because it might identify them, but it means that the tiny island of Malta will not have this particular specialty because this doctor cannot finish his training until he does that. They are already being excluded from fellowship posts that have been long standing over decades—that is of last week.
Given the fact that the Bill is being taken through the House at such pace, as well as writing a letter—which I understand we will get in our post next week—would the Minister be willing to meet me and several Peers who have already raised some amendments so that we can explore this in more detail and work constructively towards a solution? I am sure these issues will be considered further on Report but, in the light of the Minister’s reply today, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
My Lords, I support Amendment 22, standing in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Kamall. He absolutely made the case but, having heard what the Minister had to say on the previous group, I have a terrible certainty about what her response will be.
I assure the Minister that many of us want to find solutions, in the way that the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, mentions. The principles of the Bill are supported across the Committee; it is some of the detail that is in contention. We must be honest that the Bill deals with the symptom—competition ratios—not the cure, which is the bottleneck of insufficient specialty training places. I go back to the phrase that the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, used at Second Reading. We are simply reshuffling the queue.
This amendment places a necessary duty on the Secretary of State to review the adequacy of training places. We have received warnings from doctors in shortage specialties such as psychiatry and general practice, who fear that the Bill will drive away the international talent that we rely on. We need to know whether this legislation will succeed in retaining UK graduates or whether it will inadvertently exacerbate shortages by signalling to the global medical community that the NHS is closed for business. We cannot manage what we do not measure.
My Lords, I welcome the debate that we have just had and I appreciate the support for what we are seeking to do, particularly from both Front Benches, as in the other place. I am most grateful for that.
The amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, seeks to require the Secretary of State to review the impact of this Act within six months of Royal Assent and to require that that review is published and laid in Parliament. I understand the intent behind this amendment, but we do not feel that there is a need to accept it because the Government have already set out their impact-monitoring and evaluation plans within the published impact statement on 14 January.
The noble Lord’s amendment also specifies requirements that are not compatible with how recruitment cycles operate. He will understand that I want to report to your Lordships’ House only on the basis of proper information, as he would expect. However, data as specified in the amendment would not be available to allow us to meet those requirements or to allow sufficient time and flexibility for the investigation of impacts. However, I give the assurance that, should the Bill be passed, the Government will ensure that appropriate data is collected and investigated to facilitate the already proposed impact evaluation. I hope that this will be helpful.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, for his amendment and his very helpful introduction. From these Benches, we have consistently raised our concerns about the downsides of emergency legislation. The Constitution Committee chairman, my noble friend Lord Strathclyde, wrote in his letter to the Minister that the Constitution Committee has
“repeatedly raised concerns about the fast-tracking of legislation, highlighting in particular the need to ensure that effective parliamentary scrutiny is maintained”.
We are all of us, I hope, doing our utmost in the short time available to scrutinise the Bill fully, but, with such a short period of time available, we cannot discount the possibility that this legislation will have unintended consequences. The noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, posited one particular example in his speech during the last debate.
It is true that the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee has not brought anything in the Bill to the attention of the House. However, in the light of the fact that the Bill has been fast-tracked through Parliament, there is, I believe, a case for making all regulations under this Act subject to the affirmative procedure, allowing for additional future scrutiny. Like the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, I look forward to hearing the Minister’s reply.
My Lords, I am grateful not just for this brief debate but for the efforts of noble Lords to expedite this legislation. I acknowledge the short timeframe—it is not as short as in the other place but, nevertheless, noble Lords have been most co-operative, and I value that.
Amendment 23, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, seeks to require that all regulations made under the Act are subject to the affirmative procedure. This is an amendment we are not able to accept. To reiterate our intention, the Bill sets out the groups of people who are to be prioritised for specialty training from 2027 onwards. I reassure the noble Lord that the delegated power is limited to adding to this list by reference to significant experience working as a doctor in the health service or immigration status.
Similarly, we have set out in the Bill specialty training programmes excluded from the prioritisation scheme. The delegated power is limited to amend this list, and it gives necessary operational flexibility to respond to future changes in recruitment, training and workforce needs—something that I know noble Lords are very attuned to the need for.
I am sympathetic to the desire for parliamentary scrutiny and I always try to ensure that it is provided but, because of the limited scope of these powers, we believe that the negative procedure is appropriate. As the noble Earl, Lord Howe, just referred to, the Bill has been assessed by the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee, and no suggestion has been made that the negative procedure was inappropriate for this regulation.
I have spoken in a previous group to why we are dealing with emergency legislation. I hear what is said about the downsides, but we have to balance that with the scale of the problem and the urgency that it demands. That is why we decided to introduce emergency legislation.
The noble Earl spoke about the Constitutional Committee letter. We will be responding formally to the committee to address its concern. With that, I hope the noble Lord feels able to withdraw his amendment.
Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)
I thank the Minister for that timely response. I particularly welcome the support of the noble Earl, Lord Howe, for the principle that I was trying to establish. However, on this occasion, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
My Lords, I will speak to Amendments 26 and 27 on commencement, proposed by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall. I confess that we are conflicted on these. This brings us back to the tension at the heart of the Bill. We have UK graduates urging immediate implementation to resolve their uncertainty; conversely, we have international medical graduates asking for delay or transition because the rules are changing mid-cycle. If the Government eventually accept the amendments in group 2, providing a fair transitional arrangement for those with NHS experience, then immediate commencement becomes less punitive. However, if they persist with the blunt ILR proxy for 2026 then rushing to commencement simply accelerates an injustice.
I urge the Minister to clarify when precisely the regulations for the 2026 cycle will be laid if this Bill passes and whether they will include the transitional protections we have argued for. I am somewhat pessimistic on that. Certainty is needed, but it must not come at the expense of fairness.
In that context, as we are at the end of Committee, I must ask the Minister to confirm that she is going to meet the cross-party group of those of us who have spoken at Second Reading and in Committee before Report takes place. I have kept my diary free for the Monday before Report and I know that the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, mentioned that earlier. We would all welcome a face-to-face meeting with the Minister. She talked about us being co-operative, and we all realise the Government’s desire for speed, particularly in the context of the industrial dispute, but, quite frankly, it takes two to tango.
I am grateful for the noble Lord’s advice in his last comment.
I thank noble Lords for their contributions. The noble Lord, Lord Kamall, spoke about what I am going to call the tension between emergency legislation and the commencement clause. I will start on that point. I hope he is aware that our intent is, of course, to commence the Bill as soon as we possibly can, subject to its passage through Parliament. That is why I am so grateful to noble Lords and to Parliament more broadly—both Houses—that they have agreed to expedite the progress of this Bill.
I will come back on to this later in a bit more detail but, as I have already stated, there is a genuine question about operational feasibility, if strikes are ongoing, due to the strain that they put on the system. I am sure everybody in your Lordships’ Chamber would understand that. I will now refer to the amendments, and I have some other points to answer some of the questions that were raised.
Amendment 26, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, and spoken to by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, and Amendment 23, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, and spoken to by the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, relate to the date upon which the Act comes into force. Both would remove the provision that allows the Secretary of State to appoint the commencement date.
We cannot accept these amendments, as they remove an important element—and I emphasise this point—of operational flexibility, should it be needed. The commencement provision within the Bill is not a mechanism for delay. It is, we believe, a necessary safeguard to ensure that systems planning and operational capacity are in place before the Act is brought into force. Noble Lords will also appreciate that it is a material question, as referred to by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, about how possible it is to proceed if industrial action continues, given the strain that strikes put on the system.
It is our intention to commence the Bill as soon as we are able, but it is essential that the Secretary of State is able to take all the circumstances, including operational readiness, into account when deciding when the Act should come into force. I think that it is honest to say this. Amendment 26 also seeks to require the Act to come into force one month after it is passed. Specialty training offers must be made from March. Delaying commencement by even one month would leave insufficient time to implement prioritisation for this year’s application round. In short, fixing a commencement date one month after Royal Assent, as Amendment 26 suggests, would create a situation where the Bill comes into force too late to tackle the bottleneck problem that we seek to resolve—the one that it is designed to remedy for the 2026 year—while also removing our ability to commence the Act only when systems are ready to deliver it effectively.
On the comments about industrial action made by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, I reconfirm that the Government have been in intensive and constructive discussions with the BMA resident doctors committee since the start of the new year. The aim is to try to bring an end to the damaging cycle of strikes, and to avoid what is undoubtedly further, unnecessary disruption for patients and NHS staff. We continue to hope that those talks result in an agreement that works for everyone, so that there will be no more strike action by resident doctors in 2026.
With regard to the noble Lord’s request for more detail on operational readiness, I know he understands that introducing reforms to such a large-scale recruitment process is a big undertaking. We do not want the risk of creating errors that could lead to further uncertainty for organisations, for educators and, most importantly, for our trainees. An effective commencement demands clear processes for delivery across the health system. The reality is that industrial action will put this at risk because it is a diversion of resources, as it always is.
The noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, asked about further engagement. I have already had engagement with a number of noble Lords, including both Front Benches. If it is possible to do so before Report, I will write again. Time is extremely short, so while I am always glad to do so, if the noble Lord will allow me to look at that in a practical sense, I will be pleased to. With that, I hope that the noble Lord will withdraw the amendment.
I thank the noble Baroness for that considered response to the discussions. I thank all noble Lords who have spoken, not only to this group of amendments, but today. I also thank the staff for being here to look after us while we stay to this hour.
I should perhaps clarify for the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, that when I laid the amendment it was with the amendment from my noble friend Lord Howe in mind. If we can address some of the perceived injustices or unfairness in the system, we should implement as soon as possible. I was not seeking to create a tension there.
I am grateful to the Minister for explaining that there are operational issues. I think that it would help the Government, and help this Bill to go forward, if the Minister were able to explain in a letter to noble Lords some of those operational issues, because sometimes it may be that we think that it is quite easy. I know, having been in government, that there are a number of issues. I can see that the Minister is looking forward to spending her Recess formulating that letter with her officials. The noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, talked earlier about a holiday, but I do not think that Ministers ever get a holiday. I am giving the Minister a challenge during the Recess to explain some of the operational challenges that lead to the Government not being able to accept this amendment to implement the Bill as soon as possible.
With that, I thank the Minister for her response. I thank all noble Lords who have spoken today and I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
(4 days ago)
Lords ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
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My Lords, I too am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Patel, for leading the debate on his amendments, which seek to establish a new prioritisation hierarchy that puts UK medical graduates first, ahead of those in the priority group who are not UK medical graduates. I should have prefaced my speech by reminding the House of my interest as an honorary fellow of the Royal College of Physicians.
We debated this proposal in Committee, when other noble Lords, including my noble friend Lady Coffey, tabled amendments that sought to introduce a different prioritisation hierarchy. I understand fully the case that the noble Lord is making and I agree that UK medical graduates should have a much fairer crack of the whip in access to medical specialty training places. Fairness has been our primary concern throughout our scrutiny of this Bill. However, I agree also with the noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Kings Heath. The Government have had some hard choices to make.
In an ideal world, where the House had been given more time to consider these matters in the round, we might have been able to improve on the approach that Ministers are taking. For example, there is surely a place for guidance to make clear that the prioritisation process should incorporate considerations of medical and academic excellence, a point that the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, has consistently made.
I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Stevens of Birmingham, for putting the decisions made by the last Government into their proper context. However, given where we are, we accept that Ministers have introduced this as urgent legislation with a specific purpose. In that context, having accepted that the Government’s approach will have the effect that they are seeking to achieve, we are satisfied that the Minister’s proposed method of prioritisation is acceptable.
My Lords, I am most grateful to noble Lords across the House for their considered contributions to this group of amendments and to the noble Lord, Lord Patel, for his introduction to this group. I have a third reason to be grateful—namely, for the understanding of the challenge that this Government are facing and the need to take action. I do not take that for granted. We are not able to support the amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Patel, and I will go through the reasons.
In answer to the noble Baroness, Lady McIntosh, the Bill already sets clear priority groups without any further ranking within them. This is a binary system: applicants are either prioritised or they are not. It might be helpful to your Lordships House to say that the priority groups set out in the Bill have been agreed across the four Governments of the nation. They are best placed to support moving to what we all want—a sustainable workforce to meet the health needs of this population.
As I emphasised in Committee and at Second Reading, prioritisation does not mean exclusion. Non-prioritised graduates will still be able to apply, and they will be offered places if vacancies remain after prioritised applicants have received offers. For specialty training, there are likely to be opportunities in general practice, core psychiatry and internal medicine, which, historically, attract fewer applicants from the groups that we are prioritising for 2026.
Alongside UK graduates, the Bill prioritises graduates from Ireland—this reflects, as I have spoken of before in this Chamber, the special nature of our relationship with Ireland—along with graduates from Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland, which reflects our obligations under international trade agreements with the European Free Trade Association countries to treat their graduates no less favourably. The amendments would mean that we would not be honouring these arrangements as we would be prioritising UK medical graduates over applicants from these countries.
The agreements with EFTA countries precede this Government. The agreement for Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein was made in July 2021, and for Switzerland in 2019. The bottleneck issues that this Bill is designed to address were primarily driven by the removal of the resident labour market test in 2020. I know noble Lords will understand the need to uphold these international obligations, albeit we receive very low numbers of applicants from EFTA countries. As I noted in my recent letter to the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, and to give noble Lords some idea of scale, there are a total of two applicants from EFTA countries for foundation and specialty training in 2026.
For specialty training, the amendments would mean we would be prioritising UK medical graduates over applicants with significant NHS experience. That would undermine the effective delivery of our policy intention, for which there is much sympathy in this Chamber, to prioritise applicants with significant experience working in the NHS. The Government have rightly committed to prioritising those who have made a considerable contribution to our health service because they better understand how the health service works and how to meet the needs of the UK population.
The noble Lord, Lord Patel, asked how many more students in the priority group would be able to enter specialty training. I will be pleased to write to the noble Lord on that matter.
My noble friend Lord Hunt and the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, called for improvement of the broader approach to medical training, and that is something with which I would definitely concur. We have published phase 1 of the medical training review, which identifies the key challenges and the areas for improvement across postgraduate medical training, as noble Lords are inquiring about, and asks what is working well. Phase 2 of this work is already under way, and will focus on exploring those issues and developing options for change.
The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, asked that I give an assurance that Oriel would, as an appointment process tool, have what she described as a more subtle way of looking at NHS experience. I can confirm that we will be engaging with stakeholders on what the best definition is and what is most appropriate for NHS experience. That will then allow us to update the system.
The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, asked about merit-based selection and made a valid point about the quality of applicants. I assure your Lordships’ House that the Bill does not replace in any way a merit-based selection. Existing recruitment processes for foundation and specialty training already assess applicants against rigorous, merit-based criteria, including competence, performance and suitability for training, all of which I know are of concern, and rightly so, to the noble Baroness. The Bill sits alongside that process, not instead of that process.
The noble Lords, Lord Stevens and Lord Clement-Jones, asked about specialty training places. In the 10-year health plan, which the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, referred to, our commitment is to create 1,000 new specialty training posts over the next three years, focusing—importantly, in my view—on specialties where there is the greatest need. The Bill will not delay this process. There are some programmes and regions already at capacity for delivering properly supervised training posts. Expanding that training capacity will therefore need to be done gradually to ensure that placements remain of the high quality that we need and that appropriate supervision is in place to support it.
I hope that I have dealt with the main questions raised. For these reasons, I hope the noble Lord will withdraw his amendment.
My Lords, with these amendments, the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, has reprised proposals he made, and which we debated, in Committee. In Committee, the Minister emphasised a point that I must say resonated particularly strongly with me. She pointed out that the delay proposed in Amendment 3 sets the Government back in their timetable to address the bottlenecks in medical training. Although I acknowledge all that the noble Lord said about fairness, I must accept that a delay of a year would set the Government back significantly in their plans. Given our support for the main principle underpinning the Bill, we cannot, I am afraid, support that amendment.
However, I reiterate that prioritisation is only part of the solution to the problem we have been talking about. It is a logical and sensible step, but the bottlenecks in medical training, which are having such a pernicious effect on the future opportunities of young doctors, will not be ameliorated until the number of training places is increased significantly. The Minister’s answer in the previous group to the question about training places posed by the noble Lord, Lord Stevens of Birmingham, was helpful. However, can she go any further and indicate whether the Government consider that the additional training places which have already been announced are likely to be sufficient, or is there a possibility that more may be announced in the coming months?
The noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, made a strong case for Amendment 7, and I endorse the powerful comments made not only by him but by the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones. Can the Minister provide us with further information on the Oriel system? There is a sort of fog surrounding this subject.
When we last debated this issue, I was surprised that the Minister was unable to give clarity on the number of individuals who have demonstrated an established commitment to the NHS but do not have leave to remain. It seems to me essential that we have clarity on the number of doctors that this amendment would affect. Has she had the opportunity to look into this in more detail between Committee and Report? If we are not able to get greater clarity on the issue today, will the Minister at least give a commitment to look at any cases where a doctor has demonstrated that commitment but does not have indefinite leave to remain, so that we can ensure that any injustices that may arise as a result of this emergency legislation are resolved swiftly at ministerial level?
I am grateful to noble Lords on all sides of the House for their contributions today. I turn first to Amendment 3, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed. As I explained in Committee, this is not an amendment that we are able to support. As has been emphasised, including today, a key aim of this Bill is to address the severe bottlenecks in medical training that have built up over recent years. These pressures are having real consequences, evidenced most starkly, I believe, through the most recent industrial action, where concerns about stalled career progression and training opportunities have featured and continue to feature heavily.
The noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, rightly spoke about the concerns of applicants mid-cycle, and I do recognise the concerns about this group and the impact on them, particularly where applicants did not know how prioritisation might affect them. But, although I absolutely understand the concerns, which we have discussed, these have been carefully considered and, at the end of it all, we have to make decisions about what it is we are trying to do. There will be people who are affected in ways that none of us would have chosen, but it has not been possible to make a change in legislation, particularly at this pace, without some effect on some groups. So, yes, it is a choice, and it is one that we have made. But I acknowledge of course the impact on those who are in the middle of a cycle of application.
With regard to the proposal in the amendment, I can only endorse the comments by the noble Lord Earl, Lord Howe, that another year of inaction would only deepen the frustration felt by UK-trained doctors and further destabilise the workforce. I do not think that is something that any of us want to see. So, we do believe that applying prioritisation to the 2026 intake is both necessary and justified. If we wait, as this amendment suggests, until 2027, it is projected that competition ratios will have risen even further. That would mean more UK graduates unable to progress their careers on time, with greater risk to the long-term sustainability of the NHS workforce, and protecting the long-term sustainability of the NHS workforce, protecting patients and protecting patient care and services is what this Bill is all about. That is why we are not able to accept another year’s delay, although I understand why the noble Lord put his amendment forward.
In addition, there is a difficulty in terms of the drafting in respect of this amendment, because it would create two clauses related to the prioritisation of applicants to specialty training programmes for 2027, and each would have a different approach to prioritisation. I am sure that the noble Lord would not want to create operational confusion or undermine legal certainty, but I thought it important to point that out.
I turn to Amendment 7, also tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed. First, following our conversation earlier—I am grateful for the noble Lord’s flexibility in that regard—I want to reassure him and your Lordships’ House that we are absolutely committed to recognising those who have worked in the NHS for a significant period. There is a very good reason for this: as well as it being the right thing to do, those individuals are much more likely to stay in the National Health Service for the long term, and they are much better equipped to understand how the health service works and how to meet the needs of the UK population. Again, that is a core driver in this Bill. It is our intention to prioritise those with significant NHS experience for specialty training. However, we are unable to support Amendment 7, for a number of reasons. I appreciate that the amendment was changed, but I want to refer at this stage to the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones; I discussed these matters with him earlier today.
While the NHS Oriel recruitment system holds some information about an applicant’s NHS experience, it cannot be used consistently or fairly for the 2026 round. The data has been collected on the basis that it would be checked by employers before appointment, not for retrospective automated assessment. It is indeed the case that applicants enter their employment history on Oriel as free text, but with no consistent format. Yes, there is a tick-box to indicate NHS experience, but I have to emphasise that it is self-declared—and that is the problem. There is no mechanism for verification to confirm that the employer listed is an NHS organisation, or any other relevant detail. That is why I spoke about this in Committee: it would require a manual review of tens of thousands of applications. That means a high risk of error, potentially delaying offers and start dates: again, nothing that any of us would wish to do. It would of course be destabilising for applicants and trusts, so it is not operationally feasible and nor would it be fair.
The noble Earl, Lord Howe, asked for more information on the Oriel system. I would welcome speaking to him at great length about it as, having looked into it in a practical sense, I can absolutely see the limitations. In my letter to the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, which I have placed in the Library, more detail has been provided on the system, which may be of help to the noble Earl, Lord Howe. But if the noble Earl would like a more in-depth acquaintance with the Oriel system, he and other noble Lords are most welcome to benefit, as I have done.
The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, spoke of voluntary experience as a possibility for being NHS-significant experience, and I understand why she raises this. On this point and also to the point about the amendment, there is currently no agreed threshold for what constitutes significant NHS experience. The fact is that views on this differ widely, as evidenced today by the noble Baroness. That is why we have committed to full engagement on this issue for future years, rather than rushing through the changes for 2026. Once we have agreed the parameters around experience, the Oriel system will be updated to ensure that data is collected in a consistent, verifiable format—that is the key—to support fair assessment in future recruitment rounds. Our aim is to have this in place in time for the next specialty training round, which will open for applications in autumn 2026.
For the current recruitment round, the Bill uses a set of carefully chosen specified immigration statuses, as this is a practical and proportionate proxy for identifying applicants most likely to have significant NHS experience. After careful consideration, we have concluded that this is the best approach for the 2026 recruitment round.
On the question from the noble Earl, Lord Howe, about the potential for additional training places and the likelihood that the ones I referred to earlier will be sufficient, we are keeping the numbers under review, as we always do. The noble Earl asked me to look at particular cases, and I am always happy to do that. We should bear in mind that it is often difficult to comment on very specific individual cases, but I am pleased to look at the broad point that he makes.
On the basis of the reasons I have outlined, I hope the noble Lord will withdraw his amendment.
My Lords, I am most grateful to noble Lords from across the House for their thoughtful contributions in this group. The noble Earl, Lord Howe, reminded us to come back to the prime focus in respect of Amendment 11, which I will start with. It is about supporting and being fair to UK medical graduates in whom we have invested, but that is also a group from whom we seek so much, and we are grateful to them. It is also about providing safe and appropriate care.
I appreciate the intention behind Amendment 11, tabled by my noble friend Lady Lister, but the Government are unable to support it, for the reasons I will outline. The Bill, as noble Lords will be familiar with, prioritises applicants based on certain specific immigration statuses for specialty training in 2026. These statuses have been carefully chosen for the reason that I have said a number of times: as a practical and proportionate proxy for applicants who are most likely to have significant NHS experience. I reiterate, as I have said a number of times, that the Bill is not about exclusion of any groups or individuals but about prioritisation.
Referring to the request by my noble friend Lady Lister, which was emphasised by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed, perhaps I could make one point to remind your Lordships’ House. For 2027 onwards, those statuses will not automatically apply. Instead, there will be the power to make regulations to capture and prioritise persons with significant NHS experience based on other criteria or by reference to immigration statuses. I reassure my noble friend that we have already committed, and do so once again, to a proper engagement process—subject to the Bill’s passage, of course—to ensure that any future definition is fair, evidence-based and deliverable.
Amendment 11 would prioritise groups with different immigration statuses which are not an appropriate proxy for significant NHS experience. This is not consistent with the aims of the Bill. The amendment would also have the effect of permanently prioritising applicants on the basis of immigration status for foundation and specialty training. The applicants with the immigration statuses listed in the amendment who are not otherwise prioritised are—as I have already said, but it bears repeating—not excluded from applying for foundation or specialty training. They may still be offered a post, if there are places remaining, once all prioritised applicants have been allocated posts. They also remain eligible to apply for locally employed doctor roles. On this basis, I hope my noble friend will feel able to withdraw her amendment.
I turn now to Amendments 12, 13 and 15, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada. I appreciate the intention behind these amendments, as many of us do, and I am most grateful to the noble Baroness for her work in bringing these amendments back in the way that she has on Report, having heard the arguments previously in Committee. I appreciate her work on them, both inside this Chamber and outside, and the way in which she made her case so clearly and powerfully, as other noble Lords have said. I know the noble Baroness is aware, as I emphasised in my letter that I sent out to Peers, that the Government are unable to support these amendments.
Let me explain to your Lordships’ House why this is the case. The Bill rightly prioritises doctors for foundation and specialty training based on where they are trained. It also prioritises internationally trained doctors with significant NHS experience for specialty training. We are doing this because these doctors are more likely to work in the NHS in the long term and to be better equipped to deliver healthcare that is tailored to the UK’s population, because they will better understand the UK’s health system and epidemiology.
On my noble friend Lord Hunt’s point, which I believe he also spoke to in the previous group, while assessments and course learning at overseas campuses may well be the same—I accept that—as in UK-based medical schools, students will not have undertaken the same number of clinical placements in the NHS in the United Kingdom.
I note that the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, argued in her email to all Peers—or to a number of Peers, I am not quite sure which—that her amendment would not widen eligibility for prioritisation beyond the Government’s intentions. This is not the case. To reiterate, the Bill intends to prioritise home-grown doctors and put them at the front of the queue for training posts. It is unashamed, for the reasons that I have explained and noble Lords understand. Doctors who have trained here and undertaken their placements in our hospitals and health settings will have more familiarity with the NHS and the needs of the patients they serve than a doctor who has studied the same curriculum but not in the UK.
However, the Bill recognises that this experience can be gained without spending the entirety of one’s degree in the UK. However, the line has to be drawn somewhere and, where the majority of a degree has been studied outside the UK, it is right that those graduates are not prioritised equally alongside UK-trained medical graduates.
To pick up the point about future-proofing that the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, raised, we recognise the risks of this creating a loophole in the legislation if medical schools purposefully change their curriculum to ensure that their graduates come from within the priority status. However, as we discussed earlier today, this risk would exist at whatever threshold we set. I can, however, assure the noble Baroness that we will continue to monitor the data carefully in future years, for all the important reasons that the noble Baroness said.
The Bill prioritises all graduates of UK medical schools who have studied for their degree in this country. That is the right thing to do for our health system, because we recognise that these doctors are well prepared to work in that system and are more likely to stay. It is also right and fair to do this for graduates of our medical schools. It treats all graduates as equals, regardless of where they are from.
As the noble Lord, Lord Patel, noted, prioritising graduates from overseas campuses would also undermine—these are my words, not the noble Lord’s—our aim of greater social mobility and access into medicine. We need dramatically to improve access to this profession for those from disadvantaged backgrounds across our communities in order that our medical practitioners can be more representative and serve the communities from where they come. The campuses that we are speaking of are commercial ventures and students are generally self-funded. Including these graduates in the priority group would undoubtedly undermine the efforts of the Bill to support home-grown talent.
I will make a number of points to deal with the points that the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, raised. I understand that the proposed amendments seek to restrict future eligibility by prioritising only those campuses that are extant on the day the Act is passed, and also to create a power that would enable us to limit the number of eligible applications under this provision. However, the establishment and operation of these overseas campuses sit outside the UK Government’s workforce planning and commissioning decisions. We have previously set out that we expect that all eligible prioritised applicants for the foundation programme in 2026 will get a place. So, accepting these amendments, even with the suggestion of capping the numbers that could be prioritised from these campuses, would mean we would have to fund more foundation programme posts than we need.
There has been talk—not just in the Chamber, but outside—about figures. Let me clarify that current UK foundation programme applications for 2026 show almost 300 applicants from overseas campuses of UK and Ireland medical schools. This is a significant number and to prioritise all of this group would require substantial additional expenditure for these posts. A rough estimate is around £25 million over two years. This is funding which, if it went in this direction, could not be spent on other priorities, including increasing specialty training places, which I know is of great interest to noble Lords.
In addition, the proposed amendments would not have any effect on overseas campuses of Republic of Ireland medical schools, so would conflict with provisions in the rest of the Bill, which treat Ireland graduates on the same basis as UK graduates, reflecting the unique relationship between the two countries.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lords, Lord Kamall and Lord Mohammed, for their contributions in this group of amendments.
I turn first to Amendment 14, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed. As I stated in Committee, we are unable to support this amendment. It might be helpful to your Lordships’ House if I am clear about our intention. As your Lordships are aware, the Bill sets out on its face the groups of people who are to be prioritised for specialty training from 2027 onwards. The delegated power about which we are speaking is limited to adding to this list by referring to the significant experience of working as a doctor in the health service or immigration status, so it is, in my view, tightly drawn.
Similarly, we have set out in the Bill the specialty training programmes excluded from the prioritisation scheme. Again, I give the reassurance that the delegated power about which we are speaking is limited to amending this list and gives necessary operational flexibility for future changes in recruitment, training and workforce needs—something that noble Lords raised in an earlier group.
As I hope noble Lords are aware, I am always supportive of parliamentary scrutiny. However, due to the very limited scope of these powers, we believe that the negative procedure is appropriate, not least as the regulations will not have the effect of excluding anyone from applying for a training post. I hope it is helpful to remind noble Lords that the Bill has been assessed by the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee, and no suggestion was made that the negative procedure was inappropriate for such regulations. With that explanation, I therefore hope that the noble Lord will feel able to withdraw his amendment.
Turning to Amendment 16, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, in Committee I spoke to why, as he said, we cannot support this amendment: because it removes an important element of operational flexibility. Let me say at the outset that I completely understand why the noble Lord has raised again the points he raised previously. He mentioned a tension; yes, in lots of ways there is a tension and that is what we are trying to manage.
As I stated previously, the commencement provision in the Bill is absolutely not a mechanism for delay. We want to proceed with this as soon as possible. That is the non-specific answer to the noble Lord’s very reasonable questions, but I think he will understand that not knowing the timetable on which I am commenting or the possibility of strike action means that I am not readily in a position to give exact answers; I wish I were. The main thing is that it is absolutely our intent to commence the Bill as soon as possible. That is why we are dealing with it on the planned timescale.
The commencement clause is a safeguard. It is to ensure that all the planning, capacity and systems are in place before the Act is brought into force, because it will be impossible to do it otherwise. Noble Lords will also appreciate—the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, raised this—that the question of whether it is possible to proceed if industrial action continues, given the strain that strikes put on the system, cannot be ignored.
Although preparations for the implementation of the Bill as introduced have been progressing and are undergoing quality assurance testing, should the Bill be amended it could impact on operational readiness that could delay offers and disrupt staffing preparations. We have to avoid such disruption; although we do not expect such issues to arise, it is important that we retain what we regard as a fail-safe provision.
Any Secretary of State would be right to take all the circumstances, including operational readiness, into account in deciding when the Act should come into force. I cannot restate often enough that the intention is to bring this in as soon as possible; that is what we all want to do and that is what we need to do. For the reasons I set out, I hope that the noble Lord will feel able to withdraw his amendment.
Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)
I thank noble Lords who have contributed to the debate. Given what I have heard from the Minister, both in the Chamber and in my previous conversations with her, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.
(2 days ago)
Lords ChamberThis text is a record of ministerial contributions to a debate held as part of the Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill 2024-26 passage through Parliament.
In 1993, the House of Lords Pepper vs. Hart decision provided that statements made by Government Ministers may be taken as illustrative of legislative intent as to the interpretation of law.
This extract highlights statements made by Government Ministers along with contextual remarks by other members. The full debate can be read here
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My Lords, NHS staff told us through the 10-year health plan engagement that they were crying out for change. This Bill is but one step in delivering that change. It will ensure a more sustainable and resilient medical workforce. It will ensure that we make the best use of the substantial taxpayer investment in medical training, and it will give our homegrown talent a clear path to becoming the next generation of NHS doctors.
The issue of bottlenecks for postgraduate medical training has been growing since the removal of the resident labour market test in 2020. I am most grateful to Parliament for expediting the passage of the Bill to tackle this problem, while giving it the careful scrutiny it deserves. I express my gratitude to noble Lords across the House for their constructive engagement throughout its passage. I wish to thank and credit noble Lords for passing the Bill unamended. My thanks are also due to officials and leaders from the devolved Governments for their support and commitment to ensuring we have a process that works for all of the United Kingdom, and for their determination to ensure that all legislative requirements were met within what was, and is, a challenging timeframe. I thank my officials in the department, as well as our lawyers, for their tireless work over these past few months.
We are clear that this Bill does not and cannot resolve all the workforce issues within our National Health Service. It sits alongside a range of action that the Government are taking to ensure that the NHS has the right people in the right places, with the right skills to care for people when they need it. The changes that the Bill introduces for foundation specialty training are a crucial step forward and will lead to a more sustainable medical workforce that can meet the health needs of our population.
I again thank all noble Lords who contributed their knowledge and insight during the Bill’s consideration. I beg to move.
My Lords, although this was emergency legislation, we have had detailed and constructive debates on prioritisation. We have also had the opportunity to debate some of the deeper issues around the supply of medical specialty training places, and I am grateful to the Minister for her letter. We will continue to hold the Government to account on the delivery of these places over the coming years. As we have said previously, the Bill is not a complete solution to the problem, as the Minister graciously acknowledged. We accept that it is a step forward.
During our debates, we touched on a number of issues, including whether UK citizens who are graduates of UK medical schools should be given first priority. We discussed the issue of international medical graduates who chose to contribute to the UK system of healthcare rather than go to another country, but who may now find themselves at the back of the queue. We discussed graduates of overseas branches of UK medical schools, some of which follow the same curriculum as UK medical schools, and whether some could be granted so-called grandfather rights. We also pressed for secondary legislation to be subject to the affirmative procedure. We understand why the Government have come to their position and why Ministers have not been able to take action on these points in this emergency legislation. However, given more time, I hope Ministers will continue their work to resolve these concerns, which were eloquently set out by a number of noble Lords from all Benches.
There was some debate about whether this was really emergency legislation or whether, in reality, it was simply giving the Secretary of State a bargaining chip in negotiations with the BMA. That may be no bad thing in itself, but the question remains of whether emergency legislation should be used to give Ministers bargaining chips.
Before I sit down, I thank the Minister and her officials for all their engagement throughout the Bill. As His Majesty’s loyal Opposition, we look forward to working closely with the Minister as the Government press ahead with its implementation.