Commonwealth Trade

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Wednesday 12th December 2012 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your guidance, Mr Turner. My right hon. Friend the Member for East Devon (Mr Swire), the Minister of State, sends his apologies for not being able to be here this morning; it is he who has responsibility for the UK’s relationship with the Commonwealth. He is abroad on business, but I know that he will read avidly the transcript of the debate. If I do not have time to reply to all the points made by my hon. Friend the Member for Romford (Andrew Rosindell), I will ensure that he is written to in a detailed way that sets out the Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s response.

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important debate and on his knowledge and detailed understanding of the importance of the UK’s relationship with the Commonwealth—and with the overseas territories, which we explored in some detail at the Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday. His speech today was typically passionate, articulate and lucid, and it showed a detailed grasp of the complexity of some of the issues that we are wrestling with this morning.

My hon. Friend was absolutely right in the central thrust of his argument: the necessity and importance of driving economic and trade ties with the Commonwealth, to stimulate economic development, wealth and sustainable job creation, as a significant contribution to alleviating poverty in some Commonwealth countries and to helping with our UK economic recovery. I would, however, like to address one or two issues up front, because my hon. Friend seemed to imply that nothing was being done at the moment to improve relations, economic trade and other ties with the Commonwealth.

Of course, I accept that more needs to be done. The right hon. Member for Birkenhead (Mr Field) rightly mentioned Lord Howell’s significant contribution; I know from discussions with my noble Friend that he is still very interested in and engaged with driving forward the relationship with the Commonwealth. The issue is not, of course, just about economic and trade ties; it is also about building governmental capacity and strengthening ties in other areas, including through education. There is a keenness and enthusiasm to create links with UK educational establishments, to build capacity and to facilitate the work of the British Council where appropriate.

It is important that Members understand the overseas territories’ relationship with the Commonwealth. In our view, the territories should have either associate or observer membership of the Commonwealth, and we have been lobbying for that for some time. However, that is not in the UK’s gift; it has to be agreed by all Commonwealth member states.

At the joint ministerial council that I chaired last week, when all the overseas territory leaders came to London, one of the most significant sessions was when the Commonwealth secretary-general addressed the leaders and responded to questions. One of the most forceful points that was put across from a selection of overseas territory premiers and chief ministers was their desire to be a more integral part of the Commonwealth family, in their own right. It needs to be said, however, that they have benefited from and participated in some of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association’s functions and have attended some of the conferences that have taken place, particularly those relating to small island states.

At the moment, overseas territories cannot be observer members because, back in 2007, a Commonwealth sub-committee made a recommendation, which was accepted by the Commonwealth, that only sovereign states, and no subsets, were allowed to be full members. We continue to lobby the Commonwealth about changing that, and I hope that we will make progress.

In response to a point made by one of the hon. Members who has left already, I should say that we welcome applications to join the Commonwealth from countries that can demonstrate that they meet the requirements and are dedicated to the Commonwealth’s core values, particularly those of human rights, good governance and the rule of law.

I also want to pick up on a point made by the right hon. Member for Birkenhead, about overseas territory direct representation in the UK Parliament. The right hon. Member for Warley (Mr Spellar) was absolutely right. There is no aspiration or ambition in the overseas territories to be represented in the UK Parliament, and that would be the prerequisite for the commencement of any discussion in that direction. I gather that impression from my discussions, here and elsewhere, with senior overseas territory politicians and with many members of the broadest civil society. As the right hon. Member for Warley rightly set out, the territories would be extremely nervous about the potential impact, given what they would see as the removal of their responsibility to set taxation rights, drive their economies and deliver public services.

We are building a positive partnership relationship with the overseas territories. My hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham) needs enormous credit and thanks for the significant work that he put in to ensure that the White Paper was formulated, that the consultation process was detailed and that, across the three significant areas of trade and economic ties, building capacity of public services and the all-important environment, we are growing the relationship in a positive direction.

I thank the right hon. Member for Warley for his significant and important work in the Turks and Caicos Islands to ensure that they returned to the democratic family.

I also want to bust the myth that the right hon. Member for Birkenhead talked about: it is not true that significant proportions of international development money disappear through corruption. The money has a significant impact on many people’s lives, both in the Commonwealth and elsewhere. Of course it is right that the money should be used for the purposes for which it is intended, and of course it is right to focus on outcomes to get the maximum bang for the British taxpayer’s buck. Where that does not happen, such as recently in the Ugandan Prime Minister’s office, swift action is taken to ensure that the aid is suspended.

I was going to comment on industrial capability, as raised by the right hon. Member for Warley, but time is ticking along. I suspect a little bit of rewriting history is going on there, but the coalition Government are determined to ensure that we rebalance the economy away from the prevalence of financial services and the public sector and that we reverse the decline in the manufacturing sector that happened in the 13 years under the Labour Administration. The right hon. Gentleman probably wants to intervene, but I will not give way because I have to plough on.

The context of what I want to say in the remaining minutes is that we came to office determined to reinvigorate the Commonwealth as an international organisation, and to reinvigorate our relationship with the Commonwealth and its integral member states, in the belief that we can use and capitalise on those networks and relationships in a globalising world to drive our agenda, and the Commonwealth’s agenda, of prosperity, stability and security. The Commonwealth is a long-standing network of old friends that lends itself perfectly to that ambition. One of the big challenges that we have faced in taking forward that agenda is ensuring that the Commonwealth as an organisation remains relevant in today’s changing world.

An important part of our work to reinvigorate the Commonwealth has been the modernisation agenda to achieve many of the recommendations set out by the eminent persons group, as it is rather grandly called. The relevant Minister, my right hon. Friend the Member for East Devon, is working extremely hard in an extremely focused way, alongside the Foreign Secretary, to ensure that we drive forward that modernisation agenda. I will not go into great detail, although if Members are interested, I am happy to provide it, because I want to focus on the prosperity side of the agenda.

I mention the modernisation agenda—the importance of democracy, the rule of law and the respect of core values—because it is a prerequisite that creates the conditions under which business can flourish; it gives business the confidence to invest and to trade, which inevitably leads to sustainable prosperity.

What are we doing to enhance our links—particularly trade links—with the Commonwealth? Since May 2010, we have put significant effort into refocusing and realigning all the FCO’s efforts on the prosperity agenda, creating firmer and greater co-operation across relevant Departments, particularly as that relates to some of the fastest-growing economies in the world, many of which are members of the Commonwealth—India, Nigeria, South Africa, Malaysia and Singapore. We are opening new missions, including a new deputy high commission in Hyderabad, and strengthening commercial teams in Commonwealth countries such as Canada, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Mozambique, Ghana, Kenya, Cameroon, Papua New Guinea and Guyana. That is why there has been such focus not only from officials at the FCO but from Ministers visiting Commonwealth countries. Again, I could provide an endless list, but I will not take up time by doing that. We understand that prosperity, trade and investment are a central plank in the relationship between the UK and the Commonwealth.

The capacity of UK Trade and Investment has been significantly expanded since May 2010, with a focus on the Commonwealth countries. Twenty UKTI teams are in Commonwealth markets, and Ministers are looking to double the number of UK companies reporting, with a particular focus on small and medium-sized enterprises, which my hon. Friend the Member for Romford rightly raised. Again, there is an extensive list of Commonwealth countries where UKTI is playing a significant role in helping to drive the all-important trade and economic agenda. A key part of that is openness and transparency, particularly on procurement, to ensure that British business has the confidence to invest for a substantial period.

One of the key points that my hon. Friend raised was on trade delegations to the Commonwealth. I take the point made by the right hon. Member for Warley that trade delegations need to be focused and outcome-based, which has been a significant thrust. Ministers have been engaged in significant trade delegations to many Commonwealth countries at a senior level: the Prime Minister led a trade delegation to Nigeria last year; the Business Secretary has led trade delegations; and my hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk led trade delegations to members of the Commonwealth when he was a Minister, too. I do not have a full list with me, but I am happy to provide the right hon. Member for Warley and other hon. Members with a comprehensive list of trade delegations. The most recent example that I can think of is when the Minister of State, Department of Energy and Climate Change, my right hon. Friend the Member for Bexhill and Battle (Gregory Barker), took a renewable energy delegation to east Africa with significant results.

My hon. Friend the Member for Romford mentioned access for Commonwealth nationals coming through Heathrow and other UK airports. I am happy to ask the UK Border Agency to study the card that is used, as a comparison with Asia, to determine whether a similar scheme would be practicable for the Commonwealth, too. Obviously, I will keep him informed.

The UK Government give significant support to SMEs trading with the Commonwealth. Ministers have made such support an export priority, and we are committed to doubling UK exports with the help of UKTI. My hon. Friend and other Members will be delighted to acknowledge that the Chancellor in his autumn statement announced significant additional resources for UKTI to drive that particularly important agenda.

Of course, this is not just about UK businesses exporting to Commonwealth countries; it is also about persuading Commonwealth countries, and businesses based in the Commonwealth, to invest here in the UK. There are significant examples of that from Malaysia, India and Australia. The right hon. Member for Warley rightly mentioned Bombardier, which is a significant Canadian business with significant investments here in the UK and is an example of the value of intra-Commonwealth co-operation and trade.

In the few seconds remaining, I reiterate the point that we do not see the Commonwealth and the EU as mutually exclusive trading partners. We must trade with everyone who we think can generate additional business and job creation for us. My hon. Friend the Member for Romford needs to recall that the EU is the biggest marketplace in the world. There are examples of advantages, such as the EU-wide free-trade agreement with Canada, that have significant positive benefits for the UK.

In conclusion, the Commonwealth is not only a fascinatingly rich part of Britain’s history; it is a dynamic and integral part of Britain’s future. The Commonwealth is an important part of the jigsaw of international organisations that we can, and do, use to pursue and achieve Britain’s objectives of prosperity, security and stability in the world.

Turks and Caicos Islands

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Tuesday 11th December 2012 Written Statements

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

My right hon. Friend, the Minister of State for International Development, and I wish to update the House about developments in the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI), a British overseas territory.

On 9 November 2012 elections were held in TCI that brought back a democratic Government to the territory. There was an impressive 84% turnout of voters. The Progressive National Party (PNP) won eight seats and the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) seven seats. Dr Rufus Ewing, the leader of the PNP, was sworn in as Premier on 14 November.

The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association organised an election observer mission with participation from Gibraltar, countries from the Caribbean region and the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife (Thomas Docherty) and my hon. Friend the Member for Rochford and Southend East (James Duddridge). The mission’s full report will be issued shortly, but I note their initial statement that

“the voters had a genuine choice from among the candidates. The process was transparent and accountable and the results reflect the will of the people”.

This election opens a new chapter for TCI. In August 2009, the ministerial Government and the House of Assembly were suspended after Sir Robin Auld’s Commission of Inquiry identified a high probability of systemic corruption in Government and the legislature and among public officers in TCI. Since then there has been much progress. In a written ministerial statement on 9 December 2010, Official Report, columns 20-41WS, UK Ministers agreed milestones for progress towards elections. Over the last three years an interim Administration led by the Governor and supported by the UK Government has implemented a wide-ranging reform programme to meet the milestones, including putting the public finances on the road to recovery, establishing a robust framework for good governance, and strengthening the public service. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department for International Development Ministers last updated the House on progress against the milestones on 12 June 2012, Official Report, columns 20-23WS.

I have just returned from a visit to the Turks and Caicos Islands and in this statement today, I wish to inform the House on the progress made by the interim Government under each milestone in the run-up to the elections;

Implementation of a new TCI Constitution Order, in support of recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry, which underpins good governance and sound public financial management.

The new constitution was brought into force by the Governor on 15 October, and elections held on 9 November within the prescribed 30-day limit. Preparations for the elections were made in line with the revised elections ordinance. A new register of electors was compiled on the basis of a registration exercise for all islanders. An Electoral Boundaries Commission defined 10 new electoral districts with broadly similar numbers of electors. Practical preparations were made for elections at 17 polling stations across TCI’s main islands. The interim Administration adopted a statement of governance principles on 15 June. Under the new constitution, all organs of Government in the islands have a duty to give effect to the statement of governance principles established under the constitution and the Governor has certain powers to ensure compliance with the principles.

An equality ordinance became law in October to clarify the rights of all members of the community, in line with the non-discrimination provisions in the new constitution.

Introduction of a number of new ordinances, including those making provision for: i) the electoral process and regulation of political parties: ii) integrity and accountability in public life: Hi) public financial management

The political activities ordinance was introduced in August to define acceptable political financing and oversight. Work in this area was assisted by a visit in July by UK political party members, organised by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, led by my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg and Goole (Andrew Percy).

The chief financial officer (CFO) ordinance was introduced in June 2012 to define this role within the restructured TCI Government, and as provided for in the 2012 Constitution Order and under the arrangements for the $260 million UK loan guarantee.

Establishment of robust and transparent public financial management processes to provide a stable economic environment and a strengthening of the TCI Government’s capacity to manage its public finances

Financial management regulations for the public sector were amended in line with the public financial management (PFM) ordinance and international good practice. A public financial management framework document was agreed that sets out the key principles of good financial management and the debt threshold targets agreed by the Secretary of State. Key requirements are that net debt is less than 110% of revenue by end of 2015-16 and less than 80% of revenue by the end of 2018-19, and that debt service is less than 10% of annual operating revenue and liquid assets at least 25% of annual operating revenue.

The public procurement ordinance was introduced in October creating a central public contracts unit, and defining the framework for future tenders and contracts.

Reforms to the Audit Department in the TCI Government split it into two distinct bodies: the National Audit Office, to operate outside ministerial control; and the Internal Audit Department to focus on internal Government controls, risk management and governance processes.

Implementation of budget measures to put the TCI Government on track to achieve a fiscal surplus in the financial year ending March 2013

The TCI Government are working towards achieving a budget surplus for the full year at the end of March 2013. The interim Government made good progress in stabilising the public finances. A recent mid-year forecast indicated that the expected surplus remains in line with the budget.

Implementation of a transparent and fair process for acquisition of Turks and Caicos Islander status

A revised immigration ordinance and immigration regulations were introduced in July. There is now no discretionary provision in law for the granting of Belonger status. The newly elected Government will need to bring forward an ordinance defining Turks and Caicos islander status in line with the new constitution.

Significant progress with the civil and criminal process recommended by the Commission of Inquiry, and implementation of measures to enable these to continue unimpeded

Thirteen people, including four former Ministers, have been charged with corruption and other serious criminal offences. These cases are now before the courts. The plea and directions hearing has been delayed at the request of the defence and is now expected to be held in April 2013. International arrest warrants and Interpol red notices were issued in respect of the former Premier Michael Misick and the developer Cem Kinay, and Michael Misick was subsequently arrested in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil on 7 December. His extradition to the Turks and Caicos Islands is being sought. The civil recovery team continued to recover property and redress loses arising from corruption. Some 52 separate recoveries of Crown land totalling 2,447 acres have now been made, and financial settlements totalling US$16 million have been reached.

Implementation of a new Crown land policy

The Crown land ordinance came into force in March 2012. The Lands Commissioner has continued to implement the reforms for land transactions, and assisted with the appointment of a new Lands Registrar.

Substantial progress in the reform of the public service

Progress has continued. The public service has focused on raising the standard of policy development in preparation for transition to an elected Government and providing support to new Ministers. The public service ordinance was introduced in October and defines the roles of Ministers and permanent secretaries, describes new discipline procedures and expects all staff to be subject to measurable performance management. The general orders regulating the work of the public service were updated and a new public service handbook issued to public servants.

Conclusion

A solid foundation has been built for the return to elected Government. Over the last three years an interim Administration, supported by the UK Government, has implemented a wide-ranging reform programme to meet the milestones, including putting the public finances on the road to recovery, establishing a robust framework for good governance, and strengthening the public service. The interim Administration has also modernised the management and delivery of public services, attracted substantial inward investment and restored economic growth. This programme of reforms has been a significant achievement.

The hard work is far from over. The TCI Government benefit from a $260 million UK loan guarantee. We will keep vigilant to help ensure they meet their fiscal objectives and can finance their borrowing independently and on an affordable and sustainable basis from the end of 2015-16 without a UK guarantee.

A robust framework for the management of public finances has been put in place. The constitution requires the new Turks and Caicos Islands Government to formulate and conduct macro-economic and fiscal policy for the sustained long-term prosperity of the people of the islands, and to manage public funds according to established principles of value for money, affordability and regularity and in the interests of long-term financial stability. The constitution provides the Governor with reserve powers to ensure compliance with the principles of good governance. It establishes a number of institutions to protect good governance including an Auditor-General and a National Audit Office.

A framework document has also been put in place that sets out the key principles of good financial management as well as the debt targets agreed by the Secretary of State. Key requirements are that net debt is less than 110% of revenue by the end of 2015-16 and less than 80% of revenue by the end of 2018-19, and that debt service is less than 10% of annual operating revenue and liquid assets at least 25% of annual operating revenue. The incoming Government will need to meet the provisions of the framework document including agreeing with the Secretary of State a fiscal and strategic policy statement (FSPS) which is a medium-term plan that includes revenue and expenditure forecasts for at least the next three financial years. The Turks and Caicos Island Government must seek agreement to the FSPS before proposing a budget.

It is important that the new Government maintain a credible and sustainable fiscal policy, including reducing their net debt levels, so that they can refinance themselves independently by the time the debt guaranteed by the UK Government is due to be repaid in March 2016. UK approval to the budget and fiscal plans will be contingent on TCIG formulating credible policies to meet these key objectives. DFID are providing a chief financial officer whose authority and responsibilities are set out in TCI law and who is expected to ensure that fiscal plans are delivered.

We are confident that the above arrangements will ensure sufficient financial controls over the public finances are maintained, including with the objective that a UK loan guarantee is no longer required after March 2016. Achievement of this objective will depend on many factors including the conduct of the Government of TCI and the performance of the TCI economy. Lenders will expect a record of sound fiscal policy as a necessary pre-requisite for the TCI Government to refinance independently.

In line with the overseas territories White Paper published in June 2012, the UK Government look forward to working with the newly elected TCI Government to promote good governance in order to help them attract new investment, maintain economic growth and so deliver sustained long-term prosperity for the people of the islands.

The UK will continue to support TCI to develop its democracy and in its efforts to build on recent reforms, particularly prudent financial management, economic growth and sustainable prosperity.

Overseas Territories (Governance)

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Tuesday 11th December 2012 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your guidance this morning, Dr McCrea. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Sir Alan Haselhurst) on securing the debate and generously allowing the time to be changed, and on the informed and articulate way in which he introduced it. I was keen to hear of his prescient and visionary visit to St Helena all those years ago. He will be delighted, as I think the whole House is, that the airport is predicted to open in 2016. I know from his remarks that he is ambitious to visit many of the other territories, but I hope that he will find time to return to St Helena to benefit from the airport, once it is open. I also congratulate the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, which does an enormous amount of significant work. In particular, I congratulate Andrew Tuggey on his professional and detailed work to ensure that the CPA is such a success in building relationships and sharing knowledge between Parliaments. Long may that continue.

I thank the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife (Thomas Docherty) and my hon. Friend the Member for Rochford and Southend East (James Duddridge), who, sadly, is no longer in his place, for the work that they have done recently, particularly in the Turks and Caicos Islands. I look forward to discussing with them the report, which I have seen, and how to pursue the lessons that they think can be learned. I also thank the hon. Member for Wrexham (Ian Lucas) for his positive and thoughtful contribution.

I want to respond to specific points made in the debate, but also to take the opportunity, if Members will bear with me, to respond to comments by the hon. Members for Dunfermline and West Fife and for Wrexham about the projection made at the joint ministerial council last week. The JMC builds on the White Paper published in June, which sets out a strong and positive vision for the territories to build on their excellent facilities and ensure that, where appropriate, they can proudly retain their links with the UK for present and future generations. The White Paper sets out clearly the benefits and responsibilities of the relationship for the territories and the United Kingdom. As the hon. Member for Wrexham pointed out, it builds on work done by the previous Government as well, but we thought it important to set out in a White Paper the UK Government’s fundamental responsibilities and objectives to ensure the security and good governance of the territories and their peoples.

I want to say a little about the priorities for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in driving UK Government apparatus to support the development of the overseas territories. We should focus on three areas: building stronger links with the UK; getting the territories the support they need; and working together on good governance, financial management and economic planning, where necessary. My priority in the first strand of the work is to encourage more trade and investment to benefit both the territories and the UK. I have already had the opportunity in my time as the relevant Minister to visit the British Virgin Islands, Anguilla and the Turks and Caicos Islands. That allowed me to see for myself what opportunities exist. Those are not just in the sectors where some of the territories are already strong; there may be opportunities to assist them in diversifying their economic base, whether by expanding financial services, assisting with UK investment in tourism, or using UK companies to help build and develop infrastructure. To that end, Lord Green, the Minister for Trade and Investment, and I discussed those issues with territory leaders and a selection of business representatives last Monday in the Foreign Office, and that meeting has the potential to be significantly productive.

The point that I want to emphasise is that building stronger links with the territories is not just down to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but is a cross-Whitehall effort. Every Department has written a paper setting out how it can help. Eight of my ministerial colleagues met the territory leaders last week. The Department for International Development is doing particularly valuable and significant work, particularly in St Helena, Montserrat and Pitcairn, and through its temporary assistance in the Turks and Caicos Islands.

Another important area of work is the strengthening of political links with territory leaders. That was the thrust of the JMC last week. We have upgraded the meeting to make it our annual summit, which enabled us to discuss a substantive and significant agenda and to agree for the first time a detailed communiqué setting out an ambitious programme of joint working for the year ahead. If colleagues have not seen that joint communiqué I would urge them to look at it, because it responds to the sensible and correct point made by the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife about the action points and work streams that will flow from the JMC towards the next one, across a range of areas. I see the focus of the UK Government in the year ahead as assisting the territories with their priorities, rather than what we think their priorities should be. I took territory leaders to No. 10 Downing street to meet the Prime Minister—I understand that it was the first time that a British Prime Minister has met all the overseas territory leaders collectively—and the event was very well received and a positive time in all our diaries.

The second goal in my list of priorities is to make sure that the territories have the support they need. That was a common theme in the speeches this morning. We already provide significant development support, of which perhaps the most obvious example is the £350 million that we have provided for Montserrat since the volcanic crisis of 1995 to 1997, which destroyed the capital and economy; also, £247 million has gone to St Helena to build the airport, and for other aspects of its development.

In the context of supporting the territories to develop, a key element is making links with the Commonwealth. My right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden will be pleased to hear that that is a significant thrust of our efforts, set out in the White Paper. As part of that approach, the secretary-general of the Commonwealth came to the JMC and made a presentation. He received questions and responded to points that were made, and said that he greatly valued the part played in the life of the Commonwealth by the overseas territories. I can reassure him that we are working with the secretariat to explore what more can be done. The territories already participate in some areas—not just the CPA, important though that is. Some of them have participated in events aimed at supporting small island states, which have been particularly valuable as the territories have many challenges in common with other small island states elsewhere in the world, including some governance challenges. We continue to encourage the secretariat to invite the overseas territories to participate in Commonwealth meetings.

It might help if I explained why we are in the situation we are in. We very much agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden and the Foreign Affairs Committee that there should be a more formal tie between the overseas territories and the Commonwealth family, in the form of observer or some other status but, as Members will know, membership of the Commonwealth has to be agreed by a consensus of all Commonwealth Heads of Government, and the membership category is that of “sovereign state as full member”. In 2007, the Heads of Government endorsed the recommendation of the Commonwealth committee on membership not to establish any other status.

Officials have discussed different categories of membership with Commonwealth members, and it will come as no surprise that at the joint ministerial council last week territory leaders raised the matter with me, with other colleagues who were there and with the secretary-general. I have spoken to the Minister of State at the Foreign Office who has responsibility for the Commonwealth to see if we can work together to find a solution. Indeed, the Foreign Secretary told the Foreign Affairs Committee back in 2011:

“We are exploring the possibility of creating observer or associate member status of the Commonwealth, from which many overseas territories would benefit. We are still continuing to explore that possibility.”

[Thomas Docherty]

I am sure that the territories will be heartened by that. It would, however, be remiss of me not ask whether that was seen to be for Crown dependences as well as for territories.

[Mark Simmonds]

The constitutional relationships with overseas territories and with Crown dependences are very different, but the ongoing discussions should certainly involve both.

I want to move on to important issues that some Members have raised: good governance, financial management and economic planning. We take very seriously the responsibilities for the security and good governance of the territories, and we believe that what is good enough for the UK should be good enough for the overseas territories as well. One key aspect of the White Paper was the commitment to strengthen training and exchanges between the public services in the territories and the UK. Our jubilee programme, which is worth £500,000, will fund some of the exchanges, with UK civil servants going to overseas territories to assist in building capacity and in training public servants through the civil service learning service, and overseas territories public servants being facilitated to come to the UK.

On 16 October, I opened the first meeting, in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, of the heads of public services, one purpose of which was to exchange best practice across a range of important areas for further work including procurement, codes of conduct for Ministers, parliamentarians and public services, and e-government—an area in which we think we can do significantly more together. However, as the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife rightly said, it is not just about overseas territories learning from us; there are things we can learn from them.

Democracy is flourishing in most overseas territories, and I am delighted that the new Turks and Caicos premier, Dr Rufus Ewing, was able to attend the joint ministerial council last week. He was extremely warmly welcomed, and he made a significant contribution to all our debates. It is an excellent and positive development that democracy has returned to the islands after a difficult period. It is important also to recognise that all overseas territory constitutions are different. They have developed over time, most of them have been updated and they are not necessarily set in stone; they need to be debated and discussed over the coming years.

All Members who contributed to the debate mentioned election observers. We rightly encourage observers to monitor elections all over the world, to promote internationally accepted standards, and we encourage other confident and open democracies, including the territories, to welcome observers.

I have to say that we are slightly disappointed that Bermuda has not recognised the need for election observers. The Governor of Bermuda has suggested to the Premier that as a sign of a mature, advanced and open democracy the country might invite an external independent team—perhaps a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association group—to observe its elections, but unfortunately the Government have decided not to do so. I raised the issue with the Bermudan Attorney-General and Minister of Justice last week, and she assured me that she would reflect our views to the Premier. Interestingly, the example I gave her was the comparison with North Korea, which the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife mentioned earlier. It is a positive sign, rather than a negative one, to accept external election observers.

The hon. Member for Wrexham is absolutely right about the need for more elected politicians to be involved as election observers. Although civil servants play a significant and important role, politicians can often bring a slightly different perspective—perhaps over a longer period, including during the campaigning before the election and what may or may not happen immediately afterwards, depending on whether it has been successful. I support the hon. Gentleman’s train of thought in that area.

The hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife talked about the electoral registration officers—EROs—in the overseas territories, and particularly in the Turks and Caicos Islands. We have included a partnership in TCI, and elsewhere, with an experienced UK election official. In TCI, the official supported the practical planning for the preparation of the new electoral roll, the training of election officials, and an arrangement for the counting and announcement of results.

As I mentioned, we have set up the jubilee programme to support training and exchanges between public servants in the territories and the UK, and a priority is to foster and support networks of professionals across the territories. I think that we will commend to the overseas territories the idea of a network of EROs, so that lessons can be learned and best practice put in place for future elections.

The hon. Member for Wrexham was absolutely right to speak about transparency in all financial matters. He will notice that in the White Paper there are two or three strands to that. The first is to ensure that overseas territories have in place proper legislation for appropriate and prudent fiscal and financial management. The Turks and Caicos Islands and the British Virgin Islands have that, as now do the Cayman Islands. The second strand is to ensure that we have proper, transparent, competitive tendering for procurement, so that there is no longer any opportunity for shenanigans. The UK Government have played a significant role in building capacity and in providing advice and training to enable that to happen.

I turn to the specific point about responsible fiscal and tax arrangements. Given the discussions held last week, previous actions relating to the overseas territories and the detail set out in the communiqué, both the UK and the overseas territories’ Governments accept the requirements to comply with international standards on tax transparency and financial regulation.

Tackling financial crime is important, as was set out at the JMC. Bermuda, the BVI and Cayman have tax information exchange agreements with the UK. The OECD, a global forum, says that the overseas territories meet tax transparency standards. I have met on a couple of occasions the impressive team that regulates the financial services sector in the British Virgin Islands, and there is a real desire in that sector to ensure that it keeps up to speed with international standards, which is what it is doing.

Overseas territories’ tax rates, of course, are their responsibility; individual territories have the right to set the tax rates appropriate for them. On secrecy, which the hon. Member for Wrexham alluded to, I would argue that they are at least as compliant as major financial centres in meeting international standards. We also have to be clear that revenues from the financial services sector make a huge contribution to ensuring that those overseas territories are self-funding, self-supporting and self-reliant.

Finally, the significance and importance of the relationship between the UK and the overseas territories has never been higher up the political agenda.

[Thomas Docherty]

The Minister is doing an excellent job of setting out in some detail the Government’s position on a range of matters. I appreciate that he has to cover a large number of issues, but before he finishes may I press him to confirm that the Government have full confidence in Governor Todd? The Minister will be aware that there has been media interest in the Turks and Caicos about the work that Governor Todd continues to do.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mark Simmonds]

As the hon. Gentleman may have picked up in his visits to the TCI and, to a lesser extent, to the BVI and elsewhere, there are always tensions between elected representatives and the Governors both in terms of who has responsibility for what and the perception—sometimes incorrect—that the UK Government are not always on the side of the elected representatives in a particular territory.

In a spirit of partnership and friendship, we should be listening to each other, but that does not always necessarily mean that we will agree. I have full confidence in all the Governors currently in place, and I said so forcefully at the JMC last week. Governor Todd in particular has done a significant job in running the interim Government who were put in place after the elected territorial Government were suspended, back in August 2009. On 9 November when the elections took place, he put the TCI in a significantly stronger place, across a whole range of areas, than the one in which they were in 2009.

Finally, I confirm that this significant area of policy will become increasingly important as we develop the workstreams highlighted in the communiqué. I am delighted that colleagues have expressed their positive desire to remain engaged and to make intelligent suggestions as to how we may develop the partnership even further.

[Sir Alan Haselhurst]

Before my hon. Friend concludes, will he say whether he will take away the comments on air passenger duty, which has a particularly perverse impact on the smallest territories?

[Mark Simmonds]

I apologise to my right hon. Friend. I was not avoiding air passenger duty; I just did not see the piece of paper I had written it on.

My right hon. Friend will not be surprised to hear that I was lobbied vociferously both by the leaders of overseas territories in the Caribbean last week and by the wider Caribbean community. He will also be aware not only that there was a review of the operation of APD but that there was a meeting fairly recently, between representatives of the Caribbean high commissioners here in London and a Treasury Minister, to discuss APD further and to understand the issues.

I suggested to both the territories’ leaders and to those elsewhere in the Caribbean that there had already been significant discourse between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Treasury, and that discourse continues. Those Caribbean leaders need to provide us with evidence of the negative impact of APD, particularly on the tourist industry. Mixed messages and mixed evidence are coming through so far.

[Thomas Docherty]

The Minister may not be aware that the Eastern Caribbean economic union has seen a 20% drop in passengers from the UK since APD was introduced. In comparison, there has been a 1% drop in passengers going to the east coast of the United States, although I might be wrong. There is clearly evidence that the Caribbean is being disproportionately hit by the current APD arrangements.

[Mark Simmonds]

That is interesting, because it is not uniformly the case. There was a drop back in 2009, but that has not remained consistent, nor is it consistent across the board. There are countries in which tourism has gone back up, which is why it is a complex issue to analyse. We are aware of the issue, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden is right to put it in the way that he did. We are still in listening mode.

Israel and Palestine

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Tuesday 11th December 2012 Commons Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Preston (Mark Hendrick) on securing this important debate and apologise on behalf of my colleague the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, the hon. Member for North East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt), who has responsibility for the middle east and is, I am afraid, out of the country on Foreign Office business.

Right at the beginning of my speech, I want to contradict the hon. Gentleman’s view that there is complacency at the heart of the international community and in the UK Government. I can assure him that there is no complacency at all. Indeed, the UK worked intensively to support Egypt and the United States in facilitating the negotiations to stop the conflict. The UK is continuing to provide international development support both to the Palestinian Authority and in Gaza, where it is providing health and social services to the population. That help is available for as long as it is required.

I also want to make it clear that the settlements that the Israelis have built and are proposing are condemned by us. Settlements are illegal under international law and undermine the possibility of a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict and those working for a sustainable peace. We look to Israel to take all necessary steps to prevent settlement construction.

The Government’s central objective is to ensure a rapid return to credible negotiations in order finally to achieve a two-state solution, which I believe all Members of this House want to see, irrespective of which side of the debate they are on. That has been and will continue to be the guiding principle that determines our policy on this issue. We firmly support a negotiated settlement leading to a safe and secure Israel alongside a viable and sovereign Palestinian state based on 1967 borders with agreed land swaps, Jerusalem as the shared capital of both states and a just, fair and agreed settlement for refugees. That is the only way to secure a sustainable end to the conflict and it has wide support in this House and across the international community. We strongly believe that achieving such a solution is firmly in the interests of the Israelis, the Palestinians and the wider region.

I have to acknowledge, however, that we are gravely concerned about the dangerous impasse in the peace process, particularly over the last two years. We believe that the window to a two-state solution is rapidly closing. That is why we took the stance we did on the Palestinian resolution at the UN General Assembly, which was guided by the principle of how to create the right environment for a swift return to talks and the strongest possible foundations for the peace process.

In support of that principle and objective, we sought a commitment from the Palestinian leadership immediately to return to negotiations—without preconditions. This was the essential answer to the charge that by moving the resolution, the Palestinians were taking a path away from negotiations. We also sought a reassurance from the Palestinian leadership that it would not immediately pursue action in the UN agencies and the International Criminal Court. Our country, the UK, is a strong supporter of international justice and the International Criminal Court, and we would ultimately like to see a Palestinian state represented throughout all the organs of the United Nations. However, we judge that if the Palestinians were to build on this resolution by pursuing ICC jurisdiction over the occupied territories at this stage, it could make virtually impossible a swift return to negotiations, which is what we all want to see.

[Mark Hendrick]

I thank the Minister for his generosity in giving way. First, what is the point of upgrading Palestine’s status if it does not get the benefits of an upgrade? Secondly, if settlements continue as they are, it is unlikely that there will ever be meaningful discussions. Thirdly—I have forgotten the third point.

[Mark Simmonds]

As this is the hon. Gentleman’s debate, I will allow him to intervene again if he remembers his third point.

I understand the points he made. What we have to do is to look forward to try to bring together all the respective parties that are interested in trying to find a satisfactory two-state solution. As part of that, a Palestinian state will, I hope, be a full member of the United Nations at some point in the future.

[Mark Hendrick]

My third point is that a peace process has been mentioned, but there is not really a peace process to speak of at the moment. All we had were meetings convened by the Egyptians to try to stop the conflict in Gaza. We would all like to see a peace process continue and the Minister agrees with me about a two-state solution, but there is just nothing happening on the ground.

[Mark Simmonds]

If the hon. Gentleman will be patient, I will come on, time permitting, to exactly what we are doing to try to stimulate, encourage and facilitate the peace process and get it back on track. It is not true, however, to say that nothing is happening. There are, for example, ongoing talks chaired by the Egyptians between the Palestinians and the Israelis, albeit not directly as the two sides are in separate rooms. The two key elements coming out of that are, first, the need for Israel to ease the restrictions on Gaza, particularly so that economic activity can take place; and, secondly, the need for Egypt to tackle the arms smuggling into the Sinai, which is Israel’s main concern about the rockets that are going into it.

We engaged intensively with the Palestinians before the vote in the General Assembly, and in advance of it we urged Israel to avoid reacting in a way that would undermine the peace process and to return to the negotiations. We made it absolutely clear that we would not support a reaction that sidelined President Abbas or risked the collapse of the Palestinian Authority. We have made it very clear to the Israeli Government that their decision to build 3,000 new housing units on the west bank and in East Jerusalem, to unfreeze the development of the area known as E1 on the west bank and to withhold tax revenue from the Palestinian Authority is not acceptable. The settlements plan in particular has the potential to alter the situation on the ground on a scale that threatens the viability of a two-state solution.

[Michael Ellis]

Does the Minister agree with me that provocative actions on both sides is unhelpful in such a volatile situation, and that it is particularly provocative of the Palestinians to have involved or threatened to involve the ICC in this context because that is clearly not going to advance peace on both sides? Does he agree that Israel has a right to protect its citizens?

[Mark Simmonds]

I certainly agree that Israel has a right to peace and security, and a right to protect its citizens from rocket attacks, which were extremely prevalent during the fortnight leading up to the escalation of the conflict in Gaza. However, what the international community and the House need to focus on is how we are to get the Palestinians and the Israelis back around the negotiating table, without preconditions, to find a satisfactory, lasting solution to the conflict that has dogged that part of the world for so many years.

[Graham Jones]

I am grateful to the Minister for giving way, as he has not much time left. When will we reach a point when the two-state solution is dead and a one-state solution becomes a viable option?

[Mark Simmonds]

I do not think that we are there yet, but, as I said earlier, I think that the door is beginning to close on the realistic possibility of a two-state solution. That is why it is essential for the international community to act now, and essential for the United States in particular to engage with the peace process following the vote in the UN General Assembly. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has had a series of discussions with the United States Administration in an attempt to persuade them to become seriously engaged with the peace process, and they are doing that.

The hon. Member for Preston asked what we were doing with our European Union partners. We have had a series of meetings in the European Union in which there has been collective agreement on the necessity to push further for EU concerted action to try to bring the parties together. We need to ensure that not only the EU but the UN is engaged in the process, alongside the United States. The UK’s position, however, has been absolutely clear. We will engage with any Palestinian Government who show, through their words and actions, that they are committed to the principles set out by President Abbas in Cairo.

I hope that Members will forgive me for not saying more. I am running out of time. I very much hope that the House will continue to engage with this—

Oral Answers to Questions

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Tuesday 4th December 2012 Commons Chamber

[Tom Blenkinsop (Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) (Lab)]

16. What recent discussions he has had with the Government of Rwanda on violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and I have pressed Presidents Kagame and Kabila to work together to end the crisis. When I spoke at the United Nations in September, I made it clear that external support for the M23 rebels must stop. We welcome the communiqués that were issued recently by the Presidents of the DRC, Rwanda and Uganda, but it is crucial that they are translated into action to achieve sustainable stability in the eastern DRC.

[Tom Blenkinsop]

The final report from the United Nations group of experts on M23 and the DRC has been publicly released, and the Prime Minister himself has said that the international community cannot ignore evidence of Rwandan involvement with M23. In view of the report, does the Secretary of State think that the decision of the former Secretary of State for International Development to reinstate budget support was wise?

[Mark Simmonds]

The hon. Gentleman is right to raise the subject of the report from the UN group of experts, which has formed part of the information that the International Development Secretary has considered in reaching a decision about the aid budget and direct support for the Rwandan Government. However, the communiqués issued by the Ugandan, Rwandan and DRC Presidents stipulate that there must be a solution to the problem in the eastern DRC, which means not just a resolution of the conflict now but longer-term measures to ensure that the cycle of conflict is broken.

[Mr John Spellar (Warley) (Lab)]

In September, when the former International Development Secretary gave £21 million of aid to Rwanda, what advice did the Department offer ahead of his decision? What advice did it offer last week, when the current Secretary of State cancelled the money? Was it different from the advice that was given in September?

[Mark Simmonds]

Before the decision made in September by the former Secretary of State and the decisions made by the current Secretary of State, the Foreign Office and other relevant Departments were consulted, and the decisions were made across Government with the full agreement of those Departments.

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I know the Minister will join me in welcoming the premiers, chief ministers and Heads of Government of the British overseas territories, who are in London this week for the first overseas territories ministerial council. Will he update the House on the progress the Government are making with our overseas territories following the publication of this year’s White Paper?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this important matter, and I congratulate him on the important work he has done in ensuring there are strengthening ties between the UK and the overseas territories. As he said, most, if not all, the overseas territories leaders are in London this week for the first joint ministerial council, at which we will be exploring how the UK Government, and most of the UK Government Departments, can strengthen ties in respect of financial and fiscal responsibility, building capacity in the Governments of the overseas territories and, importantly, strengthening environmental and economic and trade ties.

[Grahame M. Morris (Easington) (Lab)]

T7. In the light of the increasing instability in the middle east and concerns about a possible nuclear arms race in the region, will the Foreign Secretary tell us what pressure the British Government are exerting on Israel to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty?

--- Later in debate ---

[Kevin Brennan (Cardiff West) (Lab)]

T8. Why was the Foreign Secretary unsuccessful in stopping the former International Development Secretary’s decision to restore aid to Rwanda, despite the breach of the memorandum of understanding between the UK and Rwanda—or was he fully in favour of that decision?

[Mark Simmonds]

The hon. Gentleman is trying to rewrite history. The previous Secretary of State for International Development first suspended direct budgetary support to Rwanda in July. He then, through detailed consultation with the Foreign Office and other Departments, partially restored it in September. The report by the group of experts, whose evidence we find compelling and credible, came out and we analysed it. As the partnership agreements between DFID and the Rwandan Government were also clearly not being honoured, the decision was made by the International Development Secretary, in consultation with Departments, to suspend direct budgetary support to Rwanda.

[Mr Brooks Newmark (Braintree) (Con)]

Rape is a pernicious weapon of war. Given the violence inflicted on women in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo by the M23, what conversations is the Minister having with his counterparts in Rwanda to get them to use their influence to end such violence?

[Mark Simmonds]

My hon. Friend is right to raise this very important issue. He will be aware that my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has instigated a policy and a determination to instil a preventing sexual violence in conflict initiative to end immunity. I have had discussions in the region with senior Ministers in the Rwandan Government and with the President of the DRC to try to encourage them to engage with this very important initiative, to stop not just the rapes, but having child soldiers in the eastern DRC.

[Jonathan Ashworth (Leicester South) (Lab)]

Ministers have been careful not to accuse the Burmese Government of orchestrating the violence towards the Rohingya. Last night, al-Jazeera released new evidence to suggest that the Burmese authorities, the military, the security services and local government officials have been involved in that sectarian violence towards the Rohingya. Will the Minister examine that evidence? If he finds it compelling, will he make the strongest possible representations to the Burmese Government that this violence has to end and that the Rohingya should be granted citizenship?

President Mohamed Nasheed

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Wednesday 7th November 2012 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I begin by congratulating my hon. Friend the Member for Redditch (Karen Lumley) on securing this important debate and on her passionate introduction of the subject. She is quite right to highlight the progress that has been made—admittedly from a pretty low base—and I thank her for her tireless determination and work to stimulate and support democracy in the Maldives.

I hope that the House will understand that the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, my hon. Friend the Member for North East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt), who has specific ministerial responsibility for the Maldives, has already apologised to my hon. Friend the Member for Redditch for not being here today. He would very much have liked to have been here to engage with this debate, but his other responsibilities mean that he has to be elsewhere.

I am grateful to my hon. Friends the Members for Salisbury (John Glen) and for Congleton (Fiona Bruce) for the points they made, which I will try to address during the course of my remarks.

It is absolutely right to point out the key link between the Maldives and the UK. Not only is the Maldives a long-standing friend and international partner of the UK, but our bilateral relationship has grown considerably during the past few years, particularly since the first multi-party presidential elections in 2008 and the subsequent parliamentary elections in 2009. Those were very positive developments in the process and commitment towards democratic reform in the Maldives. The British Government rightly welcome and encourage that progress and will encourage further progress on a consistent basis.

My hon. Friend the Member for Redditch expressed concern that the British Government and the Commonwealth have perhaps taken their eye off the ball after the success of free and inclusive elections in 2008. Although I appreciate her candour, I do not think that that is an entirely accurate reflection of matters, particularly in the context of the increasingly close bilateral relationship between the UK and the Maldives, and the fact that the wider international community is highly supportive of the Maldives across a range of areas, not least through EU support against the very grave threats that climate change poses for the Maldives. I will say a little bit more about the international community later. In addition, the British Council office in Male continues to support strong cultural relations between our two countries. The Commonwealth has also been a staunch supporter of democratic, economic and judicial reforms in the Maldives. Recently at the UN General Assembly, there was a meeting of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, which the UK does not sit on because of rotation, at which a commitment was given by the Commonwealth to provide additional support for civil society reforms and for judicial reforms, for the reasons that colleagues have pointed out today.

My hon. Friend was absolutely right to mention the events of 7 February this year, in which former President Nasheed was replaced as president. It needs to be made clear that those events follow a difficult constitutional period for the country. They were the subject of an inquiry by the Commission of National Inquiry, which has now concluded. The United Kingdom, with our Commonwealth partners, now wishes to move the relationship forward with the Maldives, and we fully accept the legitimacy of the current president and his Government.

Our clear view is that the Maldives cannot afford to go backwards after so much effort has been invested in its transition to democracy both by the Maldivians and by my hon. Friend and others who take a passionate interest in the country. The British Government, with the Commonwealth and other international partners, are determined to provide the necessary support and encouragement that the Maldives needs to maintain the right course of action. We continue to discuss and offer technical assistance that they and other international organisations can provide to help strengthen the judiciary and other key democratic institutions.

Let me turn to the specific legal process, as there are important facts that need to be put into the public domain. The current legal proceedings against former President Nasheed are a significant test for the Maldives. The international community is watching closely to see how any trial is conducted and to confirm that the proceedings are fair. The Inter-Parliamentary Union is due to send a mission to the Maldives this month, and there will be international observers at any trial of the former president.

The former president issued instructions on 16 January to arrest Abdulla Mohamed, chief judge of the criminal court. As my hon. Friend said, that led, for a variety of reasons, to widespread opposition demonstrations, culminating in the transfer of power from President Nasheed to his vice-president, Mohamed Waheed, on 7 February. Former President Nasheed was subsequently arrested on 8 October and released on 9 October, with two hearings set for Sunday 4 November.

It is important to state that on 4 November, the High Court suspended the trial proceedings by issuing an injunction against the special court, following an appeal by former President Mohamed Nasheed’s legal team based on procedural issues, specifically: the constitutional legitimacy of the magistrates court; the magistrates court conducting a trial on a different island to where it is based; and the legitimacy of an arrest warrant issued by the magistrates court, given that the court is not in the locality of defendant’s permanent address. As a result of the appeal, the special court could not convene as scheduled on Sunday. The High Court is due to make its ruling on those issues tomorrow, 8 November, and that will determine the next steps in the process. The Maldives Attorney-General welcomed the High Court’s injunction, which also impacts on the trial of four co-defendants in connection with the detention of the judge in February, a point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Congleton.

As my fellow Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, my hon. Friend the Member for North East Bedfordshire, confirmed to our hon. Friend the Member for Redditch during oral questions last week, we have sought and received assurances from President Waheed that any trial of former President Nasheed would be fair and free from political influence. At this stage of the proceedings, we have no reason to believe that that will not be the case. I have no doubt that the Maldivian Government and judiciary will feel the eyes of the world on them, and that they realise that a fair and impartial trial is most evidently in their national interests.

While we and other international partners recognise the independence of the court proceedings and the importance of that independence, we have made clear on several occasions our concern that any sentence that prevents former President Nasheed from participating in the 2013 electoral process would risk being seen as politically motivated. It is essential that the 2013 elections are as free, fair and fully inclusive as the new benchmark set by the 2008 election process, and we welcome the Maldivian Government’s decision to accept international observers at that process.

At this stage of the legal process, it would not be appropriate for us to speculate on the eventual outcome or to interfere directly with the judicial process. As I said, we accept the assurances offered by the current president that the process will be free from political interference. However, we encourage the Maldivian judiciary to ensure that the process is not subject to any undue delay, and express our hope that it is concluded in good time to avoid any negative impact on the electoral process next year. As a matter of the utmost importance, we also continue to urge all political parties in the Maldives to work together to implement the recommendations of the Commission of National Inquiry in order to further strengthen democratic institutions in the Maldives.

I confirm that the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group is concerned: it discussed the issue at length at the UN General Assembly—a meeting that was supposed to go on for 45 minutes went on for five hours. The current Maldivian Government have no popular mandate from the 2008 electoral process, which was a success. It is therefore vital that the 2013 elections are transparent, fully inclusive and free, so that the people of the Maldives can determine who governs them. I assure my hon. Friend the Member for Redditch and other hon. Friends that, together with the Commonwealth and international partners, we will continue to follow developments in the Maldives very closely in the coming months.

Antarctic Bill

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Friday 2nd November 2012 Commons Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud (Neil Carmichael) on presenting this important private Member’s Bill at this time and on the detailed and knowledgeable way he introduced it. I am pleased to confirm the Government’s support for his Bill to introduce increased protection for the Antarctic environment. One of the encouraging things about the debate is the clear unanimity of purpose to put it beyond any doubt that Antarctica matters as much to the United Kingdom today as it ever has done. The United Kingdom has the finest possible traditions of Antarctic exploration and care for what is an immense but fragile landscape, a point made particularly passionately by my hon. Friend the Member for Stone (Mr Cash).

This has been an excellent and well-informed debate. Several Members have mentioned the centenary of Captain Scott’s final expedition, previous expeditions and the importance of keeping faith with his scientific legacy. The Bill’s provisions are a real and important part of that legacy. Antarctica is a unique global asset for science, in particular predicting the global impacts of climate change. At the same time, we must all recognise that human activity has increased significantly, with tourism, research stations and growing global interest. The consequences of a man-made emergency in Antarctica could be severe. The remoteness, unpredictability and severity of the climate, together with a lack of rescue or emergency services, would only heighten the impact of any incident.

The Government believe that the Bill provides appropriate strengthening of environmental protections by providing clear lines of accountability for dealing with environmental emergencies caused by human activity; putting the best existing practice into law; increasing the protection given to Antarctic marine plants and invertebrates; and helping further to protect Antarctica from invasive non-native species. There is a significant UK future in Antarctica. However, Members have raised a number of concerns about the future of the British presence in Antarctica and the south Atlantic. I want to provide the strongest possible reassurance from the Dispatch Box about the UK’s future in Antarctica and the wider region. The Government are absolutely committed to maintaining and developing the British scientific and physical presence in Antarctica.

Let me pick up one of the points that the right hon. Member for Warley (Mr Spellar) made. He was absolutely right to highlight the importance of the Science and Technology Committee, but its work was one of many contributions and lobbying efforts made to Government. The Government have consistently been purposeful at all times about the dual mission and its importance to the region. We are also glad that the decision by the Natural Environment Research Council reflects the clear messages received from the Select Committee and from my hon. Friend the Member for Romford (Andrew Rosindell) and his all-party group, and those received from many other Members, scientists and concerned members of the public. Indeed, let me say how articulate and passionate I found my hon. Friend’s contribution. He should be praised for the enormous contribution he has made to strengthening ties between the United Kingdom and all our overseas territories, and take personal credit for the significant role he has played. While I am in this ministerial office, I intend to continue to develop and build on the work of my predecessor, who was also enthusiastic, keen and passionate about this agenda.

I am pleased to confirm that the Government’s commitment to continuing the dual mission in the region is as strong as ever. I welcome the fact that, having completed its consultation, the Natural Environment Research Council agreed yesterday that it would not now proceed with the proposal that it had been talking about. The Minister for Universities and Science has placed a written ministerial statement before the House this morning to confirm that position.

[Dr Huppert]

Does the Minister agree that it is now essential to appoint a full-time director of the British Antarctic Survey to lead the organisation forward and to deliver the dual mission?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mark Simmonds]

I agree that a full-time director of the British Antarctic Survey needs to be appointed as soon as possible, but I do not agree with the suggestion that Ministers should get involved with such an appointment. That is a matter for the BAS and for the other groups and organisations that need to be consulted.

I want to turn to some of the important issues that hon. Members have raised. It is right to put them in context, and also to correct the one or two misunderstandings that have emerged. I want to clarify the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch (Mr Chope), to ensure that the House is in no doubt about the United Kingdom’s sovereignty of the British Antarctic Territory, which stems from the oldest claim to the territory in Antarctica back in 1908. We have to acknowledge that the sector was subsequently claimed by Chile and Argentina, but, under the terms of the Antarctic treaty, sovereignty issues are held in abeyance and are neither confirmed nor denied. The United Kingdom continues to assert its sovereignty over the territory through the provision of legislation and postal services and the presence of the Royal Navy and the British Antarctic Survey. As the hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) correctly pointed out, co-operation with Chile and Argentina is good on the ground and in most international settings, and we are keen to maintain that positive good relationship.

[Jeremy Corbyn]

The Minister has probably heard the news today that there has been a breakdown at the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources at its meeting in Hobart, because Ukraine, China and Russia appear unwilling to sign up to an agreement on linked marine protection zones. Those zones are clearly important for the protection of the ecosystem and fish stocks. The commission will reconvene in Berlin next year. What lobbying efforts will the Government put in, ahead of that meeting in Germany next summer, to ensure that we can reach an agreement to extend marine conservation all around the Antarctic area? Such agreement is essential, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Warley (Mr Spellar) has explained.

[Mark Simmonds]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. I hope that he will be patient, because I will address that issue in a moment. I am going to go through the points that have been raised in a logical, chronological order.

In his well-informed contribution earlier, the hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) asked about the military presence in Antarctica, and he was absolutely right to seek clarification on that important point. I can inform the House that the Antarctic treaty prohibits military testing or exercises there. However, military help with the logistics of national programmes is allowed. That is why HMS Protector will be in the Antarctic this year to assist with UK programmes in such areas as hydrographic charting, to give logistical support to the British Antarctic Survey and to provide a search and rescue capability.

The hon. Gentleman just raised the important point about the unfortunate breakdown in the negotiations in Hobart yesterday. It is extremely disappointing that there has been a failure to reach agreement on the new marine protected areas, particularly those in the Ross sea, which I think was the area to which he was referring. The UK has an excellent reputation, under both Governments, for the creation of marine protected areas. We were instrumental in setting up the first one in the Southern ocean around the South Orkneys, and we have announced a new one around South Georgia in the Southern ocean as well. Our commitment to the protection and sustainable use of the Southern ocean is undimmed and undiluted. I give the hon. Gentleman the assurance that we will continue to work to persuade other countries to reach an agreement on the creation of appropriate marine protected areas, and that we are pressing hard for an opportunity to bring the process back on track in anticipation, hopefully, of an agreement at the conference next year.

The hon. Gentleman also made a point about whether the Bill’s application is to only part of Antarctica or to the whole of it. I can assure him that it will cover British expeditions and activities anywhere in Antarctica. Along with my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Philip Davies), he asked about the time scale for the Bill’s ratification by all members. I can give an assurance that the UK will push for ratification by other members as fast as possible. Indeed, some—including Finland, Peru, Poland, Spain, Sweden and, recently, Australia—have already ratified the protocols before the UK. All 28 consultative parties to this particular liability index have signed article 6 of the environmental protocol. This Bill, along with other national Bills, is merely a ratification of what has already been signed up to, so we anticipate no significant issues or problems there.

In response to the question of my hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset (Jacob Rees-Mogg) about the EU’s possible interest in British expeditions or other aspects of the Antarctic, I can confirm that the Bill’s amendment to existing legislation reflects the growing international nature of science teams and the necessity for universities—mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley—to secure easier recognition of world-class British expeditions, which inevitably have an international flavour nowadays.

My hon. Friend the Member for Stone was absolutely right to highlight the importance of clause 15, which provides for orderly regulation and conservation of historic and monumental sites, and of clause 16, which increases the environmental protections of flora and fauna, along with marine plants and invertebrates. He raised the issue of the EU’s application for observer status. I can confirm that it is not for the Antarctic but for the Arctic Council that the EU is trying to gain such status. I can confirm, too, that this has not been agreed and that the EU has no status in the Antarctic treaty system.

My hon. Friend the Member for Shipley gave a very forensic and detailed analysis of the legislative architecture surrounding this Bill. It will not come as a surprise to him to hear me say that many of the points he raised deserve thorough and detailed consideration in Committee. Both my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud and I will be interested to discuss these issues to ensure that the Committee is happy with the thought process and detail, supplied by my hon. Friend and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, that have gone into the Bill.

It is important to say that the Government are supportive of the Bill. We see it as making a significant contribution to organising Antarctic expeditions and other tours to take preventive measures and establish contingency plans to reduce the risk of environmental emergencies and to secure all-important insurance. The Bill is important, too, for updating existing Antarctic legislation to recognise and respond to the increasingly international flavour of scientific activity and to provide better protection through clauses 15 and 16.

My hon. Friend the Member for Shipley asked about the liability annex, which mirrors the issue raised by the hon. Member for Islington North. My hon. Friend asked about ratification, too, and I can confirm that once the annex is ratified, we will be able to show leadership, alongside those who have already ratified the environmental protocol, in the Antarctic treaty consultative meetings and actively lobby all countries to ratify at the earliest opportunity.

My hon. Friend raised a series of detailed but very important issues, which I do not intend to go into now unless the House absolutely wants me to. I get the impression that it probably does not. If it would help, I should be happy to write to my hon. Friend in the meantime—especially if he is not here—

[Philip Davies]

I am here.

[Mark Simmonds]

I apologise. He is here, sitting on the Front Bench. I shall write to him setting out the details, if he is happy with that. He may find himself on the Committee, in which case we can dig into some of the issues if he is sufficiently interested.

In response to the point correctly made by the right hon. Member for Warley, I can confirm that the provisions in the draft Bill on which consultation took place in 2009 regarding search and rescue can be implemented by means of the existing permitting regime as contained in the Antarctic Act 1994, and that primary legislation is therefore unnecessary. I am sure he agrees that there is no point in legislating when legislation is not necessary, or when the position is covered by existing legislative frameworks.

The Government believe that the Bill provides a real opportunity and gives proportionate support to the Antarctic environment. This country is rightly proud of its Antarctic heritage in the form of exploration, international co-operation and good governance. I am delighted to support the Bill on behalf of the Government, and I urge Members to give it their active support in Committee in order to ensure its expeditious passage on to the statute book.

Antarctic Bill

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Friday 2nd November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Lab)]

I welcome the Bill and strongly support it. I hope it gets its Second Reading today and goes speedily through a Committee that can be quickly arranged so that it can make its way into law.

I have been involved in previous Antarctic legislation in the House and I have dug out my files from the debates on the Antarctic Minerals Act 1989, which fortunately was repealed some years later. I was involved with the introduction of the Antarctic Act 1994, which in effect recognised the Antarctic as zone of peace, as it always had been, and as a place where there would be no mineral exploitation or exploration, but where there would be scientific research.

We should think for a moment of the value to humanity of preserving the Antarctic in its natural form. Because it is such a pristine and fragile environment, it is possible to study the history of the world’s pollution. One can take ice samples, examine levels of lead pollution in the atmosphere, and see the point at which lead pollution decreased because of the removal of lead from petrol in many countries around the world. One can look at levels of CO₂ in the atmosphere and, as the hon. Member for Stroud (Neil Carmichael) pointed out, the British Antarctic Survey discovered the hole in the ozone layer because it was able to carry out that research in the Antarctic and because it is such a pristine environment. We want to be sure that we keep it that way.

I detected from some of the Members who intervened on the hon. Gentleman a slight degree of xenophobia and nationalism in their approach, but that is a totally unwarranted remark for me to make to any of them. Can we be real about the Antarctic? It belongs to the whole world. There is a significant British claim on the Antarctic territories. There are significant claims on every bit of Antarctica by many other countries, and those claims often overlap. Fortunately, sense has prevailed and there has not been a war over the Antarctic. There have not been ludicrous levels of competition for influence over the Antarctic. Indeed, the treaty principle and the co-operation principle have prevailed.

We should approach the subject on the basis that Britain has made a positive contribution through the work of the British Antarctic Survey, and I compliment that institution. I am pleased that it will not be merged with any other body and that it will carry on its very good work. I am sure the hon. Member for Cambridge (Dr Huppert) will speak about that later. It has been my privilege in the past to visit the British Antarctic Survey in Cambridge, and a very impressive institution it is, too.

Sadly, like every other Member who has spoken, I have not had the chance to visit the Antarctic. The nearest I came to it was in 1990, when I was visiting Chile to celebrate the departure of General Pinochet, and I thought I would conclude the celebrations by undertaking a visit to the Antarctic. I was all ready to go there, but unfortunately I was forced to return to the House to be one of a very small minority of Members who voted against the forthcoming Gulf war. My party Whips rather wished that I had gone to the Antarctic rather than come back; they may have had similar inclinations ever since.

We finally repealed the Antarctic Minerals Act 1989, which authorised exploration for—not necessarily exploitation of—mineral reserves, and passed the Antarctic Act 1994. We should pay a great tribute to Greenpeace for the work that it did at that time. Once the Bill had been through the British Parliament, many other national Parliaments were required to legislate on the matter, and Greenpeace was assiduous in its lobbying to the extent that broadly similar legislation went through many other Parliaments, including Russia’s, so that eventually, by 2005, we had reached a situation whereby the environmental protocol could be signed, the secretariat could be established, and environmental protection could go ahead. That was very important and very welcome.

There are massive fish stocks in the Southern ocean. There is an international agreement on the preservation of whales, which is strongly supported by all parties in this House, and has been by successive UK Governments, but is not supported by Norway, Iceland or Japan. There are always difficulties in the International Whaling Commission when the Japanese, in effect, try to buy votes to end the moratorium on whaling. An important spin-off from the changed and developing pro-environmental protection attitude to the Antarctic has been the preservation of fish and fauna stocks all over the Southern ocean in a very large area around Antarctica. It is very important to maintain that preservation, because if fishing is allowed and there is a massive fish take from the Antarctic, that will have a knock-on effect further up the food chain on seals, whales and everything else.

However, environmental protection in the Antarctic is now under threat. Only this morning we had the disappointing news that China and Ukraine are opposed to a new protective zone around the whole continent. I think that the renewal conference on the agreement takes place next year in Berlin, and the British Government have taken a very robust view, as did the previous British Government, on the preservation of fish and mammals within the whole region. I hope that the Minister will comment on the prospects for the conference in 2013 and that we will manage to get international agreement on continuing with the current approach to Antarctica.

As I said in an intervention on the hon. Member for Stroud, the history of the Antarctic is interesting for many reasons. Obviously, there is the huge narrative in popular British history about the role of Scott and the amazing hardship that his expedition faced—as did other expeditions such as those of Amundsen and many others. There was a form of competitive exploration going on, and there was always a danger that the Antarctic could become a base for military and spying activities, and so on. Indeed, there were suspicions about many of the bases that existed around the Antarctic.

However, things change and move on. The international geophysical year of 1957 began the development the Antarctic as a zone of peace and of research, and that narrative has carried on ever since. I hope that we recognise that the world needs the Antarctic as the Antarctic is. We must learn the lessons of its history and recognise its fragility. As the hon. Gentleman pointed out, if we continue to allow our planet’s natural environment to be so damaged and we get a massive melt from the Antarctic, we will, quite simply, all drown as a result—it will be the end. We must not only learn the lessons but carry them through into actions that we take later on.

Throughout the passage of the legislation in 1989 and 1994, and at the time of the environmental protocols, there was concern about the fragility of the environment of the Antarctic and the increasing number of ships that go there and the eco-tourism that takes place. The clean-up following the development of the environmental protocol meant, for example, that non-native species, including dogs, were removed, as were all the other dangers of pollution and contamination. However, if a plane crashed over the Antarctic, which would obviously be a disaster, it would be very hard to extract anyone from it, because the distances are so great and the environment is so hostile.

An even greater danger is that if one of the many tourist vessels crashed into an iceberg or another vessel, or developed a serious fault, the spillage of diesel or other fuel would be catastrophic because it would not disperse or evaporate as quickly as it might in warmer waters, and the pollution would be very serious for a long time afterwards. The quality of vessels that are allowed to go to the Antarctic is subject to conditions and there are strict requirements on the protective measures that they have to undertake. Nevertheless, we must be cautious about the number of visits and the degree of irresponsible tourism that could well develop. I am not accusing the British Government or any of their agents of promoting that, but it is a danger. Importantly, the Bill would place even stricter requirements on British tour operators or anyone else going to the Antarctic.

I would be grateful if the hon. Member for Stroud or the Minister could clarify whether the Bill would apply only to someone from Britain who is in an area of the Antarctic that is not part of the so-called British claim or would apply equally to any part. Likewise, we can pass a Bill in this Parliament only for UK national jurisdictions, or for companies based in or operating in Britain, or for British people using their services, but it is obviously possible that tour operators or other vessels could go to the Antarctic from other jurisdictions. Am I right in assuming that if the Bill becomes law, as I hope it will, the legislation will then have to go through the Antarctic environmental protocol process to enable it to become part of the international agreement?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

For the sake of clarity, the purpose of the Bill and, in particular, the liability annex, which is the key point that the hon. Gentleman is talking about, would come into effect only once all the countries that are part of the Antarctic treaty have gone through the ratification process.

[Jeremy Corbyn]

I thought that that was the position, and I am grateful to the Minister for clarifying it. I assume that he will tell us later that if the Bill becomes law, the British Government will work very hard for that agreement to happen by lobbying all the other parties to it.

I welcome the Bill, which is a huge step forward. I welcome the work of the British Antarctic Survey. I counsel Members not to get involved in some kind of international rivalry. There are legitimate criticisms to be made of Governments who are trying to undermine the environmental protection provisions, but that is not to say that there are not many people in those countries who understand the case for the Antarctic to be for ever a zone of peace, for ever demilitarised, and for ever a world park that we can all appreciate and learn a great deal from. If we in this Parliament pass this Bill, we are giving the signal that we support the work of the British Antarctic Survey, that we support the Act that we passed in 1994, and that we do not wish to be party to the destruction of the Antarctic or, crucially, the natural wildlife that exists all around it.

We have made progress. We in this country no longer exploit whales—that is completely banned, as it is in the majority of countries around the world. However, the commercial pressures of tourism and to exploit the natural resources of the Antarctic and the fish in the whole region are huge. Robust action needs to be taken by national Governments, international treaties and the Antarctic environmental protocol in order to preserve the place for what it is—a wonderful place of beauty. It is, obviously, a risky environment and it is an environment at risk. It is up to us to preserve it for all time, which surely ought to be our main focus in discussing this Bill.

UK Government National Action Plan (Women, Peace and Security)

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Wednesday 31st October 2012 Written Statements

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I wish to inform the House that the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, together with the Ministry of Defence and the Department for International Development, is today publishing the second annual review of the UK Government National Action Plan on UNSCR 1325 Women, Peace and Security. The national action plan (NAP) is intended to strengthen our ability to reduce the impact of conflict on women and girls, and to promote their inclusion in conflict resolution. It provides a plan for incorporating the provisions of UN resolutions on women, peace and security into the Government’s work on conflict in our defence, diplomatic and development activity.

I have chosen to publish the review today to coincide with the anniversary of the UN Security Council resolution 1325 which was adopted 12 years ago, 31 October, in 2000. The review that I am announcing today focuses on our new actions this year.

UN Security Council resolution 1325 called for the effective protection of women from sexual and gender-based violence in conflict. But despite numerous efforts since its adoption shocking levels of violence continue with very few perpetrators being held to account. This culture of impunity exacerbates the cycle of sexual violence, fuelling increased ethnic, sectarian and other divisions, further entrenching conflict and instability.

The Foreign Secretary is determined that Governments must do more to address this issue and that the UK, with its global reach, resources and diplomatic network, champions this cause. On 29 May the Foreign Secretary launched his preventing sexual violence initiative. The initiative aims to replace the culture of impunity with one of deterrence, by increasing the number of perpetrators brought to justice both internationally and nationally, by strengthening international efforts and co-ordination to prevent and respond to sexual violence and by supporting states-build national capacity. During the UK’s Presidency of the G8 we will run a sustained campaign to build a stronger global partnership to prevent sexual violence in conflict. Our objective will be to secure a range of new commitments from G8 nations, and to broaden these beyond the G8 over time. We are also assessing the need for a new international protocol on the investigation and documentation of sexual violence in conflict. In addition, we have recruited and will deploy a specialist team of UK experts to conflict areas to support the UN and civil society to investigate allegations of sexual violence, gather evidence and help countries build their own capacity to do so. We intend to work in close co-ordination with the United Nations and civil society in taking forward this initiative. Finally, we have increased our funding to the UN Secretary-General’s special representative on sexual violence in conflict by £1 million to support their efforts to strengthen national capacity to investigate, prosecute perpetrators of sexual violence and to protect survivors and witnesses.

This major new initiative is fully integrated with our work to implement the national, bilateral, regional and multilateral commitments in the NAP. This includes our country plans in Afghanistan, Nepal and Democratic Republic of Congo and our new middle east and north Africa regional plan. We continue to encourage more states to develop NAPs.

We are grateful to the associate parliamentary group on women, peace and security (APG-WPS) for their active engagement on this important issue. We would also like to thank the civil society umbrella organisation Gender Action for Peace and Security (GAPS) for the regular and ongoing consultations that take place about the NAP. Officials will attend a meeting with the associate parliamentary group and GAPS on 5 November to discuss this review.

We will continue to consult with Parliament and civil society, including in 2013 when a full evaluation of the national action plan will take place.

We look forward to continuing to work with Parliament, civil society, and with our international partners to lead effective action to tackle the disproportionate impact of conflict on women.

I have deposited a copy of the annual review in the Libraries of both Houses. It is also available on the FCO website at: www.fco.gov.uk.

Oral Answers to Questions

Mark Simmonds Excerpts

Tuesday 30th October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Paul Goggins (Wythenshawe and Sale East) (Lab)]

1. What recent assessment he has made of the situation in Sudan and South Sudan.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I welcome the agreements reached in September between Sudan and South Sudan, following months of intensive negotiations on borders, security and economic issues. We are working with the African Union to ensure that these are fully implemented and that remaining differences are settled.

[Paul Goggins]

I warmly welcome the Minister to his new and important responsibilities. Is it not outrageous that, as the Sudanese Government protest at the bombing of an arms factory in Khartoum, they continue to bomb their own people in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, causing untold suffering for hundred of thousands, including the largely forgotten people living in the caves in the Nuba mountains? Will he and the Foreign Secretary continue to put pressure on the international community to ensure that, in turn, it puts pressure on the Sudanese Government to allow safe access so that humanitarian assistance can get into those areas as a matter of urgency?

[Mark Simmonds]

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his welcoming remarks, and I certainly look forward to doing this job to the best of my ability. He is absolutely right to raise the recent incident, but it is a matter for the Government of Sudan. He will be aware that they have written to the President of the UN Security Council, who will be investigating the matter, and we, along with all Governments, await the results of those investigations. His points about the ongoing conflict in South Kordofan and Blue Nile are right, and I can assure him that the UK Government, along with regional players, including the African Union and the Arab League, are doing all we can to ensure that humanitarian aid and access are given to those particularly challenging areas as soon and as fast as possible.

[Richard Ottaway (Croydon South) (Con)]

Although the new agreement signed between north and south is welcome, is the Minister aware that the arms factory just alluded to is supplying arms into Sinai and possibly Gaza, and is Iranian-owned? Does he agree that he should be telling the Sudanese Government that such activity simply has to stop?

[Mark Simmonds]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his comments. As he will be aware and as I stated earlier, the Sudanese Government made a request to the UN, and an investigation is now ongoing. We will be watching the thoroughness of that investigation extremely carefully, and will decide what to do once we have received the results.

[Ms Margaret Ritchie (South Down) (SDLP)]

Does the Minister agree that the Government of North Sudan must allow the safe, unhindered access of international aid to areas that so far have been inaccessible in order to ensure full accessibility for everybody and an end to bloodshed?

[Mark Simmonds]

I am grateful to the hon. Lady for raising this issue. To reduce and negate the suffering in Blue Nile and South Kordofan, it is essential that we enable humanitarian access to get to these areas as fast as possible, but it is extremely challenging. She might be aware that an agreement was reached in August between the tripartite—the UN, the AU and the Arab League—and signed by the North Sudanese Government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North to allow humanitarian access. We need to ensure that that agreement is implemented as fast as possible to alleviate the suffering.

[Geoffrey Clifton-Brown (The Cotswolds) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on his new position. The issue of the arms factory that my hon. Friend the Member for Croydon South (Richard Ottaway), the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, mentioned was accompanied by visits by Iranian warships to Khartoum. Will the Minister do all he can to reduce tensions in the region? This is a very unwanted development.

[Mark Simmonds]

I agree with my hon. Friend. We have consistently and strongly encouraged the Government of Sudan to set themselves on a path to becoming a stable, prosperous nation playing a positive role in the region. In that regard, we do not consider such political and military engagement with Iran to be helpful.

[James Duddridge (Rochford and Southend East) (Con)]

2. What recent assessment he has made of the political situation in Swaziland.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

The Government remain deeply concerned about the continuing decline in good governance and human rights in Swaziland, and the lack of progress towards democracy. The UK has called on the Government of Swaziland to abide by the 2005 constitution, which guarantees the rights of all Swazi citizens to freedom of assembly and freedom of expression.

[James Duddridge]

I thank the Minister for that reply, but what more can he do for people such as Mario Masuku of PUDEMO—the People’s United Democratic Movement, the leading opposition party in Swaziland—with whom I worked in Barclays Bank in Swaziland? What more can the Minister do to encourage King Mswati to be a little more sympathetic and tolerant of the existence of political parties?

[Mark Simmonds]

I know that my hon. Friend has a particular interest and knowledge of Swaziland, and I can confirm to him that the UK continues to urge the Government there to ensure that all political parties are able to operate freely and participate in the elections scheduled for September 2013. We believe that the people of Swaziland want political parties and we call on the Government there to respect their wishes. I can also confirm that our high commissioner will be visiting Swaziland in November to participate in discussions and will use the opportunity to underline the UK’s concerns about the current political and economic environment and press for reform.

[Karen Lumley (Redditch) (Con)]

3. What assessment his Department has made of the fairness of the trial of the former President of the Maldives, Mohamed Nasheed; and what representations he has made to ensure that the trial is fair.

--- Later in debate ---

[Gavin Williamson (South Staffordshire) (Con)]

T4. For over a decade the United Kingdom has supported Sierra Leone, both financially and through military involvement. Will my hon. Friend assure the House that he will do all he can to ensure that next month’s elections in Sierra Leone are free and fair?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that important matter and can assure him that we are monitoring events carefully. For the edification of the House, the elections in Sierra Leone are on 17 November. All parties have completed their nomination procedures, political supporters have been active, there has been no serious trouble so far, thankfully, and the electoral institutions are making progress, but I acknowledge that there is more to do. The Department for International Development has a programme for the electoral cycle, from 2010 to 2014, and the high commission is engaged with the political leaders and, on election day, will provide a team of observers to ensure that the elections are free and fair.

[Mark Lazarowicz (Edinburgh North and Leith) (Lab/Co-op)]

T2. In the earlier discussion on Syria we did not talk about the refugees, but of course hundreds of thousands of people, both internally and in neighbouring countries, are now homeless and face a desperate situation. What are we and the international community doing to assist them?