I congratulate the hon. Member for Preston (Mark Hendrick) on securing this important debate and apologise on behalf of my colleague the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, the hon. Member for North East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt), who has responsibility for the middle east and is, I am afraid, out of the country on Foreign Office business.
Right at the beginning of my speech, I want to contradict the hon. Gentleman’s view that there is complacency at the heart of the international community and in the UK Government. I can assure him that there is no complacency at all. Indeed, the UK worked intensively to support Egypt and the United States in facilitating the negotiations to stop the conflict. The UK is continuing to provide international development support both to the Palestinian Authority and in Gaza, where it is providing health and social services to the population. That help is available for as long as it is required.
I also want to make it clear that the settlements that the Israelis have built and are proposing are condemned by us. Settlements are illegal under international law and undermine the possibility of a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict and those working for a sustainable peace. We look to Israel to take all necessary steps to prevent settlement construction.
The Government’s central objective is to ensure a rapid return to credible negotiations in order finally to achieve a two-state solution, which I believe all Members of this House want to see, irrespective of which side of the debate they are on. That has been and will continue to be the guiding principle that determines our policy on this issue. We firmly support a negotiated settlement leading to a safe and secure Israel alongside a viable and sovereign Palestinian state based on 1967 borders with agreed land swaps, Jerusalem as the shared capital of both states and a just, fair and agreed settlement for refugees. That is the only way to secure a sustainable end to the conflict and it has wide support in this House and across the international community. We strongly believe that achieving such a solution is firmly in the interests of the Israelis, the Palestinians and the wider region.
I have to acknowledge, however, that we are gravely concerned about the dangerous impasse in the peace process, particularly over the last two years. We believe that the window to a two-state solution is rapidly closing. That is why we took the stance we did on the Palestinian resolution at the UN General Assembly, which was guided by the principle of how to create the right environment for a swift return to talks and the strongest possible foundations for the peace process.
In support of that principle and objective, we sought a commitment from the Palestinian leadership immediately to return to negotiations—without preconditions. This was the essential answer to the charge that by moving the resolution, the Palestinians were taking a path away from negotiations. We also sought a reassurance from the Palestinian leadership that it would not immediately pursue action in the UN agencies and the International Criminal Court. Our country, the UK, is a strong supporter of international justice and the International Criminal Court, and we would ultimately like to see a Palestinian state represented throughout all the organs of the United Nations. However, we judge that if the Palestinians were to build on this resolution by pursuing ICC jurisdiction over the occupied territories at this stage, it could make virtually impossible a swift return to negotiations, which is what we all want to see.
I thank the Minister for his generosity in giving way. First, what is the point of upgrading Palestine’s status if it does not get the benefits of an upgrade? Secondly, if settlements continue as they are, it is unlikely that there will ever be meaningful discussions. Thirdly—I have forgotten the third point.
As this is the hon. Gentleman’s debate, I will allow him to intervene again if he remembers his third point.
I understand the points he made. What we have to do is to look forward to try to bring together all the respective parties that are interested in trying to find a satisfactory two-state solution. As part of that, a Palestinian state will, I hope, be a full member of the United Nations at some point in the future.
My third point is that a peace process has been mentioned, but there is not really a peace process to speak of at the moment. All we had were meetings convened by the Egyptians to try to stop the conflict in Gaza. We would all like to see a peace process continue and the Minister agrees with me about a two-state solution, but there is just nothing happening on the ground.
If the hon. Gentleman will be patient, I will come on, time permitting, to exactly what we are doing to try to stimulate, encourage and facilitate the peace process and get it back on track. It is not true, however, to say that nothing is happening. There are, for example, ongoing talks chaired by the Egyptians between the Palestinians and the Israelis, albeit not directly as the two sides are in separate rooms. The two key elements coming out of that are, first, the need for Israel to ease the restrictions on Gaza, particularly so that economic activity can take place; and, secondly, the need for Egypt to tackle the arms smuggling into the Sinai, which is Israel’s main concern about the rockets that are going into it.
We engaged intensively with the Palestinians before the vote in the General Assembly, and in advance of it we urged Israel to avoid reacting in a way that would undermine the peace process and to return to the negotiations. We made it absolutely clear that we would not support a reaction that sidelined President Abbas or risked the collapse of the Palestinian Authority. We have made it very clear to the Israeli Government that their decision to build 3,000 new housing units on the west bank and in East Jerusalem, to unfreeze the development of the area known as E1 on the west bank and to withhold tax revenue from the Palestinian Authority is not acceptable. The settlements plan in particular has the potential to alter the situation on the ground on a scale that threatens the viability of a two-state solution.
Does the Minister agree with me that provocative actions on both sides is unhelpful in such a volatile situation, and that it is particularly provocative of the Palestinians to have involved or threatened to involve the ICC in this context because that is clearly not going to advance peace on both sides? Does he agree that Israel has a right to protect its citizens?
I certainly agree that Israel has a right to peace and security, and a right to protect its citizens from rocket attacks, which were extremely prevalent during the fortnight leading up to the escalation of the conflict in Gaza. However, what the international community and the House need to focus on is how we are to get the Palestinians and the Israelis back around the negotiating table, without preconditions, to find a satisfactory, lasting solution to the conflict that has dogged that part of the world for so many years.
I am grateful to the Minister for giving way, as he has not much time left. When will we reach a point when the two-state solution is dead and a one-state solution becomes a viable option?
I do not think that we are there yet, but, as I said earlier, I think that the door is beginning to close on the realistic possibility of a two-state solution. That is why it is essential for the international community to act now, and essential for the United States in particular to engage with the peace process following the vote in the UN General Assembly. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has had a series of discussions with the United States Administration in an attempt to persuade them to become seriously engaged with the peace process, and they are doing that.
The hon. Member for Preston asked what we were doing with our European Union partners. We have had a series of meetings in the European Union in which there has been collective agreement on the necessity to push further for EU concerted action to try to bring the parties together. We need to ensure that not only the EU but the UN is engaged in the process, alongside the United States. The UK’s position, however, has been absolutely clear. We will engage with any Palestinian Government who show, through their words and actions, that they are committed to the principles set out by President Abbas in Cairo.
I hope that Members will forgive me for not saying more. I am running out of time. I very much hope that the House will continue to engage with this—