Iranian Regime: British Citizens

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Thursday 27th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, I too am grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford for securing this debate and for her personal reflections on her birthplace. I was also moved by her contribution on “Desert Island Discs”, which reflected on some of those issues and what a wonderful country Iran is. Sadly, it is being distorted by its current Government.

I am grateful for contributions from all noble Lords, many of whom have developed deep knowledge of this area, not least, as the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, said, in joint campaigns with Richard Ratcliffe, working together to ensure Nazanin’s release.

I will try to respond to all the points raised. As noble Lords are aware, Iran has a long history of seeking to exploit the detention of British and other foreign nationals. The regime’s actions sit within a wider set of malign behaviours—not least its continued repression of women and girls, human rights defenders and religious and ethnic minorities. Religious minorities, including Baha’is, Christians and Sunni Muslims, suffer discrimination in law and practice. This includes discrimination in access to education, employment, child adoption, political office and places of worship.

The Baha’i community continues to face arbitrary arrests, land expropriation and denial of burial rights, while Christians, as the right reverend Prelate said, face shocking sentencing and ongoing incarceration for the act of practising their faith. Iran must allow every individual their right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief, in accordance with its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Since October 2022, we have sanctioned 94 individuals and entities for their human rights violations, including—to reassure the noble Lord, Lord Purvis—decision-makers responsible for Iran’s oppressive hijab laws and political and security officials involved in the crackdown on protesters. The United Kingdom’s dedicated Special Envoy on Freedom of Religion or Belief, David Smith, leads our work to promote tolerance and mutual respect.

Noble Lords have raised the horrific, consistently high rate of executions, which is, of course, a deliberate attempt to instil fear and stifle dissent. The United Kingdom is opposed to the death penalty in all circumstances as a matter of principle, and we make very clear representations on that. The UK has 450 sanctions in place, including designations against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and those responsible for Iran’s attack on Israel in October.

I turn to our advice about travel to Iran. British travellers are at significant risk of arrest and detention in Iran. Since 2022, we have used our public travel advice to advise against any travel there. Having a British passport or connections to the United Kingdom can be reason enough for the Iranian authorities to detain someone. The Foreign Office actively promotes its free travel advice service to travellers and industry alike. I understand that travel pages are viewed more than 28 million times per year. Nevertheless, we will look at what more could be done to ensure that the advice is seen as widely as possible.

I pay tribute to the right reverend Prelate for the care with which she has approached the subject of detention cases. They are among the most difficult, complex and sensitive cases handled by our officials and are enormously distressing for the families of those detained. For reasons that will be obvious to those familiar with the Iranian regime’s behaviour, I cannot make detailed comments on individual cases, nor can I refer to the possible numbers. Many of the individuals involved do not want publicity, but if noble Lords wish to speak to me privately, I will try to reassure them of what we are trying to do. I reassure the right reverend Prelate that the British embassy in Tehran is in contact with the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the recent case and we will continue to raise this directly with the Iranian authorities. A specialist team from the FCDO is in frequent contact with the family, providing regular updates and advice. This case will continue to be a priority for the Government.

As noble Lords referred to, including the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, and the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, the Government are committed to strengthening their support for British nationals abroad. We will, as they reminded me, introduce a new right to consular assistance in cases of human rights violations and will soon appoint an envoy for the most complex detention cases. To reassure noble Lords, work is under way on both, and we will come forward with details fairly soon.

I also reassure the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton, that we work very closely with our international partners to tackle unfair detentions. As the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, mentioned, we signed the Canadian Declaration Against Arbitrary Detention in State-to-State Relations in 2021, helping protect citizens of all countries who live and work abroad. This is of course an issue of interest and importance to the House, and I welcome the creation in 2024 of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Arbitrary Detention and Hostage Affairs. I will work closely with it and keep it up to date on our progress.

I hear what the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, says about overseas development assistance. I reassure him that our first priority is security. For the security of this nation, we had to make some very difficult decisions this week, but they will not deflect from how we allocate and ensure that whatever assistance we give to those neighbouring countries is properly maintained. The Prime Minister made it clear that that will be a priority for the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to Sudan.

I conclude by assuring all noble Lords—

[The Lord Bishop of Chelmsford]

I am very grateful to the Minister for giving way. On the use of language, could he say a bit more about the reluctance to call this out for what it is and to refer to hostage taking, when other European countries are willing to do so?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I do not want to be drawn into using language that might be considered to refer to specific cases. I want to avoid that at this moment in time but, having signed the Canadian declaration, we are clear about the growth of this policy of state detention for those sorts of purposes.

In conclusion, supporting British nationals detained in Iran will remain an absolute priority for this Government, alongside advising against travel to Iran to prevent such incidents. We will continue to strengthen our consular support globally and, most importantly, we will work together with our international partners to build and sustain the international consensus against the use of detainees as leverage for other purposes.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: M23 Group

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Tuesday 25th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the United Kingdom condemns the recent M23 and Rwandan Defence Force advances in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo as an unacceptable breach of DRC’s sovereignty. On 22 February the Foreign Secretary met with President Kagame and was clear that there can be no military solution. The United Kingdom today announced several policy measures, which we will maintain until there is a withdrawal of all RDF from the Congolese territory.

[Lord Harries of Pentregarth (CB)]

I thank the Minister for his reply. It has recently been reported that 7,000 people were killed during January, and 450,000 people have been displaced from about 90 camps. According to reports, the M23 intends to advance right across to Kinshasa. Is it not totally unacceptable for one country to support a rebel group in a neighbouring country? What steps are the Government taking in relation to the United Nations and the African Union to bring this conflict under control before it gets totally out of hand and engulfs the whole of an already fragile DRC?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Noble Lords will appreciate what I have reported before. Right from day one, we have been engaged with President Lourenço of Angola to ensure that there is a process to achieve long-lasting peace in the region. That is long overdue, because the internally displaced people are numerous and suffering hugely. These recent advances create an even worse situation.

On Friday I was pleased to talk to the Ministers in Dar es Salaam who were hosting the EAC-SADC summit, which produced a communiqué towards peace in the region and set out a very clear road map to achieve the withdrawal. Our concern is that the Rwandans have not fully complied with that, which is why we have made the announcement today of the measures we are taking, along with our allies, to ensure that they respond to that African-led peace process.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the Minister will be aware that the UK has given more than £1 billion in development aid to Rwanda in recent years. As has been said, evidence is mounting that Rwandan troops are heavily involved in the fighting in DRC. Is it not increasingly difficult to justify this funding when the Rwandan Government themselves are spending so much time, energy and money intervening militarily in a sovereign neighbouring state?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord’s previous Government reached an agreement to give substantially more money to Rwanda.

The important point here is that our focus for development assistance is on those most in need. The measures that we announced today—I was able to convey these to the Foreign Minister of Rwanda in Geneva this morning at the Human Rights Council—are as follows: we will cease high-level attendance at events hosted by the Government of Rwanda; we are freezing trade promotion activity with Rwanda; we are reviewing our existing trade infrastructure in facilitation projects; and we are pausing direct bilateral financial aid to the Government of Rwanda. We are excluding from this our support for the poorest and most vulnerable, which is not direct support; we are committed to that. We are also co-ordinating with partners on potential sanctions designations and suspending future defence training assistance to Rwanda. Our position is absolutely clear. We want to ensure that these measures achieve what they set out to do: to ensure that Rwanda commits to the peace process led by the African Union.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords—

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[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary warned that the conflict in the DRC

“risks spiralling into a regional conflict”.

It is already a humanitarian crisis, with 40,000 refugees fleeing to Burundi alone—the largest influx that country has had in 25 years. Are we contributing to the UNHCR’s $40.4 million appeal to provide life-saving assistance to 275,000 internally displaced people in the DRC and to support refugees and returnees across Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend makes a very good point. The real risk was that this was going to create regional instability, which is why we not only supported the Luanda process but very much welcomed the convening of the SADC-EAC meeting in Dar es Salaam last week, which set out a very clear process. He is absolutely right to draw attention to the huge humanitarian cost of 2.7 million people displaced—IDPs in eastern DRC. The United Kingdom is the leading humanitarian partner in DRC and the second-largest donor in the country, allocating over £62 million for this financial year for humanitarian programmes in eastern DRC. I also take seriously my responsibility as the envoy for the prevention of sexual violence in conflict. That is a huge risk at the moment, and we are devoted to supporting survivors of sexual violence in that region. We are not going to rest until we ensure that all parties are focused on that agreement reached in Dar es Salaam at the end of last week.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, during the passage of the Illegal Migration Bill and the safety of Rwanda Bill, I asked the previous Government for details—but failed to get them—of the £240 million economic and integration fund that the previous Government gave to Paul Kagame’s Government. Can the Minister assure me that not a single penny of UK money has gone to non-humanitarian assistance in Rwanda, and especially the £20 million credit line provided to Paul Kagame’s Government for preparation of facilities that were not then needed? How much money are we getting back from his Government?

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[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord knows that we stopped that agreement immediately when we came into office. We are absolutely clear that we have ceased all payments in respect to it and will not return to making any of those payments. But we are determined to support those most vulnerable and most in need, and we will continue to do that.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, can the Minister tell us what happened in Kasanga in Kivu on Thursday last, when 70 people were hacked to death with machetes and hammers by an organisation that is said to be linked to ISIS as they took refuge in a church? What are we doing to confirm those reports? Have we raised this with the International Criminal Court and the African Union to ensure that those responsible for this terrible atrocity are brought to justice?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is right to draw that to our attention, but the reality is that we are trying to ensure that all crimes committed in the process of this advance are properly investigated so that we can hold people to account. When I met the Foreign Minister of Rwanda this morning in Geneva, he denied all these accusations and refuted the story in the Guardian. I reassured him that we would be absolutely determined not only to ensure that they comply with the communiqué but to hold people to account for crimes against humanity.

[Lord Bellingham (Con)]

My Lords, is the Minister aware that it is not just a question of regular Rwandan troops being embedded in M23? There are now special forces involved as well, and there is overwhelming evidence that war crimes have been committed on both sides. I congratulate the Minister on the very robust set of measures he announced; the Government deserve credit for this. He mentioned SADC, but can he say what he is doing with the AU? Its offices can also be very useful in trying to find a way forward.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. When we committed to the Luanda process, we were not sure exactly what steps we could achieve in the final outcome. President Lourenço assured me about what he was trying to achieve. We cannot restore trust, but we can build confidence at each stage. Unfortunately, the 15 December summit did not take place; things fell apart, and we saw the advances. Now, as I said, SADC and the EAC have come together in Dar es Salaam, overseen by the African Union. They are taking the lead. The African Union has also appointed three facilitators to ensure that the process is moved forward in a much more consistent and coherent way.

[Lord Anderson of Swansea (Lab)]

My Lords, is there not a danger of contradictory policies? A country invades its neighbour. Its forces carry out human rights atrocities and take several cities. We rightly condemn what Russia is doing in Ukraine. Should we not be equally robust in respect of a Commonwealth country, Rwanda?

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[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right. We have been clear with all allies, including the United States, in condemning this absolute breach of DRC’s sovereignty. We are making it clear that it is unacceptable. We and our allies have taken co-ordinated action so that Rwanda commits to the process it has agreed to and delivers the long-lasting peace that the people of DRC so deserve.

International Criminal Court: US Sanctions

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Tuesday 11th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking in response to the sanctions imposed by the President of the United States of America on staff working for the International Criminal Court; and whether they will confirm their commitment to the Court and its work in pursuit of justice.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the Government have repeatedly expressed their support for the independence of the International Criminal Court, including, most recently, last week, by joining a statement together with 70 other states parties. Imposing sanctions against ICC officials impedes the court’s ability to carry out its important work of investigating and prosecuting the most serious crimes of international concern. We are in contact with the US Administration and British nationals employed by the ICC to understand the possible implications of these measures.

[Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws (Lab)]

My Lords, let me immediately thank my noble friend for his reassurance that the UK is resolute in its support for the ICC. The world will never see peace if there is no entity that will pursue justice for victims of egregious crimes. There cannot be impunity for our allies. Even now, the court is working on files to bring yet more members of Hamas to trial for the atrocities that took place on 7 October. It is assisted in this painful work by Israeli lawyers for the families of the hostages and the families of the Israeli dead.

Work continues also on the investigation of potential war crimes in Gaza. Do the Government accept that this new executive order attacks the fundamentals of the court and its functioning? Will the Government inform the United States Administration in the contacts that they have that Article 70 of the Rome statute forbids the obstruction of justice? There can be no impeding of any officer of the court in carrying out their duties, and arrest warrants can follow. Will the Government advise the President of the risk he faces of an arrest warrant being issued for him?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, as my noble friend is very much aware, successive UK and US Administrations have taken a different view on the ICC. For example, the UK, as she rightly points out, is a signatory to the Rome statute; the US is not. The UK supports fully the independence of the ICC and we do not support sanctioning individual court officials. Our focus remains on ensuring that the ceasefire can be sustained, that a surge of vital aid can reach those most in need in Gaza and that all remaining hostages are released and reunited with their families. That is our goal, we are working with the US at all levels on it, and we will continue to do so.

[Lord Farmer (Con)]

My Lords, Israel’s judicial system is actively investigating cases of suspected misconduct by Israeli soldiers and petitions on humanitarian issues in Gaza. The ICC chief prosecutor recognised in December 2023 that the military receives independent legal advice on the legality of every air strike. The ICC complements, rather than replaces, national criminal systems, prosecuting cases only when states are unwilling or unable to do so. So, it had no authority to intervene here. Does the Minister agree with that?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Of course, I agree that where states fail to properly investigate, the ICC has a right to step in. In this case, as the noble Lord pointed out, Israel has undertaken a due and proper investigation, so I agree with the noble Lord in that particular case.

[Lord Thomas of Gresford (LD)]

Will the Government inform Donald Trump that the forcible transfer of the population of Gaza will be an Article 7(1)(d) crime against humanity, and that under Section 2 of our own domestic International Criminal Court Act 2001, our Attorney-General has no discretion but to endorse any warrant of arrest for the President issued by the ICC for execution in the United Kingdom? That will mean no more golf for the President at Balmedie and Turnberry, and, certainly, no more cups of tea and parades with our good King Charles.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, I am going to repeat what I said. The ceasefire and the return of the hostages were negotiated with the United States with the support of the United Kingdom, and the Presidents of the United States were heavily involved in that ceasefire. Our focus is absolutely to ensure the return of all hostages, and that peace can continue in Gaza so that we can get the humanitarian aid in. That is what we are focused on. I am sorry that I do not agree with the noble Lord at all.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, in welcoming what the Minister has just said, I ask: would he not agree that one of the outstanding legacies of the Jewish lawyer, Raphael Lemkin, who saw more than 40 members of his family murdered during the Holocaust, was the creation of the international architecture that led to the Rome statute and the creation of the International Criminal Court? Would it not be better for those countries that are not members of the ICC to join the United Kingdom in becoming members of the ICC and to uphold the principles that the noble Baroness outlined? Given what the Minister said about the conversations that he is having with colleagues in the United States, when a noble Baroness such as the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy—an outstanding human rights lawyer—is threatened herself with visa restrictions and even potential fines for dealing with clients who are part of the process of the International Criminal Court, must we not protest about that in the strongest possible terms?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. The ICC is the primary international institution for investigating and prosecuting the most serious crimes of international concern. We urge all countries to support it and we urge them to sign the Rome treaty. We know that the US, whether it has a Democrat or Republican President, has refused to do so, but that does not stop us focusing on how we deal with these crimes and how we can build alliances to ensure that they do not happen again. The noble Lord is absolutely right about the rabbi. We do need international law, we need international law to be upheld and we urge all countries to do so.

[Baroness Northover (LD)]

My Lords, on the question my noble friend asked just now, can the Minister clarify that he would agree, as his Ministerial colleagues have agreed, that the forcible transfer of the population of Gaza would be a crime against humanity and against international law? I know that he distanced himself from some other elements of what my noble friend said, but, on that, can he clarify the Government’s position?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Baroness will recall, I absolutely made clear the position of the Government in relation to forcible removal of Gazan citizens, or Palestinians, from Gaza. I made that very clear in the recent repeat of the Urgent Question and I reassure her that our position has not changed.

[Lord Sandhurst (Con)]

My Lords, the USA is not a party to the Rome statute, which created and governs the International Criminal Court. Does the Minister agree that the USA is entitled to do as it pleases with regard to that court? Secondly, in the light of the ceasefire, is there any change to His Majesty’s Government’s position on the arrest warrant for Mr Netanyahu?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Let me begin by repeating what I have said before: we believe in international law, we support the ICC and we support the Rome treaty. We are absolutely committed to these and we urge all others to do so. But there has always been a difference between the United States’ position and the United Kingdom’s. I repeat that what we want to do is ensure that peace returns to Gaza and that full humanitarian aid can get back in, and we absolutely urge the return of all the hostages. That is our position, that is our objective and that is our aim.

[Baroness Butler-Sloss (CB)]

My Lords, in the light of what President Trump has said—that if all Israeli hostages are not returned by noon on Saturday, all hell should let loose—can I ask the Minister what the approach of the British Government is?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The United Kingdom Government are deeply concerned about reports that Hamas has delayed the next hostage release. We want to see the continuation of ceasefire negotiations and ensure the full flow of aid and ongoing release of hostages. We must build confidence on all sides that helps sustain the ceasefire and move it from phase one through to phase three: that is our commitment. The US has played an integral role in negotiating the ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, along with Qatar and Egypt. We will continue to work with the United States Administration to ensure regional security and stability, including ensuring a lasting peace for Israelis and Palestinians.

Government of Syria: Freedom of Expression, Religion and Belief

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 10th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Carey of Clifton]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the new government of Syria’s commitment to freedom of expression, religion and belief.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the interim Syrian President has stated that he will form a transitional Government who are representative of Syria’s diversity and has pledged to protect religious groups. We are monitoring how the interim authorities treat all civilians in areas they control. We will judge them by their actions. We will continue to advocate for the right of freedom of religion or belief in Syria and for a political transition leading to an inclusive, non-sectarian and representative Government.

[Lord Carey of Clifton (CB)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for that careful and helpful reply. While accepting that the new rulers in Damascus have taken steps to reassure some minorities of the desire to create an open society, how do our Government intend to monitor the actual situation? How do they intend to verify whether assurances are followed up, bearing in mind the intense disquiet felt in some groups, such as the Christian churches, about increasing Islamisation, particularly as it bears on women, and the creation of an environment unwelcoming to minorities?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I said last week that we have a special envoy who has visited Syria. We are in close contact with the interim authorities. We are working closely with our allies in the region and we are carefully monitoring the situation. As I said, we are judging them by their actions, not simply on their words. We are concerned by reports of attacks on minorities, including Christians, and attempts to stoke sectarian tensions. We are monitoring the situation extremely closely.

[Lord Anderson of Swansea (Lab)]

Does my noble friend agree that it is early days and that the point is currently in both directions? Would he agree that one potentially positive sign is that Turkey, our good ally, has close relations with the new regime? Should we not therefore be ready to encourage Turkey to play a positive role in influencing the new regime in these areas?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend makes a good point. We are concerned by increased tensions in northern Syria and the impact that this may have on civilians and stability in the region. Turkey has been playing a critical role there and we have been in regular contact with it, as well as with Syrian democratic forces. Our priority across the board is de-escalation.

[Baroness Northover (LD)]

My Lords, security and prosperity are vital in Syria. What action is being taken with others to try to halt the spread of revenge attacks? The EU has lifted some economic sanctions. We have always said—and the Minister has always said—that sanctions are more effective if we act together. Why have we not done likewise?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

On the latter point, we are reviewing both actions and the Prime Minister has made that clear in the other place. As the noble Baroness knows, we do not comment on future designations or de-designations. The Prime Minister has been absolutely clear on that. I think she is right that there are forces within Syria that may stoke sectarian violence and instability. As my noble friend raised, we are trying to work with allies, across the board, to ensure that there is de-escalation, and to take the interim authority at its word and make sure that we monitor it on a regular basis. The noble Baroness is right to point this out.

[Lord Green of Deddington (CB)]

My Lords, as a former ambassador to Syria, I speak in support of the noble and right reverend Lord, Lord Carey of Clifton. I spent three years as ambassador in Damascus, in the dying days of President Assad, and I saw that regime first hand. His son’s regime was no better. In answer to an Oral Question last Thursday, the Minister described the present time as a

“critical but fragile moment for Syria”.—[Official Report, 6/2/25; col. 803.]

Indeed so; Syria could fold up and the regime would be widely affected. Does the Minister accept that there is a real risk of a backlash against western involvement in Syria, and, accordingly, that we need to be firm but careful about what we say in public and how we say it?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have been diplomatic in response to the Questions we have had last week and this week. We should not take immediate decisions but rather focus on the interim authorities and their words, which we should ensure they keep to. We are monitoring that situation closely. As I said, we have an envoy for Syria, who is doing excellent work—I think she is engaged with parliamentarians here. The noble Lord is right to suggest caution, but we have some reason to be optimistic for the future for Syria. We must not forget what Syria went through under the Assad regime, during which horrendous crimes were committed.

[Lord Hain (Lab)]

My Lords, I want to ask my noble friend about the consequences of the withdrawal of 2,000 US troops from Syria, who were working with Syrian Kurdish forces, in particular to contain some 9,000 ISIS—Islamic State—fighters in prison camps. There is a danger of those fighters breaking out and not just damaging religious tolerance but imposing their reign of terror on the whole region.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

To reiterate what I said last week, the first duty of every Government is to protect its citizens, and we are certainly cognisant of that in relation to those camps. The United Kingdom notes the decision of the US to pause foreign aid funding for three months pending a review; that is a matter for the United States. As I say, we are working with our allies to ensure that there is stability in Syria and that Daesh’s territorial defeat endures and that it can never, ever resurge. We are working closely with US colleagues and humanitarian partners to understand and assess the impact of the pause, but we are fairly confident that there will be continued support for the IDP camps in the north.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, on Wednesday, will the Minister carefully follow the proceedings of the Joint Committee on Human Rights as it continues its inquiry into the failure to bring to justice members of ISIS who were responsible for genocidal crimes against Yazidis, Christians, gay people, and other minorities in Syria and Iraq? In Raqqa alone, the headquarters of ISIS, the number of Christians was reduced from 11,000 to 100, and throughout Syria 80% of that community has disappeared. Given what the noble Lord, Lord Hain, has just said about the thousands of people who are still in the camps, can the Minister say what is being done to bring to justice British nationals in those camps who are members of ISIS and responsible for many of these crimes?

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[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I follow the work of the committee and I congratulate the noble Lord on his chairmanship. One thing he knows we have been absolutely committed to is accountability, not just for ISIS but for the crimes committed by the former Assad regime. We have given practical support to NGOs and INGOs, to ensure that we can gather credible evidence and hold these people to account for the crimes that they committed. This year alone, we have committed £1.15 million to accountability and documentation-related programmes. We will continue to work with our international partners and civil society to advocate for the UN charter and support mechanisms to ensure full compliance with it.

[Baroness Hussein-Ece (LD)]

My Lords, does the Minister accept that the stability and future of Syria are in the interests of not just the Middle East but the entire region? Does he accept that we must avoid repeating mistakes made in earlier experiences in Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan and elsewhere, and learn the lessons? The most important lesson is that any process on the road to stability and a plural democracy should be led by Syrians and supported by the international community, and not the other way round, and especially not by those who supported the murderous Assad regime over the years.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Let me focus on the thrust of the noble Baroness’s question. She is absolutely right that this should be Syrian-led, Syrian democracy; that is what we are focused on. We are engaging with the interim authorities and international partners to do precisely that: to support the political process and civil society. I have often said that the most important ingredient of a healthy democracy is a vibrant civil society, and that is particularly true of Syria. The noble Baroness, Lady Hodgson, raised last week the involvement of women in this process. We have been absolutely committed to that and we will continue to be so.

Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 10th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I join the noble Earl in welcoming the release so far of 21 hostages, including British national Emily Damari and, of course, the UK-linked Eli Sharabi. The Prime Minister spoke to Emily on 31 January and was deeply moved by her personal story. We continue to call for the release of all hostages. The real solution is their release; that is what we want to see as soon as possible.

In relation to UNRWA, that is quite a serious matter, and I know that UNRWA has responded and is calling for an independent inquiry into it. UNRWA was, of course, excluded from those facilities but nevertheless it is important that there is a thorough independent inquiry. We look forward to seeing that when it happens.

[Baroness Northover (LD)]

My Lords, in the light of President Trump’s totally destabilising statements, do the Government share the view of the German Foreign Minister that Gaza is for the Palestinians, not for Israel, nor for the United States? What communications have the Government had with the leaderships of Egypt and Jordan to reassure them that the UK does not support the removal of Palestinians in Gaza to their countries? Does the Minister agree that the time has come to recognise Palestine as a state before it is too late?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I reassure the noble Baroness that we see the ceasefire as the first step in ensuring long-term peace and security for Israelis, Palestinians and the wider region, bringing much-needed stability. We thank Qatar, Egypt and the US for their tireless efforts over the past 15 months in getting us to this moment.

I reiterate our very clear policy: we would oppose any effort to move Palestinians in Gaza to neighbouring Arab states against their will. As we have repeatedly said, Palestinian civilians, including those evacuated from northern Gaza, must be permitted to return to their communities and rebuild. As the Prime Minister has said, we should be with them as they rebuild on the way to a two-state solution. That is the way to ensure peace and security for both Israel and the Palestinians.

In terms of recognition, the Foreign Secretary has made this clear on numerous occasions. We see that as one of the tools for seeking and establishing that two-state solution. We want to be able to use it as strong leverage to maintain that course for a two-state solution, so that when the time is right, we are committed to recognise.

[Lord Pannick (CB)]

My Lords, in the light of Hamas’s abhorrent policy of torturing hostages, what action is being taken by His Majesty’s Government, together with our allies, to prevent Hamas from continuing to occupy any position of power and authority in Gaza? Does the Minister accept that the two-state solution, which he mentioned and which I and many others support, is not going to happen until Hamas is removed from power and authority?

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[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have made it absolutely clear on previous occasions, and I repeat, that there is no role for Hamas in the future governance of Gaza. We will continue to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the US and regional partners to build a consensus for a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework that supports the conditions for a permanent and sustainable peace. As part of that process, we have committed financial support of £5 million to support the PA in relation to this. We have also established two key roles in the Palestinian Authority to ensure that recovery and this new form of governance. We are absolutely committed that there is no role for Hamas in the future.

[Baroness Blackstone (Lab)]

My Lords, I congratulate the Government on their decision to spend an extra £17 million to support the needs of Gazans for food, housing and shelter. Will he tell the House how that £17 million is going to be spent, particularly in the absence of UNRWA, which has disgracefully been denied its continued operation in East Jerusalem? If there are no other agencies with the right experience to deliver that aid, it is hard to think how Gazans are going to get it.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As my noble friend said, on 28 January, the Minister for Development announced that further £17 million in funding to ensure that healthcare, food and shelter reach tens of thousands of civilians and support vital infrastructure across the Occupied Territories and in neighbouring countries. We have also delivered life-saving UK-funded medical supplies via Jordanian helicopters, an operation supported by the UK military.

On UNRWA, the United Kingdom continues to lead international action to press for a resolution to this issue. On 31 January, the Foreign Secretary joined his French and German counterparts to call on Israel to abide by its international obligations. We are in close contact with the United Nations on next steps. The Foreign Secretary spoke to the UN Secretary-General on 30 January, and the Minister for Development spoke to the emergency relief co-ordinator, Tom Fletcher, on 24 January. It is my hope that I shall be meeting him tomorrow to reiterate the message in terms of access for humanitarian aid into the Occupied Territories.

[The Lord Bishop of St Albans]

Reports coming out of the country show the desperate need to get not only aid but medical supplies there. I pay tribute to His Majesty’s Government for all that they have done so far, but the issue is how we get aid and medical supplies in. In particular, reports are coming out that the Anglican-run al-Ahli Hospital is in a desperate state. What else can His Majesty’s Government do to ensure that we get medicine and supplies in there and to other medical facilities?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The right reverend Prelate is right. The United Nations and other partners are continuing to monitor and update figures for the volumes and types of aid currently entering Gaza but, given that that is a key element of the ceasefire agreement, the UN can publicly share only overall truck figures for now. So we do not currently have the usual level of detailed information, but we will continue to work closely with trusted partners on the ground to understand how UK aid is being distributed. All UK delivery partners are required, as per our agreements with them, to collate this information, so we expect that in due course.

[Lord Swire (Con)]

My Lords, does the Minister agree that one way of instilling greater confidence in this three-stage process is to allow the international press into Gaza? What discussions has he had with the Government of Israel on allowing the international press in? Further to that, what discussions has he had with his UN counterparts and colleagues about the whole issue of allowing people in to see whether crimes have been committed by either side?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord makes a valid point. One of the reasons given for no access was the conflict and the troops, but now that we have a ceasefire, we can ensure that there is proper access, which is why I am focusing on the humanitarian aid and support going in. The noble Lord makes the valid point that upholding international law, and ensuring that all sides are subject to it, is right. We will continue to support the ICC and other efforts to ensure that that is held to.

Syria

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Thursday 6th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Hodgson of Abinger]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assistance they are providing to Syria to support a peaceful transition to inclusive and representative government.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, at this critical but fragile moment for Syria, the United Kingdom is supporting a Syrian-owned political transition process, leading to an inclusive, non-sectarian and representative Government. We are engaging intensively with the interim Syrian authorities and international partners, to whom we are underlining the importance of including key groups, including women and ethnic and religious minorities. We are consulting the interim authorities about what additional support they need to deliver a peaceful transition, including through our Syria envoy, who was in Damascus again last week.

[Baroness Hodgson of Abinger (Con)]

I thank the Minister for his response, and I am glad he agrees that it is important that Syria has a pluralistic and inclusive Government. There are indeed many strong women’s groups in Syria, but around the world we are seeing women’s rights rolling back. How will the UK help to ensure that women in Syria will have sufficient representation in the Government after the transition, and that they will be able to contribute on an equal footing to the men there?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Baroness is absolutely right. Support to women and girls continues to be at the heart of UK’s policy and programmes in Syria. UK support is through INGOs, Syrian civil society—she mentioned the women’s groups—and the United Nations. Women’s empowerment and political participation are vital. We regularly engage with civil society, including on the position of the women’s groups that the noble Baroness mentioned. The United Kingdom’s special envoy for Syria met the head of the women’s affairs department in Damascus last week, and they discussed the ways to empower and support women in Syria and build their capacity to take on an active and influential role in society.

[Baroness Goudie (Lab)]

My Lords, it is not enough to talk to just one woman; we have to have a coalition of the women’s groups, like we had to do in Northern Ireland, as there will be no way that the women can be at the peace table with just one woman. It has to be a coalition of women. Also, I would like an undertaking that no aid will be stopped, because of pressure from the United States, for maternal and women’s health, women’s education, and children’s health. Can the Minister please give me an indication that this will be so?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right. I repeat that support for women and girls continues, and will continue, to be at the heart of our policy and programmes in Syria. But I emphasise that we have long supported Syrian civil society and will continue to do so. As the noble Baroness, Lady Hodgson, says, that means that we move towards a more pluralistic solution. My noble friend is absolutely right: we need to engage the broad range of women’s organisations.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, first, the self-declared President of Syria is also head of a proscribed terrorist organisation that restricts the rights of minorities and women. Has the Government’s assessment of proscription changed with regard to that organisation? Secondly, given the news from the United States yesterday that the Trump Administration are now preparing to withdraw from Syria 2,000 troops who are part of the anti-terrorism work with the UK, what are our contingency arrangements to reduce terrorism in that part of Syria if the US troops are withdrawn?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The fact that HTS is a proscribed terrorist group does not prevent the United Kingdom engaging with the interim authorities in our efforts to help secure a political settlement. Of course, as the noble Lord knows, the Government do not routinely comment on whether a group is being considered for proscription or de-proscription. We are absolutely focusing on how we can consistently advocate for an inclusive political transition, underlying the importance of protecting the rights of religious and ethnic minorities. The US decision to pause foreign aid and funding for three months pending review is, of course, a matter for the US. The first duty of any Government is to keep the UK safe, working with allies to ensure stability in Syria and to ensure that Daesh’s territorial defeat continues and that it can never resurge. That is our absolute priority.

[The Earl of Courtown (Con)]

My Lords, it is great to see all the work being carried out and continued with civil society in Syria, but how are His Majesty’s Government working with regional partners to counter the influence of hostile state actors, such as Iran and Russia, in Syria?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Earl is absolutely right. We are concerned about increased tensions, particularly in northern Syria, and the impact those may have on civilians and stability in the region. So we are in regular contact with Turkey and the Syrian Democratic Forces. Our priority is constantly to focus on de-escalation.

[Lord Kerr of Kinlochard (CB)]

Would it not be easier to monitor and, one would hope, influence developments in Syria if we were to reopen the embassy now?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

What we need to do is constantly evaluate the situation. As I have mentioned twice already, we have a special envoy there—she was in Damascus last week—and we will continue to evaluate the situation so that we can ensure that, when that transition into a more permanent solution or more permanent Government happens, we will consider what the noble Lord asks for.

[The Lord Bishop of Chichester]

My Lords, Syria is home to some of the oldest and most significant Christian churches in the world, although Christians now number only 2.5% of Syria’s population. Although small in number, they see themselves as an integral part of the people of Syria and its identity. In view of this, will the Minister ensure that policy and statements about Syria robustly identify its Christian communities and history as an important part of its identity and life and in need of special protection, rather than simply being assimilated as Syrians defined as citizens of the state?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The right reverend Prelate raises an important point. Of course, the FCDO has consistently advocated for an inclusive political transition and underlined the importance of protecting the rights of religious and ethnic minorities, both publicly and as part of our engagement with international partners and the interim Syrian authorities. We are of course concerned by reports of attacks on minorities and attempts to stoke sectarian tension, and we are monitoring the situation closely, but I reassure the noble Lord that we are absolutely focused on this. Certainly, that has been picked up by the Foreign Secretary and me.

[Baroness Blower (Lab)]

I thank my noble friend the Minister for his Answer to my Written Question last month on this very topic. I am glad to see the commitment of the British Government to this. Will he reinforce the notion, with which I am sure he agrees, that the high-quality education of girls is absolutely central to making sure that Syria functions well into the future and that we have educated women who can play an effective part in Syrian politics?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right, and I am grateful for her comment on my response to her Written Question. We continue to support those in need across Syria, where safe to do so, through NGOs and UN organisations. We are providing food, healthcare, protection and other life-saving assistance. We are absolutely focused, as my noble friend said, on supporting the education programmes that she referred to, in addition to agricultural livelihoods.

[Baroness Foster of Aghadrumsee (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, it is not just a good and nice thing to involve women in political processes: it has been shown that deals made that include women are more sustainable by the very fact that they are inclusive. What plans does the Minister have to equip women in Syria and give them the proper tools to be involved in any peace deals, since they cannot come in without that training?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Baroness is absolutely right. As I said to the noble Baroness, Lady Hodgson, we are supporting, through INGOs, Syrian civil society organisations and the UN, programmes that provide for women’s empowerment and political participation. We are absolutely focused on giving those tools. The debate on this issue focuses on the vital point that women need to be included for a sustainable peace in Syria.

Sudan and Eastern DRC

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 3rd February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, I am very happy to associate myself with the final remarks of the noble Lord, Lord Callanan.

The House is aware, as is the Minister, of my ongoing interest in supporting Sudanese civilians in exile. The humanitarian suffering continues on an enormous and heartbreaking scale, with what the US had previously categorised as genocide in Darfur, again, and atrocities committed by both sets of belligerents, civilians slaughtered by Chinese drones, reports of chemical weapons being used, and the systematic blocking of humanitarian aid to the communities that need it most, especially women and children.

There are still far too few safe zones, which should have been established many months ago. The Minister is aware that I have supported the Government’s work at the Security Council. It is worth reminding ourselves that, had it not been for the Russian veto, many of the diplomatic actions and work that we have been calling for would have been put in place as a result of the UK-drafted resolution.

The scale is enormous. That was brought home to me when I was in Nairobi last weekend, with civilians in exile, as part of dialogue. One of the former diplomats who is working tirelessly to try to bring about cohesion in the civilian voice told me that his brother had been killed the day before.

For those who are working to try to bring about an end to the war, who cannot return home and who have many family members at home in great peril, this is very real. In a country in which so many of its population face starvation—although Sudan is a country that could feed itself, and indeed export food elsewhere—there are still the basic needs of clean water, medicine and food.

Will the Minister reassert that there should be no impunity for those who are afflicting these terrible breaches of international humanitarian law and war crimes on the civilian population? There should be no hiding place for those who are committing the atrocities, or for those who are systematically blocking food, hydration and medicine. These are war crimes and need to called out as such. I commend the work that the UK is doing with others to ensure that there is the proper collation of evidence, so that there can be consequences to this.

It is not just about those who are afflicting the war crimes; it is about those who are profiting from it. I appeal to the Government to do more to reduce the illicit gold trade. I read a credible report that that part of the economy of Sudan is now more profitable as a result of nearly two years of war than it was prior to the war commencing. That means that near neighbours, including allies of the United Kingdom, are profiting from this humanitarian horror. What work are the Government doing to ensure that there is no profit from war for many of those within the Gulf or near neighbours who are seeking transactional relationships with the belligerents in the gold trade?

The same goes for possibly the most disgusting trade of all: that in human beings. There has been a proliferation of trafficking and smuggling. What actions are all parts of the UK Government taking to ensure that that element of the war economy is closed and there is no future for those who are profiting from war by securing advantage in any form of peace?

I welcome the Foreign Secretary’s visit to the Chad border, and what he has said and is doing, as well as the work of our envoy and diplomats. Indeed, we are lucky to have the Minister for Africa in our own House, and I commend the work that he is doing. However, given the reports that the RSF may be seeking to form an administrative authority of its own, which it will call a Government, can the Minister confirm that we will not recognise or provide legitimacy to the RSF? At the moment, there is too much consideration of what Sudan might be if it becomes like Libya: two Governments—two competing authorities. The RSF may seek to an end to the war but it will also seek to have permanent influence; however, it should have no right to govern Sudan.

Does the Minister agree that there is an urgency to this? We are just a matter of eight or nine weeks from the second anniversary of the war, but there should be no third year. All efforts should be focused on these short weeks ahead to ensure that there is diplomatic effort to bring the belligerents to the table and to create the space where civilians can have the opportunity to govern one civilian-led Sudan at the end of the process.

Can the Minister say what assessment the UK has made of the terrible decisions that the Trump Administration are making on USAID? Have waivers been provided for US humanitarian and food assistance in Sudan? What is the Government’s assessment of the likely impact of the USAID decisions?

Turning to the DRC, there is little surprise that there has been ongoing territorial violence in that region; many have warned about that for many months. I commend the UN forces and any UK personnel who have been contributing to the end of this. I also send condolences to the families of those who have paid with their life in attempting to have peace in this area.

The work of the Rwandan Government and M23 has been raised in this House repeatedly. I raised it in June 2023, when I asked the Minister’s predecessor what actions the UK Government were taking with the Rwandan Government to cease the latter’s funding and support of the M23 group. It was marked that the previous Administration refused to make any public statement, probably because of the partnership agreement that they had signed with the Rwandan Government. I hope that the Government will not be shy of the consequences for UK funding support for the Rwandan Government if the latter continue to support an organisation that has been repeatedly held up for multiple violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses. Can the Minister comment on whether the Nairobi and Luanda process has now completely ended?

I close with an appeal to the Minister. What we have seen, both in Sudan and the DRC and with the Trump Administration, is that the need for UK development assistance and presence is greater than ever before. If there was ever an opportunity for the Government to review, take stock and then change course on their cut to development assistance, it is now. As well as helping with conflict prevention and humanitarian assistance, we need to ensure that the UK’s global soft power can be a force for good, and so we should not follow the Trump Administration in reducing official development assistance.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, I thank both noble Lords for their comments.

I will focus first on the DRC, because the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, asked for an update. I decided that it would be better to discuss this Statement today so that I could afford the House an update on the situation. The United Kingdom remains firmly of the view that all parties should cease hostilities and return to diplomatic talks immediately. Their engagement in good faith in African-led processes is absolutely key. Of course, there can be no military solution.

Noble Lords will be aware that I have been engaged in following this conflict since day one. The very first country I visited was Angola, followed by the DRC and then Rwanda. Throughout those visits, I was focused on President Lourenço’s attempts at a new peace process to ensure that there was an inclusive process that could guarantee a future secure peace.

When I arrived in Angola, the Government there announced the ceasefire, and our attempts since that day have been to ensure that that ceasefire held. When we saw and heard the movement of M23 towards Goma, we made very clear our view that that should not happen and that Rwanda should cease supporting M23—and there was clear evidence that RDF forces were there also, supporting that move on Goma.

When I spoke to the Foreign Minister of Rwanda on 24 January, I made it clear that such a move would have consequences: the international community would respond on a collective basis—and the Foreign Secretary made the same call the next day to President Kagame and repeated that. Now, of course, Goma has fallen and it looks like M23 is determined to move further to Bukavu.

I have had conversations with the Angola Foreign Minister, as well as the DRC Foreign Minister, repeating the fact that we should keep Luanda as a process that is there and which can guarantee an inclusive dialogue if ceasefire is held and the combatants stop fighting immediately. I spoke to the Ugandan Foreign Minister just an hour ago to reiterate that collective view about the way forward in terms of the Luanda process and ensuring peace. The Foreign Secretary has had conversations with European allies, including the EU high representative, and I have also had conversations with European Foreign Ministers on the same subject. Yesterday we had the G7 statement, which very much reflected the United Kingdom’s position of ensuring that those combatants cease their conflict and cease moving towards the second largest city in eastern DRC. I know that the Foreign Secretary also had discussions with Secretary Rubio on this question, and the United States and the United Kingdom both remain concerned about the situation and want to ensure that there is de-escalation and a ceasefire as soon as possible.

We also should not underestimate the huge humanitarian impact of this conflict. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to flee since the beginning of the year. Currently, 7 million are displaced, and that has huge impact. We have also seen the terrible rise of sexual violence in conflict, which of course we are absolutely focused on. We also saw foreign embassies attacked in Kinshasa; fortunately, our staff were secure and safe. I have made it clear to the Foreign Minister, and I know the Foreign Secretary made it clear to President Tshisekedi, that the protection of diplomatic staff is essential.

We are going to take the matter forward. We are reflecting on our actions, but we think it is really important that we are sending a very clear message to Rwanda that it must cease this support and return to the negotiating table. We have made it clear that its presence in DRC is unacceptable. So we are not holding back in terms of communications, but we are absolutely determined to support the African-led peace processes, and SADC and the other regional organisations are very clearly coming to that view too. I will keep the House updated on what our attempts deliver, particularly as we move to a further meeting of the UN Security Council. We have already had two on the DRC, and we are absolutely committed to that collective action.

I appreciate the comments of noble Lords regarding the Foreign Secretary’s visit to Chad. I think it is the first visit of a Foreign Secretary to that situation. His visit to Adre, on the border, made absolutely clear our focus on the humanitarian situation and how to get aid in. This has created the worst humanitarian crisis, with half of Sudan’s population, 30 million people, in urgent need of aid, 12 million having been forced from their homes and 8.7 million on the brink of starvation. We need to move this up the global agenda and we are certainly determined to. We have worked with international partners, as a penholder at the United Nations Security Council. Noble Lords have mentioned the Russian veto on our last attempt, but that has not stopped us raising this question at the UN. We are focused on the Secretary-General’s call for the protection of civilians and in particular holding the combatants to their Jeddah commitments, to ensure that there is a mechanism to protect civilians.

We are absolutely convinced that more needs to be done. We are convening a meeting of foreign ministers, hopefully next month, in London, to galvanise efforts on Sudan, in particular on humanitarian support but also in terms of a political solution. The noble Lord knows very well how we have been seeking and supporting civilian actors in Sudan so that we can see a return to a civilian-led government. The integrity of Sudan is absolutely vital. We cannot afford to see it collapse and we are certainly not accepting that there should be any breakaway or any recognition of any force outside the move towards a democratically elected Sudan Government.

Of course, we have recognised the scale of this crisis with an unprecedented response. The Foreign Secretary has doubled UK aid to Sudan this year, as well as visiting the border in Chad to draw attention to the crisis. I am clear that we all must do more. Funding is just one part of the problem. Far too much of the aid already committed is unable to reach those who need it most. We are pressing all parties to ensure that there is safe and unimpeded access to humanitarian support.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, during the previous war in Congo, some six million people died. Can the Minister tell us what he believes is driving the conflict in the DRC, given that what are being called “blood minerals” are regularly sold through the markets in Rwanda? What have we said to our Commonwealth partner Rwanda about the exploitation of the DRC’s natural resources and how this is empowering groups of rebels to take the law into their own hands and to drive on the conflict?

In the case of Sudan, the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, referred to the bombing of the hospital in al-Fashir, with the deaths of some 50 people. A further 70 people died in the nearby market as well. What are we doing to collect evidence to ensure that those responsible will be brought to justice? Far too many people who were responsible for the earlier genocide in Darfur are still roaming the land with impunity and fuelling the present conflict. I think the House would like to know what is being done to hold those to account who have been responsible for those atrocities.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think that the noble Lord appreciates that the issues surrounding this conflict are clearly complex in terms of the history of eastern DRC. We should not forget the genocide that occurred in Rwanda, which after all is only 30 years ago. However, the integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is important, and international law is important. That is what we have been focused on. As I mentioned, we have been supporting inclusive talks so that, where there are concerns, they should be addressed in those negotiations. I felt confident that at the meeting on 15 December we would make progress, but sadly we did not.

I am deeply concerned by the reports from the UN group of experts about M23 and Rwanda illegally extracting critical minerals from the DRC, including coltan. We have made our concerns known and will continue to do so.

On Sudan, the UK condemns in the strongest terms the increasing reports of atrocities being committed across Sudan, particularly in Darfur and al-Fashir, as the noble Lord mentioned. The Foreign Secretary issued a tweet on this subject, particularly in relation to the hospital. We are committed to doing everything in our power to ensure that those responsible are held to account. That means ensuring that those parties remain committed to their Jeddah commitments. We also strongly support the ICC’s active investigation into the situation in Darfur, and we welcome prosecutor Khan’s report and briefing to the council. We are absolutely committed to hold these people to account.

[Lord Anderson of Swansea (Lab)]

My Lords, I commend my noble friend the Minister on his initiatives and his very strong personal commitment of long standing to peaceful solutions to conflicts in Africa. Clearly, both these conflicts depend in part on the lure of natural resources and on external intervention—Qatar and others in Sudan and Rwanda in the DRC.

Can my noble friend say what leverage we have, and are we prepared to use it in a clear form? For example, in 2012, the British Government froze our aid to Rwanda, which led fairly speedily to a solution to the M23 intervention in the DRC. Would we consider a similar intervention?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for his comments. The Foreign Secretary’s Statement in the other place last week made it clear that we will be working with our allies, and this is the important thing; we want a collective, international response that shows how serious and concerned we are about Rwanda’s activities in the eastern DRC. The first point is the one made by the noble, Lord Purvis: we have been absolutely clear in our message that it is unacceptable and there should be an immediate ceasefire. I will not speculate on what actions the international community will take, but rest assured they will be serious and will have an impact.

On the extractive industries and the mining situation, it is important to say that, when I first met President Lourenço, we talked about the Lobito corridor; we talked about the potential that Africa, and particularly that part of Africa, has in terms of greening the global economy. It has huge potential, and the DRC has the biggest amount of potential. We have focused in all our talks on saying there is a dividend for peace here—let us look at the future and not focus on the past. Sadly, we were unable to deliver that vision at the 15 December summit, but I am confident that we can refocus efforts on that and ensure we focus on progress in Africa.

[Lord Bellingham (Con)]

My Lords, following on from the Minister’s point and what the noble Lord, Lord Alton, said, Rwanda is now exporting more gold and, in particular, more smart tech minerals than it is producing in country. So is there an argument for this Government to put pressure on the major tech companies to look at their global supply chains? Especially as, for example, the UN group of experts pointed out that there is now compelling evidence that minerals smuggled out of the DRC have been used by Apple in constructing its latest generation of iPhone.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As I have said, we have seen those reports from the mission and expressed serious concern about the exploitation of those minerals in the eastern DRC for the benefit of both M23 and Rwanda. We have expressed our concern. Again, I will not speculate on what action the international community takes, but the noble Lord can rest assured that we are determined to act on a collective basis that has the most impact.

[Baroness Blower (Lab)]

My Lords, I commend my noble friend the Minister on his comprehensive presentation. Clearly, it the most awful of situations, and I would like to say a word about the exploitation of children in the extractive industries, which I am sure the noble Lord agrees with. Very many children who should be in school are in mines in the DRC. As the Secretary of State noted in the other place, there has been a 16% increase in what he described as irregular migration from Sudan. On that basis, can the Minister say whether we are considering the possibility of safe and legal routes for people who may be in a position to leave Sudan, particularly those who may have family in the UK? I realise that that is very far from the answer to this problem, which should be African-led and should take place in Sudan.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right in her latter comments. Since the conflict began in Sudan, 3.6 million refugees have fled to neighbouring countries, including Chad, Egypt, South Sudan, Uganda and the Central African Republic. As the Foreign Secretary said, we have already seen an increase in people crossing into Europe, with the number of Sudanese people arriving irregularly to the UK increasing by 16% from the previous year to 2,882. Not only is UK aid vitally needed on humanitarian grounds but it will help people to stay within their immediate region. Having 3 million people trying to cross the Mediterranean is just not acceptable. We have to focus on those neighbours and on a solution for Sudan. We are committed not only to ensuring that we deliver the humanitarian aid that is so vitally needed now but to finding a political solution that ensures that we return to one Sudan, with a civilian-led Government who will put the interests of the Sudanese people first. That is what we need most.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry on the register in working for organisations committed to conflict prevention and resolution. In commending the Minister and his efforts across the piece, I put on record our thanks—I know, having sat where he is, the focus that a Minister engaging at this level brings. Turning to the important responsibility he now carries on preventing sexual violence in conflict, as the Minister will know, the biggest tragedy of all the tragedies that unfold in conflict is that it is the most vulnerable, particularly women and girls, who are targeted in the most abhorrent way by crimes. Over many years, we have supported the Panzi Hospital in the DRC and the excellent work done by Dr Mukwege. Can the Minister please update the House on our continued support for these initiatives that are helping victims at a time when they are facing the worst kind of tragedies and violations of their being?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is right. I met Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Edinburgh last week and we talked about that hospital and the vital need to support it, and we continue to do so. As the noble Lord knows, the situation is extremely difficult. With fighting going on between combatants, it is extremely difficult to get in the support that is required, but we are committed to doing so and are supporting every effort to do so. He is right that we should focus on ensuring that the voices of those people suffering such abuse are heard. We have done that in Sudan—we raised it at the UN General Assembly, where we held a meeting so that survivors could speak—and we are determined to do that in the DRC. Many of those in internally displaced people camps have suffered from all kinds of sexual violence. We are focused on supporting them with aid and support, and giving them a voice so that the leaders of the DRC and Rwanda can hear the true consequences of their actions.

[Lord Hannay of Chiswick (CB)]

My Lords, the Minister referred to the genocide 30 years ago in Rwanda. I suppose nobody in your Lordships’ House can feel that more painfully than me, since I was the British ambassador to the United Nations at the time. I am all too well aware that, along with the rest of the international community, we did not come out covered with glory. But we really cannot allow that argument to justify the invasion of a neighbouring country, with the Rwandan military force operating in the DRC. Rwanda has used that argument again and again. Has not the time come to say very clearly—perhaps privately—to the Government of Rwanda that we are not prepared to justify or condone what they are doing in the DRC because of our failings in the 1990s?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hope I made it absolutely clear that we have communicated to the Government of Rwanda that it is totally unacceptable to invade a neighbouring country and to have forces present there. We have made that absolutely clear. When I spoke to the Foreign Minister of Rwanda, I attempted to halt that advance, as did David Lammy when he spoke to President Kagame. In response to the noble Lord, Lord Alton, I acknowledged that there are complexities to this conflict and issues that need to be addressed in an inclusive peace process. We were nearly there on 15 December—agreement had been reached. Sadly, one of the parties decided, right at the last moment, that they would not participate. We then saw the sudden surge and advance of troops towards Goma. We tried to stop that; sadly, we could not. The noble Lord, Lord Hannay, is right that it is totally unacceptable to invade a neighbouring country in the way that Rwanda has.

Israel and Palestine

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Wednesday 22nd January 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, this deal is a fragile process but one that the United Kingdom is ready to support. It is a first step. We must build confidence on all sides to help sustain the ceasefire, moving it from phase 1 through to phase 3, into a political process that sees lasting peace. We are already convening partners to build consensus for a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework, and co-ordinated and effective support for recovery and reconstruction.

[Baroness Ritchie of Downpatrick (Lab)]

I thank my noble friend Minister for his Answer. Would he agree, as has been the case in other areas of conflict, that a vibrant, free and civil society is essential to building peace and reconciliation? In this respect, would it be possible for the Government to increase their funding to human rights groups in Palestine and Israel to underpin the organic growth of that much-needed civil society to try to achieve a shared future and reconciliation for all citizens of Israel and Gaza?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Through our aid programmes, we are supporting human rights organisations in Israel and Palestine on a range of issues. Their work is invaluable for providing us with relevant analysis, as well as for shaping our policy. We are clear that Palestinian leadership and civil society must be at the forefront of Gaza’s recovery. The United Kingdom is committed to promoting an inclusive approach to recovery and reconstruction, supporting the political process towards a two-state solution.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I am sure we are all delighted to see the ceasefire and the release of the three hostages, including the British national Emily Damari, earlier this week. I listened carefully to the Minister, and he is right that proper future governance in Gaza will be crucial if the current ceasefire is to be enduring. Perhaps he could say a bit more about what consideration the Government are giving to helping establish future governance and administration in the Gaza Strip, free, we hope, of the malign influence of Hamas.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for that question. We are continuing to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the US and regional partners to build consensus on a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework that supports the conditions, as he rightly said, for a permanent and sustainable peace. We have given the PA two posts to help support its work on this, and we will look towards doing even more as we move through the stages of the ceasefire agreement.

[Baroness Deech (CB)]

My Lords, has the Minister read the wise words of the noble Lord, Lord Finkelstein, in this morning’s Times, where he points out that the time has come for the Palestinians to behave like all the millions or trillions of people displaced since the Second World War with the creation of new states? Does the Minister agree that the problem is UNRWA? The Arabs have to accept the existence of Israel and UNRWA must resettle refugees. It must get them settled in the countries in which they are living and make sure that they have full civil rights, so that their children grow up not to hate but to make a new life and take new opportunities in the countries where they are living, like all other refugees around the world.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear what the noble Baroness says, but, of course, many Palestinians are living in occupied territory. We want to ensure, through the peace process that has been agreed, that we work with all sides to bring them towards a consensus that will ensure the safety and security of Israel, as well as the safety and security of a Palestinian state. We must work towards that, and this agreement provides the basis to do so.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, the people of Gaza need homes and shelter. The UN estimated last summer that clearing the 40 million tonnes of rubble in Gaza will take 15 years. Does the Minister agree that human reconstruction, especially for the children of Gaza—who are equivalent to the entire under-10 population of London and are homeless, without shelter or health or education facilities—should be our number one mission? The UK cannot do everything for the reconstruction, but it can ensure that some pop-up education and child trauma centres are erected now, so that if there is any kind of sustainable peace it ensures that children are at the heart of any kind of reconstruction and recovery.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I agree completely with the noble Lord. In fact, we have announced £112 million this financial year, including £41 million for UNRWA, which is supporting the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Palestinian refugees in the region. This support has meant that half a million people have received essential healthcare funding and medical support. More than 300,000 people have been treated. The noble Lord is also right to focus on children. Some 14,000 children now have access to education materials and welfare support because of UK intervention. However, this is only the beginning. It is a huge process that we must commit to, but if we can work with our partners across the globe, we can do that.

[Baroness Blower (Lab)]

My Lords, I commend the work that His Majesty’s Government are doing in seeking reconciliation and reconstruction in Gaza. Given that there might now be the possibility of temporary urgent medical evacuation, in particular for children who are in the most serious situations, will the Government consider bringing some children to the UK on the clear understanding that they will return to their homes in Gaza, whether those are temporary or, ultimately, permanent?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

It is vital that Israel ensures that there is sustained passage for patients who need treatment that is not available in Gaza during the first phase of this ceasefire. That means working with neighbours, because speed and distance are important factors in receiving treatment. However, I reassure my noble friend that officials across Whitehall are looking at all options to make sure that we are doing everything in our power to help and to explore all avenues to support those who are critically ill in Gaza. That is why we have also announced £1 million for the Egyptian Ministry of Health and Population, delivered through WHO Egypt, to support Palestinians who are medically evacuated from Gaza.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, does the Minister agree that Israel has, for its entire existence, sought a two-state solution and to live in peace alongside a Palestinian state? Unless and until the Palestinians themselves accept Israel’s very right to exist and stop indoctrinating their children that the only thing that matters is recovering, “from the river to the sea”, the land that they have claimed ownership of but which has been disputed for so long, it will be very difficult to see a sustainable path to peace for Israelis and Palestinians, especially with the ongoing international involvement in the indoctrination of children via UNRWA schools.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think noble Lords will appreciate that we have an opportunity to focus on the broader issues when we come to the Statement. The United Kingdom is ready to play a leading role with international and regional partners in the process towards that next stage of the two-state solution. It is predicated on tangible progress towards a Palestinian state, with Gaza and the West Bank united under one Government. The PA’s role in Gaza must therefore be front and centre. Planning needs to advance security for both Gazans and Israel, as the noble Baroness pointed out.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

The Prime Minister’s support and leadership on setting up an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace has been welcomed by those involved in civil society peacebuilding, brought together by the Alliance for Middle East Peace. There was talk of a conference to launch this fund in this country early in the new year. Can the Minister give us any details on when that conference might take place?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Sadly, I am not able to give details at this stage, but since the ceasefire agreement we have been assessing how we can build that stronger alliance across allies and, in particular, the Gulf states to ensure that we can focus on the issues. When I get more information, I will write to the noble Baroness.

Middle East

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Wednesday 22nd January 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, I agree with the noble Earl that this is an incredibly fragile situation, and I acknowledge the caution in the Foreign Secretary’s remarks and tone in the House of Commons last week. It is fundamentally a cessation of hostilities rather than a peace agreement, and there is still a very high level of uncertainty in many areas for the days and weeks ahead.

I also wish to put on record the work of the intelligence services of Qatar, the USA, Egypt and Israel. It was noted that, until fairly recently, Prime Minister Netanyahu refused diplomatic negotiations; it was all led by the intelligence services. However the agreement was made, we all hope that it will be sustainable.

I also share the noble Earl’s welcome for the fact that many families are now being reunited with the hostages. It is a tragedy that many families are waiting for the bodies of hostages, rather than live hostages. Hamas should never be forgiven for their actions.

There will be many in Israeli society who were shocked at the armed al-Qassam Brigades being very visible on the streets. Many had assumed that, as a result of the IDF’s actions, Hamas was removed, but it still looks as though it is very present. Does the Minister agree with the previous US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, in his assessment, which he made public, that Hamas has recruited the same number of fighters today as it has lost? What is the Government’s assessment of the current standing of Hamas, and how will that have an impact on any relationship with Fatah and the PLO in the Palestinian Authority?

On reconstruction, the needs are enormous. I will not repeat the question I asked the Minister in Oral Questions some minutes ago; I will just put on record that I agree with everything he said in response. I hope that the Government will find a way of ensuring that education for children in the region is at the top of our priorities. One of the consequences of conflict is that it is often the next generation that is more radicalised than the previous one. Given the scale of the conflict in Gaza, we all fully understand that, without interventions now in relation to child trauma, psychosocial support and education support, there will be potential threats and danger in the future.

On the situation in the West Bank, what is the Government’s assessment of the report of concessions that the Israeli Prime Minister gave to the remainder of the extreme right wing in his Cabinet? According to those reports, while there could be support for the agreement on Gaza, there are now to be far more IDF and Israeli actions in the West Bank—leading to full annexation, as one continuing Minister in the Israeli Government said. Will the Minister state that that is unacceptable to the UK Government? Will he put on record that we will not follow the new Trump Administration in removing the sanctions that were put in place on the settlers for the violence that they had carried out against innocent communities in their own home areas? Will the Government also take the opportunity to reject the fact that the United States has reinstated supply of the Israeli Government with 2,000-pound bombs, which can bring about only mass destruction of community areas?

On the longer term, does the Minister recognise that my noble friend Lady Northover’s Private Member’s Bill, which we will now debate on 14 March, is an opportunity for us to consider the validity of a two-state solution and the need for the recognition of a state of Palestine? If there is to be diplomatic work on both reconstruction and some form of political way forward, the viability of a Palestinian state needs to be in place.

Finally, I acknowledge that the Government have increased support for the Palestinian Authority, as the Foreign Secretary has indicated. However, our support is still way below the level before the 2018 aid cuts. What is the Government’s intent in respect of replenishing the humanitarian reserve so that we can provide extra support and restore fully the level of governance support to the Palestinian Authority that we provided before the previous Government cut ODA from 0.7%?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank both noble Lords for their questions and contributions. As the noble Earl, Lord Courtown, repeated, this is a fragile situation. The deal is incredibly fragile, so we have to do everything possible to ensure that we can build confidence on all sides to help sustain the ceasefire and move it from phase 1 to phase 3 and into a lasting peace. It is important to turn this deal into a political process that leads us to the two-state solution. That is the only way to ensure, in the longer term, peace and security for both Palestinians and Israelis.

I join the noble Earl in welcoming the release of the three hostages in Gaza, including, of course, British national Emily Damari. I too place on record our thanks to Qatar, Egypt and the US for their support in bringing these individuals’ and their families’ horrific ordeal to an end. Our thoughts are also with those still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones, including the families of United Kingdom-linked hostages Eli Sharabi, Oded Lifshitz and Avinatan Or—three people who should be reunited with their families.

I shall focus on how we build the future and stability. For the deal to work, parties need to co-operate to make sure that the ceasefire lasts and moves towards a lasting peace. Planning for governance, security and reconstruction must be predicated on progress towards a Palestinian state, with Gaza and the West Bank united under one Government, and the Palestinian Authority must play a key role. The security arrangements must protect both Israelis and Palestinians and, as we heard in the previous Question, allow the safe distribution of aid. We will continue to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the US and regional partners, including Arab and Gulf states, to build consensus for a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework that supports the conditions for a more lasting and secure peace. Stability in the West Bank is crucial to ensure that the fragile ceasefire in Gaza can last. All sides should work to ensure a lowering of tension in the West Bank at this time.

On Palestinian statehood and support for Palestinian reform, as the noble Lord said, the Foreign Secretary has spoken with President Abbas and the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, Mohammad Mustafa, and offered the United Kingdom’s support as his Government implement much-needed reforms. An effective PA is vital for lasting peace and progress towards a two-state solution. Our long-standing position has been that we will recognise the Palestinian state at a time that is most conducive to that process—not the end but as part of that process. We remain absolutely committed to that.

As I say, this ceasefire provides an opportunity to get aid in—and we have heard that just under 1,000 trucks got in in one day last week. We need to ensure that that continues. I shall not repeat what I said in response to the Oral Question. We have given the funding and, as the noble Lord said, we need to focus on medical and educational support. Obviously, the longer-term rebuilding of Gaza needs a much bigger investment. In addition to the £112 million, we have matched up to £10 million of public donations—we should not forget that. The United Kingdom public have been absolutely concerned, and they have matched their concern with money through the Disasters Emergency Committee Middle East humanitarian appeal, which has provided life-saving aid, including medical supplies, shelter and clean water, to people in the West Bank.

We have to ensure that the process delivers that longer-term building of confidence and dialogue. I was concerned when I read in the Guardian this morning about increased levels of violence in the West Bank. As the noble Lord pointed out, we have moved to sanction those responsible for violence in the West Bank and announced designations against eight extremist Israeli settlers and nine entities known to have supported, incited and promoted violence against Palestinian communities. We will not hesitate to take further action if it is needed. The UK is deeply concerned by IDF military operations in the occupied West Bank.

[Lord Austin of Dudley (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, one of the tragedies of Gaza has been that aid has been looted by the corrupt, murderous gangsters of Hamas, and that money and materials that should have been used to build hospitals, schools and housing have been used instead to pay for weapons and to build tunnels from which to attack Israel. What are the Government going to do to prevent aid that they give in future being stolen and abused like this?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I tried to answer that in the Oral Question. This is an obligation on the Palestinian Authority. We have been supporting the Palestinian Authority security services through training. We have also urged the Israeli Government and the IDF to protect the distribution of humanitarian aid to ensure that it reaches those people who need it. We are absolutely determined to work with all parties to ensure the effective distribution of humanitarian aid—it is vital that it gets to the people who need it most.

[Lord Harries of Pentregarth (CB)]

Following the noble Lord, Lord Purvis of Tweed, I shall focus briefly on what is happening in the West Bank, which is a potential conflagration. We know that Hamas is represented there, and it can become only more embittered if settler attacks on Palestinian villages continue. It was good to hear the Minister say that the British Government are going to maintain sanctions against settlers who attack those villages. As we know, President Trump has said that he is no longer going to keep up those sanctions. Will the Minister encourage the Government to make it perfectly clear, publicly, that we are going to continue to maintain those sanctions?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I must admit I thought I had made it clear that we will maintain those sanctions. We are extremely concerned at the increased level of violence, and we have conveyed this to the Israeli Government. The ceasefire is fragile, and we need to build confidence. The noble and right reverend Lord is absolutely right that such confidence relates not only to Gaza but to all the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We are committed to ensuring that this fragile ceasefire and peace process moves towards a more sustainable, long-lasting peace, which requires a two-state solution. That is what we are committed to, and so are the United States Government. We need to focus on that; where we have common support, we need to ensure that we work together. President Trump has been working with the Saudis to ensure that they can come into the process of the Abraham accords. The Saudis want to see a two-state solution, and that is what we are all working towards.

[Viscount Hailsham (Con)]

Does the Minister agree that if, at the end of the initial period, Israel renews the war in Gaza, as is called for by some right-wing Members of the Government, such action, without clear, obvious and compelling justification, will do immense damage to the international standing of Israel and to its moral reputation?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I am not going to speculate on what might happen. The point I would make is one that was made by the noble Earl, Lord Courtown. We are in a fragile situation. We have a ceasefire, which we have been demanding for many months, and now that we have it we need to ensure that, during this fragile process, we build confidence for the future. That means taking a step-by-step approach, with all parties, and not looking backwards at the horrors of the past but to the future, with hope for prosperity.

[The Lord Bishop of Manchester]

My Lords, I declare my interest as chair of the United Society Partners in the Gospel, one of the oldest Anglican global mission agencies. One of our key partners is the al-Ahli hospital in northern Gaza, a hospital that the people of that area rely on pretty well entirely now for any healthcare they can get. Most of the hospital has been destroyed—both the library and the historic church are now in use as wards. What assurances can the Minister give us about how we can get aid into the hospital, so that the people of northern Gaza, no matter how long the ceasefire lasts —I hope it will become permanent, but for the time being—will be able to get the medical help they need? Over 1,000 emergency patients are being admitted every day.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I agree with the right reverend Prelate. As I said in response to the Oral Question, we are very much focused on getting medical aid and support in, particularly to northern Gaza. I mentioned the £5.5 million in funding for UK-Med to run field hospitals in Gaza. We focus on all the areas where there is most need, but I agree with the right reverend Prelate that we need to do more to ensure that those who need medical treatment get it speedily.

[Baroness Foster of Aghadrumsee (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, we all hope for a permanent ceasefire; that is the wish of everybody in this House. At the end of the Statement, thoughts turn to reconstruction and the need for the international community to deliver the funds for that reconstruction. Given that it has been recently reported by Forbes that Hamas is the second-richest terrorist organisation in the world, can this Government not find a way to capture some of that money, so that we can put it towards reconstruction in Gaza?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

One thing is clear: there is no role for Hamas in the future. That means that we have to work with all parties, particularly those in the region. I mentioned before that we continue to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the United States and regional partners, including Arab and Gulf states, to build a consensus for a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework that supports the conditions for a permanent and sustainable peace. We are prepared to convene partners and to help lead efforts to ensure that there is international and regional support for security, governance, recovery and reconstruction. It is vital that the whole of the region pulls together, and I am pretty confident that we will be able to do that. I hear what the noble Baroness says about Hamas; there can be no role for an organisation that has committed such horrific crimes.

[Lord Stevens of Birmingham (CB)]

Given that the Minister has rightly said that there can be no role for Hamas, has he seen the well-sourced reports from independent news agencies—such as the one from Reuters today—showing that, as we speak, it is Hamas thugs who are controlling the distribution of international humanitarian aid in north Gaza, as well as controlling the movement of the long-suffering Gazans themselves? How can Gaza be reconstructed and peace be secured while, in practice, Hamas appears to still be in control?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The important thing is that we are working with the Israeli Government and the Palestinian Authority to focus on the security issues the noble Lord points to. That is why we are supporting the Palestinian Authority in its security mechanisms. The Israeli Government also have a duty to ensure that there is proper distribution of that aid, to northern Gaza in particular. It is pretty obvious that the situation is quite fragile, as was seen by the evidence of the release of hostages, but we are absolutely committed. The solution lies in ensuring that the Palestinian Authority has the ability to conduct its security operations.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I welcome the tone and substance from the Minister and both Front Benches, which reflects the unity of purpose in your Lordships’ House. While I agree with much of what has been said, we must engage directly on the importance of the “day after”, because it is here and now. That means grasping the plans which already exist and building on the framework of the Abraham accords and the three Arab states, including Egypt and Jordan, which are at peace with Israel. We have initiatives, such as the Arab peace initiative and more recently the plan put forward by former Prime Minister Olmert and former Foreign Minister of the PA, Nasser al-Kidwa. These plans exist; they are incremental and structured. Surely we can ensure that the UK Government play their part in the process which is needed now and which runs in parallel with the long-term objective of ensuring that a two-state solution is delivered.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right; there are these plans and discussions, which we need, and the United Kingdom is happy to convene whatever meetings we possibly can. Working with the United States, the Israeli Government, the Palestinian Authority and in particular the Gulf and Arab states together is the way forward to ensuring that there is sustainable peace that delivers security for the people of Israel and Palestine. That is what we are all seeking and the noble Lord is right that we need to bring together all these initiatives that show real commitment to peace.

[Baroness Goudie (Lab)]

My Lords, we are pleased to be at the stage of peacebuilding. Does the Minister agree that it is important that local women are involved at every level and at every peace table? It is local women who know what is required. They know how the buildings need to be rebuilt, they know about schools and they know that they do not want children to be taught in tents. They want to have proper, safe schools built and the opportunities, if possible, for further education, not necessarily in Gaza but close by when it comes to universities and other forms of education.

There is also the question of health. If we do not have proper hospitals brought into areas, there is no hope for maternal health and for cancer patients and other patients. So, we ought to agree now with everybody that women have to be at every peace table, because without that we are not going to get real peace. We have seen what happened in Northern Ireland. It is still the women of Northern Ireland who are keeping the peace going. So, I would like the Minister to give an undertaking on this and to come back on where those of us who are involved in this House can be of assistance.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Baroness is absolutely right. We have both been engaged in focusing on the women, peace, and security agenda, which the noble Baroness, Lady Hodgson, has been so committed to, and I am glad to see her in her place. What I tried to convey in my response to the Oral Question was the role in terms of reconstruction of civil society and, as my noble friend points out, women can be an absolutely critical part of that reconstruction and peacebuilding. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, raised the question of focusing on children and education in particular, but women also have a critical role in delivering that peace process. That is why we are working with the PA as well to ensure that women are involved and engaged, as she says.

[Lord McDonald of Salford (CB)]

My Lords, the country in the Middle East that had the worst 2024 was Iran. At the beginning of 2025 there are indications that Tehran wants to return to the negotiating table. When Mr Trump was the 45th President of the United States, he took the US out of the JCPOA. Now that he is the 47th President, will His Majesty’s Government urge Washington to re-engage with the JCPOA from a position of greater strength?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear what the noble Lord says, but we have to recognise that we condemned Iranian attacks on Israel. We have seen what Iran is capable of doing and how responsible it is for malign activity, most recently on 14 October. We have been focusing on calling on Iran and its allies to refrain from further attacks to de-escalate the situation and to support the opportunity for an agreed ceasefire.

Now that we have that ceasefire, we can work with our regional allies to ensure that there is a process that can deliver a more sustainable peace for the whole region. The mechanism for doing that has to be open to further dialogue. We cannot be prescriptive in the way that the noble Lord hopes to be. We know that mechanism delivered a much safer world in terms of nuclear proliferation, so we need to engage and focus with our allies in looking at the possible mechanisms to achieve that.

[Baroness Blower (Lab)]

My Lords, I wonder whether my noble friend knows that, over quite a lot of years—probably coming up to two decades—the international teacher trade union movement has worked extensively with teachers in Palestine, offering training and curriculum development. I include the Nordic countries, France and certainly Britain. I have been into Palestinian schools and looked extensively at the curriculum and I can assure my noble friend—and hope that he will agree—that UNRWA does not engage in indoctrination.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Like my noble friend, I had the opportunity to visit the Occupied Territories and I certainly visited schools. I looked at many of the facilities that UNRWA provided, and they are an essential mechanism for delivering that humanitarian aid. My noble friend makes a very important point, which again raises the issue of the role of civil society. Like the initiatives she mentioned in terms of teachers, there is a role for all kinds of civil society. We have heard about faith groups—I would mention trade unions. I had a long association with the Palestinian trade union federation. I think we can do more to encourage civil society from all quarters to support that reconstruction. So, I agree with my noble friend: there are great opportunities for the future here.

[Lord Walney (CB)]

I know the Minister is not going to dismiss the substantial evidence that has built up over the years of extremist poison being injected into the minds of young Palestinians through the school system. But, whatever the past, does he agree that it is very hard to see a more tolerant future if this were still to occur? Will he commit the UK to make clear to the Palestinian Authority that any further support for it will be contingent on there being no extremism within the education system?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Building confidence and trust is not an easy thing to do over the long period of conflict that we have seen, and that is true of every area of conflict. We need to ensure that we define what peace means and what are the benefits and dividends of it, because there are great opportunities in Palestine and in Israel to develop economic progress in a way we have not seen before, and that peace can deliver. That is what we need to focus on. Looking back to old definitions, particularly the terms of terrorism, can hold back the building confidence process. I have spoken to many Israeli organisations working for peace in Israel and they are focused on ensuring that they look to the future, that we do not look at the past, and that we certainly build trust among young people.

[Lord Bellingham (Con)]

My Lords, can the Minister clarify whether the Foreign Secretary has met US special envoy Steve Witkoff yet? Can he also clarify what he said about the two-state solution, because surely this is the only way forward in the future to find a realistic peace? Would he also agree that this will work only if the State of Israel does actually now desist from the settlement programme on the West Bank?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

We have made our position clear, as has the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad. We have been consistent about settlements in the Occupied Territories, we have been consistent in terms of the duties on Israel and we have condemned any extension of settlements. We have made absolutely clear, as the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, said, that the previous Government and this Government are committed to that process, and we have made clear to the Israelis the consequence of undermining the possibility of a secure Palestinian state.

The Foreign Secretary has visited Israel and the region on three occasions since taking office. Every time he has visited, he has visited the Occupied Territories. I am pretty certain he has met the envoy, but I cannot give the noble Lord that assurance—I am not absolutely certain—but he has been heavily engaged in this process. As I said at the beginning, we have been making very serious calls about the ceasefire, we now have it, it is fragile and we need to be committed to ensure it is sustainable.

UK Strategy Towards the Arctic (International Relations and Defence Committee Report)

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Thursday 9th January 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Ashton of Hyde, for securing this long-overdue debate and I congratulate him on his opening remarks, which set the right tone for a comprehensive debate.

As everyone says, this is a challenging time for the Arctic. High co-operation and low tension remain this Government’s long-term objective. Yet there is no doubt that the region is at an inflection point. Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has undermined the peaceful co-operation that has characterised the Arctic Council, including collaboration on science and research, since its inception in 1996. Climate change is impacting the region, warming places up to four times faster than the global average, fuelling mass wildfires, and melting ice. Greenland alone is losing 30 million tonnes of ice every hour, while growing global interest in the Arctic from state and non-state actors threatens a new era of competition for resources.

All these things put the region’s stability, security and environment at risk and threaten to replace its reputation for co-operation with competition. These are, of course, huge issues for its 4 million inhabitants, and the wider ripple effect has profound implications for the United Kingdom as the nearest non-Arctic state. As noble Lords know, that includes impacts on our weather, climate, ecosystems, fish stocks and domestic resilience, along with wider threats to the United Kingdom’s regional and global security.

This Government recognise the gravity of these issues and their significance for UK interests. As the Minister for the Polar Regions, my honourable friend Stephen Doughty, noted at the Arctic Circle Assembly in October, we are determined to navigate the challenges ahead in a spirit of co-operation and respect with our partners in Europe and elsewhere. We will put internationalism and multilateralism at the heart of our work and be guided by the Arctic policy framework, which we will continue to update and develop in the light of the science and the strategic challenges we face.

Critical to this co-operation, as the committee’s report identifies, is the Arctic Council, which we consider the pre-eminent intergovernmental forum in the region. Following a pause in relations with Russia, the council has re-established collaboration at a technical level over the past 18 months, as noble Lords have mentioned. While challenging, such efforts have seen progress in science and research co-operation for the benefit of the region as a whole. We commend and support Norway’s work as chair of the council in bringing these developments about, because effective governance, characterised by co-operation and constructive dialogue under its auspices, is key to building a secure and peaceful region.

To address the contribution by the noble Lord, Lord Kerr, and others in relation to some of the statements currently being made, we will offer our support to the Kingdom of Denmark when it takes the chair of the Arctic Council in May.

Constructive progress in the council has been a welcome development, but our objective for an Arctic of high co-operation and low tension depends on more than that alone, and of course there are some who may seek to undermine that objective. That is why we have been clear that we will protect and, if necessary, assert our rights to support wider regional governance and security. This includes protecting the centrality and integrity of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, which I addressed recently at the United Nations General Assembly, in the face of attempts to undermine stability, disrupt critical infrastructure and restrict freedom of navigation in the region.

Alongside our resolute support for Ukraine, we are working tirelessly with partners, including the Nordic states and beyond, for peace, security and stability. I reassure the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, that the UK’s commitment to NATO, the Joint Expeditionary Force and the Northern Group is ironclad, because while we recognise Russia’s rights and role as an Arctic state, we are not naive about the challenges we face in the High North or their importance for the UK. There can be no global security without Arctic security. The recent reports of damage to electricity and telecommunications cables in the Baltic Sea connecting Finland, Estonia and Germany underline the importance of partners, including the United Kingdom, continuing to work together on these shared challenges. The Foreign Secretary made these issues a focus of his first 100 days in office with visits to Sweden and Norway, where he discussed Euro-Atlantic security, and the Prime Minister joined leaders of other Joint Expeditionary Force nations in Tallinn last month to discuss the security threats and challenges in the Baltic, north Atlantic and High North and reiterate our commitment to the security of the region.

It is also clear, as we have heard in the debate, that climate and environmental change are exacerbating the growing geopolitical competition, including for the critical minerals necessary to power the green transition, while being critical issues in their own right. The committee’s report rightly identifies the United Kingdom as a world leader in polar science. The UK has invested over £135 million in Arctic research over the last decade, including through UK centres of expertise. The UK’s Royal Research Ship “Sir David Attenborough” paid its first visit to Greenland last summer. The Minister with responsibility for the polar regions, Stephen Doughty, took the opportunity to engage with many British and international polar scientists on his visit to Norway and Iceland in October.

Additionally, the United Kingdom’s Advanced Research and Invention Agency recently launched an £81 million call for proposals for research around Greenland to explore the potential for an early warning system for climate tipping points of global importance. Given that this is the critical decade for climate action, and as we head towards the next International Polar Year, in 2032-33, our efforts and collaboration have never been more important. We will work closely with Arctic state partners, wider allies and, critically, indigenous people to better understand and assess climate and environmental change in the region and beyond.

However, to address the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, while we expect other countries to deliver their climate commitments, we also respect their right to determine the routes they take to meeting these goals, including how they regulate the production and use of hydrocarbons. To address the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Coussins, the UK continues to actively encourage UK polar science. In addition to our bilateral Arctic science research partnerships, the Government have recently committed additional funding to support engagement of UK researchers with the Arctic Council working groups. In total, government support for this engagement now amounts to £710,000.

On the other issue that the noble Baroness, Lady Coussins, raised, which I have just mentioned, I reassure her that Minister Doughty met a number of Arctic state representatives and representatives of indigenous people, among others, on his recent visit to the Arctic Circle Assembly. In respect of indigenous people, he conveyed that we are committed to better recognising the vital role that they play in the region and to working with them in genuine partnership to tackle the challenges we face. We have much to learn from their experience and knowledge.

Noble Lords will understand that the committee’s report also highlights the need to give the Arctic sufficient attention, and I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Ashton, for his questions on this point. As I have sought to highlight, what happens in the Arctic has wide-reaching implications for the United Kingdom, thrown into ever sharper relief by the climatic, environmental and geopolitical challenges it faces.

The Minister for the polar regions has established a cross-governmental ministerial group on those regions, involving Ministers from nine other departments. This will meet for the first time in February and play an important role in supporting the agreement and delivery of a strong and co-ordinated Arctic policy. This is how we can ensure that we are best placed to support the long-term peace, sustainability and prosperity of the region and protect the UK’s long-term interests. The group will also help to ensure that the Government tackle the issues of climate change, nature and security in a joined-up way across the polar regions.

To address the point made by many Lords, including the noble Lords, Lord Teverson and Lord Hannay, this is not something to be delivered just from the United Kingdom. As I have highlighted, FCDO Ministers are actively engaged in the region, with support from wider ministerial colleagues and at official level by the head of the polar regions department and the senior Arctic lead, part of whose role is to represent UK interests with partners in the region. With UK interests co-ordinated through a lead Minister for the polar regions, we consider this an effective way of co-ordinating and delivering our Arctic policy. That is a specific answer to the noble Lord, Lord Ashton.

I am also grateful to the noble Lord for his further questions. I hope that I have already given a flavour of the Government’s position on key areas of Arctic policy, but let me highlight three key things. First, there is our desire to see strong collaboration under the auspices of the Arctic Council, as part of our commitment to multilateralism and deepening our relationships in Europe and beyond. We see the council as key to binding together the growing global interest in a region characterised by ever increasing economic competition. Secondly, there is our steadfast commitment to the security of the Arctic, including through NATO, the Joint Expeditionary Force and the Northern Group. Thirdly, there is the centrality of action on climate and nature to the Government’s work. There are few places where the impacts of climate and environmental change are more clearly seen than in the Arctic. We will continue to press for action to reduce emissions and build collaboration through the United Kingdom’s contribution to Arctic research, including with indigenous people.

In relation to the Central Arctic Ocean Fisheries Agreement, we support the objectives of this agreement, which came into effect in 2021. It seeks to prevent unregulated high seas fishing in the central Arctic Ocean. As noble Lords have said, it places a moratorium on commercial fishing in the area covered by the agreement until 2037. We remain committed to joining the agreement at the earliest opportunity. This requires an invitation from existing parties. However, there is currently no formally established accession process. The United Kingdom recently attended the third CAOFA conference of the parties in the Republic of Korea in June 2024, where a discussion on the United Kingdom’s accession took place for the first time. All parties but one were supportive, but the parties agreed to discuss an accession process. In the meantime, we continue to engage as an observer.

I turn to some of the other questions raised in the debate but that I have not addressed so far. Noble Lords particularly asked about my noble friend Lord Robertson’s strategic defence review. While the UK is not an Arctic state, our capabilities in the Arctic and the High North are being considered as part of the strategic defence review, the outcome of which is due to be published in the first half of this year. We have strong relationships as allies with seven of the eight Arctic states, with which we will co-operate to ensure the stability of the region. The SDR will help to determine the nature of that co-operation, but our commitment to our allies through NATO and the JEF will remain steadfast. That review will precisely address those priorities that noble Lords have raised in this debate.

The noble Lord, Lord Willetts, raised a really important point in regard to space. We are supportive of the ambition to launch satellites from spaceports across the United Kingdom. Assured access to launch capability is important to the MoD, and we will seek to achieve the greatest value for money from providers which can meet this requirement. We are supporting our partners and allies, as the noble Lord said, as a participant in the STARLIFT programme, which will create a network of space launch capabilities across the alliance. He also asked about Northlink. We will continue to engage with NATO to understand the vision and concept of Northlink.

The noble Lord, Lord Stevens, asked about biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. The ratification of that agreement is in line with the Government’s determination to reinvigorate the United Kingdom’s wider international leadership on climate and nature, and we are completely committed to ratification. Precisely when is a question of parliamentary time, as he knows.

There was a question about search and rescue in the Arctic, which of course rests with the Arctic states. We are ensuring that the rescue agreements allow for co-operation to ensure timely and effective response. HM Coastguard works closely with them in the North Atlantic Coast Guard Forum, as well as other multilateral research projects. Certainly, HM Coastguard also represents UK interests in search and rescue discussions in the Arctic Council.

The noble Lord, Lord Mountevans, raised the issue of increased shipping across the Arctic, which, of course, is not risk-free. As such, the United Kingdom will continue to advocate for the highest possible shipping standards and adherence to the polar code. New technology will be required to regulate and predictably meet the challenges of operating in the Arctic.

Despite the delay in considering the report in the Chamber, this has been a timely opportunity for us to consider all these challenges. I certainly welcome the attention that noble Lords have given to this at this critical time. The Government are committed to working together with partners and allies in a spirit of collaboration and co-operation to ensure effective governance, underpinned by a strong Arctic Council; to support regional security and, more importantly, uphold international law; and to strengthen our science and research collaboration to tackle and respond to climate and environmental change, for a more stable, secure and sustainable Arctic for the future.