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Martin Rhodes (Glasgow North) (Lab)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered the forced displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. The Palestinian people face intolerable hardship, suffering and misery. In Gaza, the world witnesses the killing of civilians, the blocking of aid, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, attacks on aid workers and forced displacement. Israel, like any sovereign state, has the right to defend itself and seek the return of its hostages, and Hamas should be held accountable for the attacks on 7 October, but that is not a justification for what is happening now to the Palestinian people.
While international attention remains fixed on Gaza and the recent escalation of tension between Israel and Iran, we must not ignore the deepening injustice in the west bank. According to Amnesty International, Israel’s military operations in the occupied west bank over the past four months have led to the largest displacement of Palestinians since the 1967 war. Furthermore, Save the Children reports that almost half of all Palestinian children killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the occupied west bank since records began were killed in the past two years.
We need to uphold international law and promote a just peace. This debate provides a small opportunity to highlight the injustice facing Palestinians in the west bank today. There is so much that could be said to fully represent the difficulties that face the lives of Palestinians in the west bank every day in everything from accessing healthcare to having a peaceful existence without harassment or degrading treatment. That is one reason I believe the UK should formally recognise the state of Palestine as soon as possible. I hope the Minister in his response can agree that recognition is not only a matter of justice, but a necessary step to help rebalance negotiations and support the long-term viability of a two-state solution.
The situation on the ground continues to deteriorate. The recent increase in the forced displacement of Palestinians in the west bank seems to reflect a growing sense of impunity for increased settlement activities.
Claire Hazelgrove (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Lab)
I completely agree that what we are seeing on the ground in the west bank and in Gaza is horrendous. Does my hon. Friend agree that with the ultimate goal in mind of a lasting peace via a two-state solution, it is crucial that Palestinians are able to return to and rebuild their homes and lives? Does he also agree that to secure that future, there must not be any attempt to annex land in Gaza?
Karl Turner (in the Chair)
Order. Can I just say that interventions are supposed to be short?
Martin Rhodes
I agree. We need to make sure that there is a Palestine to first be recognised and then be part of that two-state solution.
In May 2025, Israeli Ministers approved 22 new illegal settlements in the west bank—the biggest expansion in decades. Defence Minister Israel Katz, as reported by the BBC, said the move
“prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger Israel”.
I hope the Minister can address that issue in his remarks. How can we hope for a negotiated two-state solution when the very existence of a Palestinian state is framed as a danger by Israeli Ministers?
Since the ’67 war, Israel has occupied the west bank and East Jerusalem, which has led to 160 settlements housing 700,000 Israelis. Those settlements exist alongside an estimated 3.3 million Palestinians under occupation and are widely seen as illegal under international law. Last year, the UN International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion that Israel’s continued presence in Palestinian territory was unlawful. Furthermore, the court said that all settlements should be evacuated due to their establishment and maintenance being in violation of international law.
Warinder Juss (Wolverhampton West) (Lab)
On my hon. Friend’s point, what is happening in the west bank has legally been defined as a war crime by the International Criminal Court. As a supporter of the rule of law, should the UK not therefore condemn these actions as horrific war crimes committed by the Israeli Government, and encourage the wider international community to do the same?
Martin Rhodes
It is important to note that the International Court of Justice has indeed given the advisory opinion that Israel’s continued presence in Palestinian territory is unlawful. I hope the Minister will refer to that in his remarks.
There have long been concerns that the illegal settler movement has aligned with Israeli state policy goals that could not be openly pursued due to international scrutiny. Under the current Israeli Government, the open support for and increase in state-sanctioned illegal settlements give the perception of a political strategy that undermines a two-state solution and risks de facto annexation of the west bank.
This debate is not only about illegal settlements, however; it is also about the human cost of the forced displacement of Palestinians. According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, 905 people, including 181 children, have been killed in the west bank, and a further 7,370 people have been injured. The UN Human Rights Office has reported rising settler violence, forced displacements and arbitrary detention against Palestinians. Over the last couple of years, 6,400 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced following the demolition of their homes, and a further 2,200 have been uprooted because of settler violence and access limitations. That does not include the approximately 40,000 Palestinians displaced from three refugee camps in the northern west bank because of increased Israeli militarised operations there since January.
That is deeply troubling. Those are not just numbers, but daily lived injustices that undermine the prospects for peace and must be addressed with the seriousness they deserve. I continue to believe that the UK should use its voice on the international stage to call for accountability and the protection of civilians in all parts of the occupied territories. I hope the Minister can address that today.
Forced displacement in the west bank not just strips Palestinians of their homes, but involves the destruction of vital public services. A recent report from a coalition including UNICEF and Save the Children found that 84 schools across the west bank, including East Jerusalem, are currently subject to pending demolition orders issued by the Israeli authorities. That puts the right to education at risk for some 12,655 students, of whom more than half are girls. In parallel, the World Health Organisation reported more than 500 attacks on healthcare facilities, leading to numerous deaths and injuries, in just under a year after the 7 October 2023 attacks.
All children have the right to safely access education and all people have the right to access medical care as enshrined in international and humanitarian law. The attacks on or destruction of those services sends a message that neither health nor the prospects of opportunity are safe under occupation. That is best encapsulated by a quote shared with me by Save the Children. Marah, an eight-year-old girl who lives in the Jenin refugee camp in the west bank, says:
“We are scared…There’s a lot of mud, bullets, and they shoot tear gas. Our school isn’t safe. It’s close to the army…I was sitting here, this window shook, and the glass fell. Every day, there is the sound of drones. We’ve kind of gotten used to it a little.”
What can be done? In recent months, the UK Government have taken action. I welcome the recent sanctions on individual outposts, settlements and now two far-right Israeli Ministers in an effort by the UK Government to help to secure the west bank for Palestinians and not illegal settlements, but those settlements are now state sanctioned, state funded and state protected. We must go further. There must be a ban on the import of goods to the UK from illegal settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Those settlements remain a significant obstacle to peace—one that the UK must not be responsible for supporting.
Ultimately, we need to see the withdrawal of Israel from the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the final negotiation towards the recognition of a democratic Palestinian state, including a rebuilt Gaza, in peaceful co-existence with a democratic Israel. I ask the Minister what more the UK Government can do to prevent the west bank from becoming like Gaza, given the escalating violence, increased military operations and forced displacement of Palestinians there in recent months.
Kit Malthouse (North West Hampshire) (Con)
I want to add to the hon. Gentleman’s list something that the Government could do. In the main Chamber we are busy proscribing two Russian supremacist organisations. Does he think it would be appropriate for the Government to proscribe settler organisations who, as President Biden said, are perpetrating terrorism upon a defenceless Palestinian people?
Martin Rhodes
I certainly think that the Government should look at that. There is obviously a process to go through in terms of proscribing, but it is something that should be looked at.
With regard to the plight of the Palestinian people in Gaza, the UK Government must redouble their efforts to pressure Israel to reopen crossings and lift restrictions on movement and fuel. The UN co-ordination of humanitarian aid must be restored and a permanent ceasefire agreed. That will once again allow professional and experienced humanitarian aid agencies to reach people in need at scale, with meaningful assistance.
Finally, for there to be a peaceful two-state solution between a safe and democratic Israel and a safe, democratic and viable Palestinian state, there must be a people and a land called Palestine left to recognise. As the UK, let us work to ensure that.
Karl Turner (in the Chair)
There are a couple of housekeeping matters that I need to mention. The debate can go on until 5.44 pm because of injury time in previous debates, so I want the wind-up speeches to begin at 5:20 pm. I remind Members that they should bob if they wish to catch my eye to speak in the debate. There will be a three-minute time limit on speeches.
Chris Law (Dundee Central) (SNP)
I thank the hon. Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for outlining the key issues of the situation in the west bank. While the genocide continues in Gaza, the west bank is in an ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the last 18 months, at least 1,000 Palestinians in the west bank have been murdered or killed by Israeli forces or illegal settlers. In Jenin, Nur Shams and Tulkarm refugee camps, 40,000 residents have been displaced due to Israeli military actions. Nearly 6,500 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced following the demolition of their homes, and 2,200 have been forced from their homes due to settler violence.
Let us make no mistake: that is all with the direct involvement, assistance and encouragement of the Israeli Government. The Israeli military has taken part in those attacks, protecting illegal settlers and not protecting Palestinians. In recent months, the Israeli Government, as we heard, have announced the approval of 22 new illegal settlements—the biggest expansion in decades—and provided illegal settlers with weapons. Illegal settlers have in turn sent leaflets and threats on social media to Palestinians in the west bank with warnings to flee to Jordan or be “exterminated”. If the UK Government are in any doubt, Defence Minister Israel Katz stated that settlement expansion was a
“strategic move that prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state”.
In short, Israel is systematically dominating and oppressing Palestinians and undermining the territorial integrity of Palestine. It is, therefore, preventing a viable Palestinian state and a two-state solution to the conflict. That is at odds with the UK’s international responsibilities and its belief in a two-state solution. Although successive Ministers have spoken disapprovingly in debates such as this about Israel’s behaviour, they have failed to take serious action. They have failed to recognise Palestine as a state and that is why Israel continues to act with impunity.
The ICJ’s advisory opinion declared that Israel’s occupation is unlawful and made clear demands of third states, so I have some questions for the Minister. When will the UK follow the directions of that competent court? When will the UK respond and set out how it will fully comply? Will the UK stop all trade with illegal settlements to ensure that it is not facilitating an illegal occupation? For example, if the UK Government can ban the import of goods from illegally occupied Crimea, why not settlements in illegally occupied Palestinian territory?
Mike Martin (Tunbridge Wells) (LD)
It is actually worse than just importing goods from the settlements. We are receiving tariffs from their import, so the British Government are making money from that import of goods. Would the Minister speak to that in his closing remarks?
Chris Law
I thank the hon. Member for raising an important point about tariffs. I was going to come on to that, but thankfully it has now been covered, which I appreciate.
The bottom line is that, surely the rights and lives of Palestinians—as I have just stated—are of equal value to those of Ukrainians. The Minister has recognised that what the Israeli Government are doing is
“a deliberate obstacle to Palestinian statehood.”
I agree, yet the UK Government continue to refuse to recognise a Palestinian state while Israel continues to breach international law.
Talk is cheap; it is deeds that matter. Human rights and the application of international law are equal—they are not transactional. They cannot be bargained with or traded away. The UK’s policy of condemnation has completely failed, so it must now act. Failure to do so is complicity and cowardice.
Andy Slaughter (Hammersmith and Chiswick) (Lab)
It is a great pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I will try to be as brief as I can in making some points that are not new, but perhaps bear repetition.
The west bank is occupied territory, something that puts it in a different class from many overseas disputes on which the Government have to take a view. That it is occupied is contrary to international law, and the UK is clear in recognising that it is occupied territory. Yet we have heard about the double standards: for instance, our outright—and rightful—condemnation of what is happening in Crimea and the sanctions action taken as a consequence, but just warm words in relation to Palestine.
Gaza has undoubtedly given cover, in a brutal way, to the atrocities happening in the west bank. Tens of thousands of people have been killed, and are currently being killed, in the most obscene way: by being lured to food stations and then executed by snipers or heavy arms fire. Of course, the focus is on Gaza, but thousands of people—Palestinian civilians, including children—have been killed or injured in the west bank over the same period.
That requires a separate response, because what makes the west bank different from Gaza is not only—if one includes East Jerusalem—the 700,000 illegal settlers there, but the biggest settlement expansion programme in many years. We see the increasingly violent actions of heavily armed—by the Israeli state—settlers, who now seem at every opportunity to be creating pogroms in Palestinian villages, killing people and burning their homes. If that does not provoke the British Government to act, I am not sure what will.
As is reflected in the ICJ advisory opinion, we should obviously have active steps now taken to try to control what is happening in the west bank. It is now a year since the opinion was delivered, and I can no longer accept that the Government are still looking at it. The only reason for not publishing a response is that doing so would require not just the stating of a policy or the condemnation of what is happening, but action. That action should obviously include banning trade in settlement goods, looking at our trading relationship with Israel and much more widespread sanctions.
The ICJ opinion also found that the crime of apartheid is being committed in the west bank. I have been to the west bank on a number of occasions. I defy anybody to visit and not see that apartheid is the daily effect on the ground.
We are watching, in real time, the destruction of a country—a country that we do not even have the decency to recognise as such, despite the UK’s long history of fomenting problems in the middle east, from Balfour through to the mandate. I ask the Minister: can we have a positive response?
Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)
It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I commend the hon. Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing the debate.
I am immensely grateful for the opportunity to speak about the struggles faced by many, and the responsibility, which we all share, to respond with courage and care. I will not judge anybody else or predict what they will say, but I am going to speak about the displacement of Christians in the west bank. They are little talked about, but I have met the bishop from the west bank on a couple of occasions in this House, and he told me and others what is happening. The ongoing displacement of Christians in the west bank, and particularly the impact on Christian bishops and their congregations, who have long been custodians of faith and heritage in the region, is deeply troubling.
The United Kingdom has a long-lasting interest in the middle east, rooted not just in diplomatic relations, but in a commitment to peace, justice and the protection of vulnerable populations. Recent debates in this House have rightly highlighted the complex challenges in Israel and Gaza. War is hard, and it is right that we never lose sight of the human cost, especially when the most vulnerable of all are the children. I often think of the children and disabled, who are facing a life that I would not want for my grandchildren—one without a hope or a future. That is why it is important that we strive for an end, for lasting peace and for a brighter hope for the future.
I have met the Christian bishops on a couple of occasions. Christian bishops in the west bank have been displaced from their historical seats, forced to leave behind not only their physical buildings, but their spiritual leadership that nourishes the faithful. That loss is a matter not only of property, but of heritage and religious freedom. The right to worship and live in peace is fundamental, enshrined in international law and moral principle alike.
As chair of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief, I believe it is our duty to raise these issues with compassion and clarity. We must urge all parties to respect the rights of all communities, Muslim, Christian and Jewish alike, and to work towards peace—a peace that lasts.
I am reminded of a scripture text that I will share, as I often do. Isaiah 1:17 says:
“Learn to do right; seek justice. Defend the oppressed. Take up the cause of the fatherless; plead the case of the widow.”
This verse calls on us all to stand up for all the vulnerable and displaced, to seek justice and to protect those who have no voice. The United Kingdom has a unique role on the international stage to advocate for peace and religious freedom. We must continue to support efforts that promote dialogue, protect minority communities and uphold the rights of all people in that troubled area.
Let us stand firm in our commitment to justice and mercy, working together across parties to ensure that the plight of those displaced, including Christian bishops and their communities, is not forgotten, but is addressed with the urgency and care it deserves in today’s debate.
Kim Leadbeater (Spen Valley) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this debate on an issue that we simply cannot ignore or put in the “too difficult” pile.
This is a tragedy on so many levels—morally, politically, strategically, but above all personally for the people of the west bank. I went to the west bank with Caabu and Medical Aid for Palestinians in February 2023. Unlike some colleagues, I did not have a background in the middle east, but I promised my constituents that I would visit the region, as I knew the plight of the Palestinian people was an issue of huge significance to many in my Batley and Spen constituency, as it was then. The trip had a deep and profound impact on me. I saw and heard things I will never forget.
Lizzi Collinge (Morecambe and Lunesdale) (Lab)
Does my hon. Friend agree that we hear a lot of facts and figures about what happens in the west bank and Gaza, but what really matters is the human stories, which bring it right home to us?
Kim Leadbeater
I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend, and will tell some of those stories now.
I spent time with some of the kindest, most resilient people I have met. Even back then it was deemed too dangerous for us to go to Gaza, but in the west bank we spent time with many amazing people under the most difficult of circumstances. If things were bad then, and if the prospect of the desperately needed two-state solution seemed then like a distant hope, now—following the unforgivable, murderous attack by Hamas on 7 October and the ensuing catastrophic level of death and destruction that has rained down on Gaza—it feels further away than ever.
While much of the media coverage and conversation has rightly focused on the tens of thousands of people who have been killed and injured, along with the desperate need to see the release of all remaining hostages to give those heartbroken families some sort of closure, we cannot and must not ignore the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians in the west bank and the increase in settler violence.
I saw that for myself. The villagers I met in the hills surrounding Nablus told me they lived in constant fear because of the ever-present risk of violence from settlers, who appeared to act with impunity. On the outskirts of one hamlet, a 27-year-old father of three young children had been shot dead just a few days earlier, after a group of settlers had descended on the area. We stood on the exact spot where he was killed and heard that, while the police had attended the incident, there had been no attempt to identify or track down the killer. The devastated family took us into their home and gave us tea, desperate for the world to hear their story amid their shock and grief.
I visited Masafer Yatta, which the Israeli Government is determined to clear to make way for a military zone, and met families living in constant fear that their homes will be subject to the demolition orders that can be imposed on any structure. We saw abandoned homes with smashed windows where families had fled in desperation to escape settler violence.
I also saw hope for the future, however fragile. At the Shuafat refugee camp I met brilliant young schoolchildren who told me of their ambitions to be engineers, lawyers and teachers—even poets and boxing champions. One girl told me, “We want to live like other children all over the world. We fight the occupation by studying.” Those children were living in overcrowded conditions, with unreliable access to basic essentials such as electricity and clean water, but they still had dreams of better days to come. It seemed to me then that the situation could not get any worse. How wrong I was.
Many of those I spoke with accused the Israeli Government of complicity in the violence perpetrated by settlers. They denied it—but three years later, the mask has not just slipped; it has been ripped off, and forced displacement of Palestinians is Government policy, with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich calling for Palestinian towns to be wiped off the map. It was for comments such as those that the UK, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway quite rightly imposed sanctions on Smotrich and his fellow Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir last month.
I hope those young children still have hope in their hearts. There are times when we may feel that there is nothing we can do to restrain the Israeli Government’s expansion of illegal settlements and the violence that goes with it; but if we can keep a flicker of that hope alive, that is not nothing, and by reasserting our commitment to a viable Palestinian state, alongside a safe and secure Israel, we can do that.
Alex Ballinger (Halesowen) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for organising this important debate.
The catastrophic situation in Gaza has meant that much of the media’s attention has been on the death and destruction there, but the situation in the west bank continues to deteriorate. I was there with the Foreign Affairs Committee a couple of months ago, and we visited Bedouin communities and families in the Jordan valley, not far away from the Dead sea. The situation was dire. We saw with our own eyes a mosque that had recently been burned and videos of their schools being attacked by extremist Israeli settlers, and we heard stories of their livestock being stolen and taken away by people from settler outposts. It was a deliberate attempt to intimidate and force people from their land.
Shortly before we arrived, we heard, as my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North mentioned, about the situation in Jenin, where Israeli used tanks for the first time in the west bank to forcibly displace the population there. Thousands are still yet to return to their homes. I heard stories of a two-year-old girl and a 73-year-old man who were killed by the Israel Defence Forces in Jenin; just as in Gaza, the most vulnerable are the victims of these attempts.
Other hon. Members have mentioned Defence Minister Israel Katz’s statement that the legalisation of settlements is a deliberate policy to prevent the formation of a Palestinian state. One of the 22 settlements that was legalised only a couple of months ago was the illegal outpost that we saw overlooking the village that we visited. The one settler based there was the man who had been stealing livestock from villages. His clearly illegal actions incurred no consequences from the Israeli security forces; indeed, they have now been rewarded by Israel through the legalisation of that settlement.
Alison Bennett (Mid Sussex) (LD)
Alongside the UK condemning these actions, does the hon. Gentleman consider it appropriate for practical measures, such as banning trade in settlement goods, to be introduced?
Alex Ballinger
Yes—there are a number of things we should be doing. Others have spoken about the issues I meant to cover, so I will come straight to the point: I think is appropriate to have a response from the Government to the ICJ ruling. We have been waiting more than a year for that. It would be great to hear from the Minister when that will be coming. We should absolutely ban trade with the settlements. It is great that we have marking and labelling of goods, but it does not go far enough. We have heard directly from the Israeli Government that the settlements are being used as a tool to ensure that there is no Palestinian state in the future. A two-state solution is the UK Government’s goal, so we need to respond to that.
Finally, President Macron will visit the UK next week on a state visit. That is an excellent opportunity for our two countries to get together. I know the King has been to Bethlehem, and he has spoken about his sympathy for the Palestinian people. Maybe that visit is an opportunity, given Macron’s aspirations, to discuss the issue and see how we can work together to ensure a two-state solution.
Tahir Ali (Birmingham Hall Green and Moseley) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this important debate.
The international community has been failing Palestinians for many months. That has been demonstrated during the last 21 months, and it has been heart-wrenching. At least 62,000 Palestinians are now dead. Malnutrition has reached alarming levels, as civilians are constantly deprived of food, water and humanitarian aid because of the Israeli blockade. The Israeli authorities have now ramped up home demolitions in the west bank and built more illegal settlements, displacing more and more Palestinians.
The surge in settler violence by Israeli authorities has left civilians in the west bank subject to daily attacks and harassment, and unable to access the services they desperately need to survive. The Palestinians who have lived in these areas have lived there for decades. It is their home. Communities are being uprooted, families are being stripped of their homes and lives are being shattered as we speak.
Sarah Smith (Hyndburn) (Lab)
Does my hon. Friend agree that it is not good enough that children are growing up without the basics that they should expect? They are no longer able to access education, many have lost their lives, access to water is being restricted and there is absolute devastation. We must stand up against that and do all we can to support the Palestinian people.
Tahir Ali
I could not agree more.
The actions of Israel’s forces constitute forcible transfer, which is a violation of yet another international law by Israel. What more does Israel need to do before the United Kingdom decides to step up and take real action? That question is being asked not only in this House but throughout the country. Statements and warnings are no longer good enough. A joint statement with France and Canada on 19 May said that “concrete actions” will be taken if Israel does not back off, but we are yet to see what those concrete actions are. Homes have been demolished, hospitals have been destroyed, schools have been obliterated and Israel has forcibly displaced more than 6,000 Palestinians between October 2023 and May 2025. The Government must take all possible action to stop the constant and ongoing suffering.
Today, the violence is even worse than before, and tensions between Israel and Iran have escalated over the past couple of weeks, putting the region on the brink of a bloody war. A weakened Iran is desperate and dangerous, and an emboldened Netanyahu is also desperate and dangerous. Fighting fire with fire will be disastrous for the Palestinians and will put the whole region at risk of further harm.
The ceasefire was ineffective and sanctions have proved to be less than threatening. Now more than ever, it is time that the Government realised that the only way towards true and lasting peace is to end any complicity, to work towards a long-lasting two-state solution and to recognise the sovereign state of Palestine.
Tony Vaughan (Folkestone and Hythe) (Lab)
It is a privilege to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this timely debate.
We must be crystal clear about what is going on in the west bank. The forcible displacement of Palestinians there is an act of grave immorality and a breach of international law. Bodies such as the UN, Amnesty International and Oxfam are clear about what is going on. The UN has confirmed that since 7 October 2023, more than 6,463 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced in the west bank, including East Jerusalem, following the demolition of their homes. That figure does not include around 40,000 Palestinians who were displaced from three refugee camps in Jenin and Tulkarem.
Oxfam is clear that we are witnessing the
“largest forced displacement in West Bank since…1967”.
About 8,000 Israeli military checkpoints, barriers and gates have been constructed, causing unprecedented movement restrictions. Aid deliveries to the west bank face impenetrable obstacles. The Israeli military are conducting an unrelenting campaign in the west bank. They have deployed tanks, carried out air strikes and destroyed buildings and other civilian infrastructure. We have heard eyewitness testimony to that effect from Members present. On 21 May, a diplomatic delegation of representatives from over 20 countries, including the United Kingdom, came under fire from Israeli soldiers while visiting Jenin refugee camp.
Mr Turner, 5 June is an important day for Palestinians: Naksa Day, when they remember the forced displacement of approximately 300,000 Palestinians during the war of 1967, when Israel occupied the west bank, including East Jerusalem and the Gaza strip. We must learn the lessons from history and not repeat tragic mistakes.
This Government’s approach is markedly different from what has come before. They were right to sanction the two Israeli Government Ministers, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, who have championed illegal settlements; right to support the independence of our international courts; and right to take an internationalist, multilateral approach, collaborating closely with our allies France, Germany and Canada to call out the Netanyahu Government.
We must have as strict a sanctions regime as possible against the illegal settler outposts and organisations in the west bank. We must sanction any Israeli politician or organisation that incites violence in the occupied west bank, as we already have. We must stop trade with the settlements. All that is required because, as my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith and Chiswick (Andy Slaughter) said, we are under positive legal obligations to take steps to prevent violations of international law, as the ICJ advisory opinion made clear in July 2024.
We must recognise the state of Palestine, along with the 147 other UN member states that already do. Doing this is about our country acting with moral authority and showing the moral leadership that we ought to show.
Lillian Jones (Kilmarnock and Loudoun) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) on securing this important debate.
For decades, Palestinians living in the west bank have faced increasing pressure from settlement expansion, home demolitions and military restrictions. Entire communities, such as those in Masafer Yatta and the Jordan valley, are being pushed off their ancestral lands under the pretext of those places being military zones or sites of illegal construction. Yet many of these people have lived there for generations.
Recent weeks have seen intensified actions in Masafer Yatta and Silwan. On 18 June, the Israeli Civil Administration barred all Palestinian building permits in Masafer Yatta, prompting fears of enforced evacuation for roughly 1,200 people—a move that UN experts have called tantamount to forcible transfer, which often violates international law, particularly the fourth Geneva convention, which prohibits the forced transfer of protected populations under occupation.
Beyond the military campaigns, area C in the west bank has seen a notable rise in home demolitions. Between January and April 2025, Israeli authorities razed over 450 structures, displacing at least 445 people, including 112 children. That is a fivefold increase compared with the previous year.
This is not just a political issue: it is a human one. Families are losing their homes, access to water, farmland, education and healthcare, and children are growing up amid trauma and instability. Every demolished home is not just bricks and mortar; it is a life uprooted—a future disrupted. If we are to stand for justice and human dignity, we cannot ignore this reality. The international community must uphold human rights for all, without exception, and demand accountability where those rights are denied.
Jas Athwal (Ilford South) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this gravely urgent and important debate.
Last month, we welcomed the Government sanctions on Israeli Ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. These two men, at the heart of the Israeli Government, have celebrated violence, ethnic cleansing and the forced displacement of Palestinians who have already lost so much; of Palestinians who have seen their family and friends murdered; of Palestinians who have seen their homes destroyed; of Palestinians who have seen the lives they once knew and loved turned into rubble. These vile men have not just celebrated such violations of international law: they are part of the Israeli authorities orchestrating the bombing, the killing and the destruction.
Some 40,000 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced from the three refugee camps in Jenin and Tulkarem. These refugee camps are not homes, but a last resort, yet Palestinians have faced violence and brutality in them, too. The scale of suffering is unimaginable—40,000 Palestinians. Israeli authorities have been not just targeting refugee camps but demolishing homes. In the last two years, over 6,000 Palestinians have had to flee their homes as they were demolished, with the memories, the comforts and the safety of their homes cruelly turned to rubble.
Palestinians are being killed, starved into submission and stripped of every basic human necessity—left without even a sip of water or a scrap of bread to survive. Yet there is more rubble, more land grabs and more forced displacement, all celebrated by politicians in the Israeli Government. The Israeli Government’s end goal is, it would seem, to exterminate Gazans, destroy their land and wipe out any trace of Palestinian people’s existence.
When does this end? How does it end? I strongly urge the Government to go further and faster in pushing the pressure on Israel. I urge them to consider further sanctions on Israel, pressure Israel to end its denial of aid and recognise the state of Palestine immediately. We must keep the pressure on for an immediate and lasting ceasefire. This is how we start to end the brutality, how we give some respite and hope to the Palestinians who are still alive, and how we stand up for those who have nothing left.
Brian Leishman (Alloa and Grangemouth) (Lab)
It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. Thanks go to my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this vital debate.
Sixty-one years ago, Tony Benn wrote:
“Of all the weaknesses that beset those in authority, blindness to reality is always the most crippling and usually the most inexcusable.”
In that article, Mr Benn was calling for international sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa. The weakness he wrote of back then is applicable to those in authority in the UK today, because words of condemnation have not stopped the displacement, segregation and apartheid being suffered by Palestinians.
Mr Turner, imagine soldiers, tanks and bulldozers rolling into your constituency, destroying buildings, essential infrastructure, schools and medical facilities. Imagine being forced out of the house you call home and fences going up around what was your community. For Palestinians in the west bank, who live under occupation and are seeing their community seized by state-backed Israeli settlers, that is their reality.
Since 7 October 2023, the west bank has experienced an average of four documented incidents of settler violence per day. Settler expansion and violence is, I repeat, a state-backed initiative, the goal of which is the erasure of Palestinian land from the map. It is total absorption—does the Minister not see that as being Netanyahu’s ultimate aim and driving force? I hope the Minister answers that question, because all the evidence points to it being the systematic removal of Palestinians from their land. It is not just hamlets, villages and towns that have been destroyed; even the refugee camps at Jenin, Nur Shams and Tulkarem have been attacked, as mentioned by other hon. Members.
I say to the Minister and other Members: when it comes to displacement, death and the building of 22 new illegal settlements in the west bank, do not be blind to reality, as Tony Benn said. Netanyahu and his murderous regime are not stopping. They will not stop—not when the international community are allowing war crimes to happen.
Will the Government agree to an independent public inquiry, as per the ten-minute rule Bill introduced by the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn), which will come back to the House on Friday and has widespread political and public support? The British public, Palestinians in the west bank and Gaza, and the wider Palestinian diaspora all deserve answers.
Kenneth Stevenson (Airdrie and Shotts) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing time for Members to consider this important matter.
Before coming to this place, I was an engineer and senior lecturer at Anniesland College in Glasgow. While there, I had the privilege of undertaking British Council work in Hebron, Nablus and Ramallah, and I have seen at first hand the challenges facing the Palestinian people. I have always supported the right of Israel to exist as a democratic, free and peaceful state. However, illegal settlement in the west bank and the associated forced displacement of Palestinians. The rights of Palestinian people to live and travel freely and not have their land occupied by often violent settlers must be central to any long-lasting route towards peace.
I commend the UK Government for sanctioning Israeli Ministers who have repeatedly incited violence against Palestinians. The Foreign Secretary was absolutely correct to say that severe acts of violence by extremist Israeli settlers threaten a future Palestinian state. We must redouble our efforts to highlight a two-state solution where Israelis and Palestinians can live peacefully side by side.
More widely, while focus has turned recently to the conflict between Israel and Iran, it must not be forgotten that Palestinians are being bombed in Gaza. They are dying in pain. They are being starved—thousands have lost their lives as a result of malnourishment. The treatment of the Palestinian people has rightly been called out by the UK Labour Government and we remain fully supportive of a two-state solution where Palestinians and Israelis can live freely and peacefully. I believe that recognition of Palestinian statehood is critical to achieving that.
Illegal settlement in the west bank has been a serious issue for a long time. According to UN figures, the issue is as challenging now as it ever has been. Tens of thousands have been displaced from refugee camps as a result of intense Israeli operations and thousands more Palestinians have been displaced in recent months and years as a consequence of settler violence and demolition of housing. Ignorance will never be an acceptable response. Having been in the region and met Palestinian men and women who live with a genuine fear of settler violence, I will always be of the view that we must be unequivocal in our support for a free and secure Palestinian state.
I again thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North for securing this debate and look forward to the Minister’s update on the Government’s work to end illegal and violent settlement in the west bank.
Frank McNally (Coatbridge and Bellshill) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I am grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing the debate. It is entirely unacceptable that in the west bank—territory long recognised as occupied under international law—Palestinian families continue to be forcibly displaced from their land, homes and schools, ripped from their livelihoods, and everything else.
The roots of the crisis stretch back to 1948, when an estimated 750,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes. During the six-day war, close to 325,000 Palestinians were displaced from the west bank and Gaza. Today’s displacement is part of a continuing cycle of land seizure, settlement expansion and state-backed dispossession that United Nations and Oxfam reports describe as the largest forced displacement in the west bank since 1967. UN figures show that since late 2024 over 40,000 Palestinians have been uprooted, particularly in Jenin and Tulkarm, due to IDF raids and the bulldozing of homes. In 2023 alone, more than 4,000 Palestinians were displaced, with settler violence and access restrictions being the principal causes.
Alarmingly, settler-instigated violence is intensifying. In June, 100 armed settlers attacked Kafr Malik, throwing petrol bombs and setting homes ablaze. Three Palestinians were killed and several others were injured, not only at the hands of settlers, but in confrontations involving the IDF. Of course, that has been encouraged by some within the Israeli Government hierarchy. These actions have long been condemned by the United Nations, critical charities and other organisations, including Amnesty International.
As parliamentarians, we must fight to uphold international law. Forced displacement and its consequences are not just a violation, but a crime against humanity. We must fully condemn the forced displacement of Palestinians, advocate for the enforcement of ICJ rulings and UN resolutions, support humanitarian access in affected areas, press for the immediate cessation of settler violence and forcible evictions, and ultimately bring an end to these illegal settlements.
Displacing Palestinians from their land is not collateral damage; it is a deliberate policy. From 1948 to today, these forced removals continue, sanctioned by settlement expansion and protectionism. There will be no peace in the region until the Palestinian people are protected under international law.
Monica Harding (Esher and Walton) (LD)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Turner. I thank the hon. Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing this important debate.
For the almost six decades that the west bank has been occupied by Israel, the UN Security Council has been calling for Israel to withdraw, but instead it has expanded, with now more than 500,000 settlers living in the west bank and a further 200,000 in East Jerusalem—a physical barrier obstructing the realisation of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders.
Palestinians are often required to seek permits to travel through the west bank; they are subjected to a combination of bureaucratic and physical barriers that consume their time and attack their dignity. Indeed, those movement restrictions constitute just one element of a patchwork of policies and laws that, taken together, have been described by the ICJ as “systemic discrimination” against Palestinians.
Liberal Democrats are profoundly concerned that the deteriorating situation in the west bank, in particular during the last two years, poses a fundamental threat to a two-state solution that could finally deliver the dignity and security that both Palestinians and Israelis deserve. The UK must recognise a Palestinian state now—immediately. Will the Minister update the House on UK plans to recognise Palestine? What discussions are taking place with Canadian and French leaders regarding a possible joint recognition?
There is an urgency here: from the beginning of 2024 to April 2025, more than 41,000 Palestinians were displaced in the west bank and 616 were killed. On almost 2,000 separate occasions, attacks by violent Israeli settlers resulted in Palestinian casualties or property damage. There has long been a culture of impunity around settler violence; few crimes result in indictments, and fewer still in convictions.
The most recent activity has been fuelled by the far-right extremists in Netanyahu’s Cabinet, who have emboldened the most brutal settlers. It is right that two such inciters, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, have been sanctioned, but, frankly, that took far too long. The Government have not moved quickly or strongly enough to disrupt settler violence in the west bank, so will they now clamp down on settler violence and will the Minister listen to the Liberal Democrat calls for an import ban on goods from illegal settlements?
The Israeli Government have also mounted a systematic campaign against the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency in the west bank. Since its banning, UNRWA has been unable to co-ordinate aid deliveries, and its delivery of health and education has been disrupted. Palestinian education has come under attack.
Brian Mathew (Melksham and Devizes) (LD)
My hon. Friend will remember that on our trip to the west bank late last year, some of us witnessed a girls’ school that had been tear-gassed just the day before; in fact, it still had smouldering shells in the roof. Does she agree that UNRWA schools and their children must be protected?
Monica Harding
Palestinian children have a right to education and to the chance of a decent future, as all children do. A total of 84 west bank schools are under threat from pending demolition orders. Will the Minister update us on steps being taken to support UNRWA and ensure education provision in the west bank?
Israel’s actions in the west bank are illegal under international law. That was made clear in the ICJ’s advisory opinion published last July. The Court held that Israel is in breach of its obligations under international law with respect to failing to prevent or punish settler violence against Palestinians, confiscating or requisitioning areas of land for settlement expansion, and the forcible displacement of the Palestinian people and the transfer and maintenance of Israeli settlers, both of which violate the fourth Geneva convention.
Almost one year after that 2024 ICJ ruling was issued, the Government still have not provided a formal response. Can the Minister tell us when, finally, we can expect it? In the interim, what steps have the Government taken to meet their obligations to support Palestinian self-determination as outlined in the ICJ advisory ruling? The Liberal Democrats’ position is iron-clad: we want the immediate recognition of a Palestinian state and a halt to the settlement activity in the west bank. The Government must affirm their commitment to that path.
Wendy Morton (Aldridge-Brownhills) (Con)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I congratulate the hon. Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) on securing the debate.
The Conservatives are clear in our support for a two-state solution delivered in the right way at the right time. The only way forward is a solution that guarantees security and stability for both the Israeli and the Palestinian people. We must give the people of the west bank and Gaza the political perspective of a credible route to a Palestinian state and a new future.
There are several factors making progress towards a two-state solution more difficult. First, on Israeli settlements in the west bank, our position is as it was in government and is well understood: settlements are not helpful for achieving long-term peace. We urge Israel not to take steps that could make a two-state solution more difficult and to use its legal system to clamp down on settler violence.
In February last year, we took action in government by sanctioning extremist Israeli settlers who violently attacked Palestinians in the occupied west bank. We raised the matter of settlements with Prime Minister Netanyahu on a number of occasions, and in December 2023 the UK and 13 partners released a statement calling on Israel
“to take immediate and concrete steps to tackle…settler violence in the occupied West Bank.”
I would be grateful if the Minister could update us on the latest conversations he has had with his Israeli counterparts and other partners.
I turn to the Palestinian Authority, where reform and credible governance are essential requirements for peace. The Palestinian Authority must prove that they are capable of governing. That should start with key reforms, including on elections, education and ensuring broader freedoms. In April, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding—[Interruption.]
Wendy Morton
In April, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding with the Palestinian Authority, but we were left with more questions than answers. On elections, can the Minister confirm the “shortest feasible timeframe” referenced in the MOU for the Palestinian Authority to hold presidential and parliamentary elections? Does he believe that they are currently capable of holding free and fair elections? If not, what steps is he taking with allies to build that capacity?
Andy Slaughter
What is the practicality of holding elections when the Israelis will not recognise the Palestinian population of East Jerusalem as being able to vote? Given the situation in the west bank, let alone that in Gaza, how are they supposed to organise elections? Is that not just utopian?
Wendy Morton
I hear what the hon. Gentleman says, but I am making reference to the points in the MOU.
I turn to other elements of the MOU. On education, we need to see the plans for educating a new generation of Palestinians in a way that nurtures peaceful co-existence with their Israeli neighbours. Will the Minister commit to laying out in greater detail his Government’s expectations on education reforms from the Palestinian Authority?
The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office’s 2002 “Human Rights and Democracy” report cited human rights abuses by the Palestinian Authority, and in February, Reporters Without Borders raised press freedom violations in the west bank. The MOU committed to advancing freedom of expression, media freedom and civil liberties. Can the Minister outline what specific steps are being taken on those issues? Progress by the Palestinian Authority on a reform agenda is vital for peace, and the Government must do all they can do support that.
Iran has been committed to the destruction of Israel for decades, and behaves in a way that damages any prospect of peace in the region. Last month’s International Atomic Energy Agency report showed that Iran was in breach of its obligations with respect to its nuclear programme. It is an authoritarian regime that represses and tortures its own people and sows instability and suffering through its sponsorship of terrorist proxies. For that reason and others, Iran must never be allowed to have nuclear weapons, and we stand with our allies who are working to stop it. We all want to see peace and stability in the region.
The humanitarian situation in Gaza is desperate. We must see the return of the remaining hostages from Hamas captivity. I would be grateful if the Minister could update us on his efforts to get new aid routes opened, and more aid getting in and going to where it is needed. I would also be grateful for confirmation of the bilateral humanitarian aid spend that will be provided this financial year, following the spending review.
Finally, I want to touch on the FCDO’s assistance to British nationals in the region, which has been raised in the House. I acknowledge the recent loosening of FCDO travel advice. It is my understanding that the sixth and final evacuation flight left Tel Aviv on Sunday 29 June, but it would be helpful if the Minister could provide an update and reassure us that all the British nationals who requested evacuation have been helped.
We all want to build a better future for the people of Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. That must be centred on a credible two-state solution, and we want our Government to do all they can to proactively pursue that goal and deal with the challenges impeding progress.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)
It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I am grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Martin Rhodes) for securing the debate, particularly as it provides an opportunity to give a slightly more detailed commentary on the circumstances in the west bank. I recognise the many contributions from hon. Members. I hope that they will forgive me if I start and make some progress on the west bank specifically. I am then happy to come back to some broader points.
In that spirit, I will answer the Opposition spokesperson, the right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton), on consular assistance before making further headway. The flight from Israel on Sunday is expected to be our last. It was not full. We believe that we have assisted all those seeking our help in Israel. There are obviously different circumstances in Iran, where there are British nationals also affected by developments in the region. We hope to see airspace open up in Iran, but for reasons that all hon. Members would appreciate, the extent of consular assistance available there is quite different from that in Israel. However, those in either Iran or Israel should not hesitate to continue to be in touch with the Foreign Office if further things are required.
I am happy to provide some commentary on Gaza and East Jerusalem as I go, but I really want to talk about the west bank. Alongside Gaza and East Jerusalem, it is a core component of any future Palestinian state. It is a key component of any two-state solution, and it is in the light of that that we should consider developments, some of which have been referenced by hon. Members. My hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North referenced the 22 further planned settlements that the Israeli Government have announced. It is worth dwelling briefly on the extent of expansion of settler outposts. Between 1996 and 2023, an average of seven new outposts were established in any given year. In 2024, that went up to 59. There is a step change in the degree of settlement, as has been described by many. There are plans for over 19,000 more housing units and counting. That is an all-time record in 2025.
That is territory that must form the heart of a sovereign, viable and free Palestine. Violence in those territories is rife. We welcomed that Prime Minister Netanyahu condemned settler attacks on Friday. Those were settler attacks conducted against the IDF. The Israeli Government need to do much more to clamp down on violence and hold perpetrators to account; not only when IDF soldiers are attacked, but when Palestinians are.
Many of my hon. Friends and colleagues have described the difficulty of bringing to life the horror of what is happening to many in the west bank. I have received reports recently of one child shot by Israeli security forces 11 times. What need could there be for one bullet, let alone 11, to stop a child from throwing stones? It is a monstrously disproportionate use of force, and one that I know the whole House will join me in condemning in the strongest possible terms. Given those developments, I remain seriously concerned by Israel’s Operation Iron Wall, which has targeted Palestinian militants in the west bank and has been running for over 150 days. Any operations must be proportionate to the threat posed. The House will understand my hesitation on those points, given the story that I have just relayed.
Palestinians must be allowed home. Civilians must be protected and the destruction of civilian infrastructure must be minimised. Our position remains consistent: I have condemned it, the Foreign Secretary has condemned it, and the Prime Minister has condemned it. Israeli settlements are not just unhelpful; they are illegal under international law and harm prospects for a two-state solution. In all our engagements with Israeli Ministers we continue to call for a halt to expansion. We have taken action to hold violence to account, including three rounds of sanctions. They are sanctions against individuals, outposts and organisations that have supported and incited devastating and deadly violence, including through extremist rhetoric. On 10 June I announced measures against extremist Israeli Government Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich in their personal capacity for those very reasons.
Warinder Juss
Does the Minister agree that the UK Government recognising a sovereign state of Palestine now would add more weight to the pressure we are trying to exert on Israel?
Mr Falconer
My hon. Friend asks an important question, which has been discussed much in the House. The questions of recognition are vexed. We want to do it; we want to make a contribution to improving the lives of the Palestinian people. In the short period I have been Minister, circumstances in the west bank have been particularly susceptible to decisions by the Israeli Government. I will come on to those shortly. It is those consequences that we must weigh in the timing and the manner of our decision making.
As the situation in the west bank continues to deteriorate, we remain alive to the dreadful impact on Palestinians being forced to flee their homes. Many colleagues have spoken of some of the residential areas. In Jenin, Tulkarm and other northern towns, 40,000 people have been displaced by Israeli military operations. In East Jerusalem and area C, 800 structures have been demolished, displacing 960 Palestinians. Entire neighbourhoods have been reshaped, with the destruction of people’s homes, for which there can be no justification. The Israeli Government have said that the demolitions were because residents did not have building permits. Permits are near impossible for Palestinians to obtain.
As we speak, thousands more Palestinians and their communities face the prospect of demolitions and evictions. That includes more than 1,000 people in Masafer Yatta alone, which many hon. Members have referred to, hundreds in East Jerusalem, and 84 schools in the west bank, including East Jerusalem. That threatens the education of thousands of children determined to keep learning in spite of facing unfathomable trauma. Even schools funded by the UK have been demolished. That may be under the mistaken assumption that that sort of intimidation will do anything other than strengthen our resolve to help those who bear the brunt of it on a daily basis.
My officials in Jerusalem will continue to meet communities at risk of demolition and displacement, including communities of Masafer Yatta. We will continue to provide practical support to Palestinians and Bedouin communities facing demolitions and evictions to increase residents’ resilience and access to legal aid programmes, so that residents can stay on their land. In all but the most exceptional cases, it is clear that demolitions by an occupying power are contrary to international law. We are urging the Israeli Government to halt demolitions and evictions of Palestinian communities as a priority.
There are, sadly, many other factors undermining security in the west bank. Not least of those is the ongoing damage to the Palestinian economy. The economy of the west bank contracted by 21.7% last year, while that of Gaza contracted by 79.7%. All the while, closures across the west bank have prevented the free movement of Palestinian people and goods. Restrictions on access to Israel have left hundreds of thousands of Palestinians out of work. As of the end of 2024, unemployment reached 29% in the west bank.
Israel has not transferred Palestinian tax clearance revenues to the Palestinian Authority since May. Officials and security forces have been paid only a fraction of their salaries. Taken together, those pressures threaten the viability of the Palestinian Authority, and risk overall collapse of the Palestinian economy, as well as the stability of the west bank. We are calling now on Israel to release clearance revenues to the Palestinian Authority immediately.
We value deeply our continued friendship with the Palestinian Authority. The right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills referenced the landmark memorandum of understanding that the Foreign Secretary signed with Prime Minister Mustafa, when our Prime Minister welcomed him to the UK earlier this year. An effective Palestinian Authority has a vital role to play in achieving a lasting peace and progress towards a two-state solution. That is why we will continue to work with them on their vital reform agenda. Many hon. Members set out some of the challenges facing the Palestinian Authority. We will continue, through the work of the special envoy for Palestinian Authority governance, Sir Michael Barber, to support them in their vital efforts.
This year, we have pledged £101 million of additional support to the Palestinian people. That is both for humanitarian aid and for support with economic development. We will continue to work to strengthen and reform the Palestinian Authority; they are the vital alternative to Hamas, who must have no role in Palestinian governance.
We remain committed to supporting the Palestinian people. The situation we face is not only an affront to the rights of Palestinians but runs counter to Israel’s long-term security and democracy, as many colleagues have pointed out this afternoon. It is an assault on the fundamentals of a two-state solution. That is the only viable framework available for a just and lasting peace. It is supported on every side of this House.
Chris Law
I appreciate—as I am sure everybody in this room does—the update the Minister is giving. I asked a very specific question, and I think it would be helpful to get an answer to it. Goods from illegal settlements regularly flow into this country. The UK Government previously banned goods coming from another illegally occupied area—Crimea in Ukraine. Is there any impediment to the UK Government doing the same and banning goods that come from illegal settlements in the west bank entering the UK, and to start to put some serious action beyond the words the Minister has just said?
Mr Falconer
The UK does not recognise the Occupied Palestinian Territories as part of Israel, so no goods should be sold in the UK as though they were Israeli or under Israeli privileges if they emanate from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. I know the hon. Gentleman pays close attention to these issues. There are complexities in trying to ensure that goods from the Occupied Palestinian Territories are fully illegal—not least because, where they are produced by Palestinians, we would want to continue to enable their sale.
Those complexities are one reason why there is no European nation that has taken that step, but it is something we keep under close review. We encourage British businesses directly to take careful note of the difference between green line Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the labelling of their goods.
I know that a two-state solution is supported right across this House. We all want to see Israelis safe within their borders, living alongside their neighbours in peace, with Palestinians enjoying the dignity, stability and security of their own sovereign state. That is an enduring vision for a better future, and one that the UK will continue to pursue alongside our friends and partners in the weeks and months ahead.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered the forced displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank.