Finance (No. 2) Bill

David Rutley Excerpts

Tuesday 1st April 2014 Commons Chamber

[Chris Leslie]

For all the Government’s talk of a balanced, sustainable recovery, we see no action. Most of our constituents and most businesses would recognise that supply and demand have to be part of the picture. Everybody recognises that except, it seems, for the Chancellor and Chief Secretary, who do not recognise the fundamental problem in their approach.

There needed to be tough decisions, such as the 50p rate, in the Bill to make sure that there was fairness in dealing with the deficit and that we tackled the Government’s failure to keep their promise about balancing the books. That has not come to fruition. We need to help with business rates; we should be cutting them rather than simply focusing help on 2% of companies.

The Government are not ensuring a sustainable and balanced recovery. Consumers are having to dip into their savings at an alarming and increasing rate. The OBR even predicts that growth may well slow in future, when those savings run out. Exports are not predicted to contribute a thing to the economy for the next five years and nothing in the Budget tackles the country’s productivity crisis that has emerged in recent years.

Instead, the Exchequer Secretary and Chief Secretary have convinced themselves that cutting public services and raising taxes have helped economic growth. They believe their own propaganda about expansionary fiscal contraction, which was the philosophy of the right in British politics. It used to be the opposite of the Liberal Democrats’ view, but of course they have now bought into the concept.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

The hon. Gentleman does not want to take this point from Government Front Benchers, but I have just been to the annual conference of the British Chambers of Commerce and it is absolutely delighted by the Bill and the Budget, which will help its businesses across the country. Will the hon. Gentleman join it in welcoming the Bill?

[Chris Leslie]

No, because the Bill could be significantly improved. I have given a number of ways in which it should be doing more for small businesses, for fairness in society and for the hon. Gentleman’s constituents. I think he will pay the price when the election arrives. He is under the impression that fiscal contraction is how growth materialises, but he needs to realise that growth is coming despite, not because of, the Government. I am afraid that they have still not learned that lesson.

The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats are desperate for people not to spot their broken promise on borrowing and the deficit. Three years of economic stagnation will leave the next Government with a budget deficit of £75 billion. It is astonishing that in his Budget speech, the Chancellor had the nerve to stand there and say:

“as a nation we are getting on top of our debts”—[Official Report, 19 March 2014; Vol. 577, c. 781.]

The Government have added a third to the national debt, which now stands at £1.2 trillion. What a nerve the Chancellor showed! He promised to stop adding to the national debt, but has borrowed more in the past four years than the last Government did in 13 years.

The Bill is bereft of the measures that we need to make sure that the recovery is sustained and shared by all. It has nothing new to tackle long-term youth unemployment, nothing to secure an energy price freeze and nothing to bring forward real help now for working parents who need extended child care. It has nothing new on infrastructure investment, which is still lagging behind, and nothing to address the wages crisis that leaves the typical person £1,600 worse off than in 2010. The Bill is not just a missed opportunity; it is so wide of the mark that it misses the point altogether. It is designed to help Ministers limp from here to election day. It falls short and is not good enough.

We would urge Ministers to go back to the drawing board, but it is increasingly clear that they do not even have a drawing board. I urge my hon. Friends to support the reasoned amendment. We will try our hardest to secure improvements to the Bill in Committee. This is a minor Finance Bill from a Government out of ideas. They delayed the Queen’s Speech because they do not have enough to put in it. The Bill should address the cost of living pressures faced by the majority and it should set a long-term ambition for a recovery built to last and felt by all. The country deserves a better Finance Bill than this.

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[Julie Hilling]

I assure you, Mr Deputy Speaker, that I will not collapse. I might just get a little excited.

I find speeches such as that just made by the hon. Member for Redcar (Ian Swales) exceedingly frustrating. The Government say that they want to build a fairer society, but fairer for who? Their actions certainly are not fair for the 2.5 million people seeking work and the nearly 1 million young people still being left on the scrapheap. The Chancellor says that this is a Budget for makers, doers and savers, but it does nothing for those who are making do and who, far from saving, find themselves deeper and deeper in debt.

The worst thing is the continual ridiculous comment that the global financial crash was caused by my right hon. Friend the Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown). Powerful though he is, he did not bring down the world economy. Labour’s public investment did not cause the global credit crunch. Building new hospitals and schools and recruiting tens of thousands of extra nurses, doctors, teachers and police officers in Britain did not cause the sub-prime mortgage defaults in the USA that started the collapse of financial institutions throughout the world. It was not Labour’s public spending that triggered the world’s economic crisis but the global interdependency of reckless banking that triggered an economic meltdown in Britain and across the globe.

[David Rutley]

Was not a record structural deficit a major contributing factor as well? The hon. Lady seems to airbrush that out of the equation.

[Julie Hilling]

The hon. Gentleman should continue to listen to what I have to say, because before the crash we did not have the structural deficit that he is talking about.

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[Charlie Elphicke]

I have given way quite a lot. I think we have heard enough from the hon. Gentleman for a minute. Will he allow me to develop my points?

The Labour party, having learned nothing and forgotten nothing, has the gall to say that when we woke up in spring 2010, with a new Government, everything should immediately have been fine. Recessions are not like that; they continue for some time. It takes time to fix the car after it has been driven into the ditch. The absence of any sense of responsibility from the Labour party for the difficulties that it left and the toxic legacy that the Government inherited is, frankly, extraordinary. Government Ministers have done great work to turn things around and fix things. We cannot hand back the keys to the people who crashed the car when they remain in denial as the Labour party does today.

[David Rutley]

Was not the real crime of the previous Government that they became completely absorbed in what Lord Turnbull—not Conservative central office—said was complete wishful thinking? Through successive periods of economic growth, the Labour Government lost sight of the fact that there would inevitably be a bust after a boom, and that they would have to prepare for it. They missed that obvious challenge, and we are having to clean up the mess.

[Charlie Elphicke]

The Labour Government were delusional. I recall them saying for a long time that they had abolished boom and bust. It is great shame that the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown), the former Prime Minister, is seen so rarely in these parts these days; it would be interesting to hear his take.

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[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

It is an honour to follow the speech of the hon. Member for Glasgow North East (Mr Bain). I anticipate hearing the words of my hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset (Jacob Rees-Mogg) and I, as the Member for Macclesfield, represent north-east Cheshire.

It is good to see you smiling in your place, Mr Deputy Speaker, because the sea of gloom on the Opposition Benches reminds me of one of Eeyore’s greatest quotes:

“‘It is snowing still,’ said Eeyore gloomily…‘And freezing …However,’ he said, brightening up a little, ‘we haven’t had an earthquake lately.’”

That is the spirit on the Opposition Benches: gloom and despondency. This morning I went to the annual conference of the British Chambers of Commerce. Opposition Members are out of touch with the mood of the business community and the progress that is being made in the real economy. I ask Opposition Members to get out of the Chamber from time to time, speak to local businesses and get a sense of what is going on and the opportunities out in the real marketplace.

[Julie Hilling]

I do go and talk to businesses, but I wonder whether the hon. Gentleman talks to his ordinary constituents: the people seeking work or who are in low-paid work, and those using food banks or those who cannot afford to heat their houses. The Budget is not just about business, but about stopping people living a dreadful life.

[David Rutley]

That is a good question and I thank the hon. Lady for giving me the opportunity to respond. Of course I speak to members of the public in Macclesfield and outside my constituency, too.

[Bob Stewart (Beckenham) (Con)]

It’s a great place.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend says, from a sedentary position, that it is a great place.

These are, of course, challenging times, but things are improving. The reason for having a Budget that is useful and important for business is that it is through business and the private sector that we create jobs to enable people to take care of their needs and those of their families. The hon. Lady will know—as will, no doubt, Mr Deputy Speaker, although he cannot comment—that under the Labour Government 100,000 public sector jobs were created in the north-west over a period when net new jobs in the private sector came to approximately 18,000. Surely, that is completely unsustainable.

[Mr Kevan Jones]

The neo-cons of the Conservative party think that public service jobs—nurses or cleaners in hospitals—are somehow worth less than private sector jobs. I do not subscribe to that. I put it to the hon. Gentleman that the growth in jobs he refers to was achieved through spending that his party agreed to throughout all that time.

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[David Rutley]

Public sector jobs are vital, but I am talking about the need to get the balance right between private sector jobs and the size of the state. That is what we are seeking to balance. On the comment that he has made repeatedly throughout the course of the debate, I was not in this Chamber prior to the general election.

[Mr Jones]

The Chancellor was.

[David Rutley]

That is true, and so were the Prime Minister and others, but I was not. I was working in the world of commerce and had severe reservations, like other Members no doubt, about the policies of the Labour Government. Let us look at the results: the bust that was created after the boom. We are clearing up that mess.

It is a pleasure to speak about the Bill, and a pleasure to speak about the way in which it builds on the Budget. Not only does it make Britain more competitive on the world stage, but, crucially, it reduces the barriers to competition and consumer choice here at home. It is vital to our residents as well as to our businesses. It is a sensible, responsible Bill from a sensible and very responsive Government. It is a Bill for enterprise, intended to rebuild trust in our economy and in our public finances, and also to rebuild the trust that this Government are on the side of the consumer, taxpayer, the saver and, of course, the entrepreneur. That is necessary, because confidence in the economy and in the free-market system can be regained only by increasing the power of choice and market knowledge among consumers. The crisis of confidence—the trauma of trust—that we inherited was a natural reaction to the failures of the Labour Government, and threatened to damage wider belief in prospects throughout the market economy itself.

It was not just a market problem that we faced; it was the problems of yet another Labour Government that we were having to clean up. A great deal of good has already come from the reversal of Labour’s policies on tax, and their disposition to micro-manage and, of course, to mis-spend. This Government have been opening up the economy to transparency and to competition—not least in banking—and putting the consumer and opportunities for new entrants to markets first. It has been a long, hard road, and there is more to follow. The global race is a marathon, not a sprint. We inherited the extraordinary deficit that many Labour Members want to deny, which amounted to 11% of GDP between 2009 and 2010, but will be halved to 5.5% of GDP next year.

[Mr Kevan Jones]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[David Rutley]

Of course, if the hon. Gentleman will agree that it is a good thing that we have been able to reduce the deficit to 5.5% of GDP.

[Mr Jones]

If the hon. Gentleman reads the OBR report published in, I think, March 2012, he will see that the figure was 7.7%, not 11%. I think that he should get his facts right rather than constantly regurgitating figures as if they were fact when they are clearly not.

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[Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)]

Order. The hon. Member for Macclesfield (David Rutley) should answer the first intervention before we start on the next. I am sure that we can allow the hon. Member for North East Somerset (Jacob Rees-Mogg) to intervene after that.

[David Rutley]

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, but I hear a noise coming from North East Somerset, so I will give way at this point.

[Mr Deputy Speaker]

Order. The problem is this. I think that the hon. Member for Macclesfield rather than his hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset is meant to answer the intervention from the hon. Member for North Durham (Mr Jones).

[David Rutley]

I will gladly do that. Throughout the debate, the hon. Member for North Durham has persistently made points that have been answered by Government Members, and many of them have been incorrect. He needs to focus on the work that we have done to reduce the deficit, which he clearly has not welcomed.

[Jacob Rees-Mogg]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for giving way, and grateful, as always, for your splendid ruling, Mr Deputy Speaker. I think that the hon. Member for North Durham (Mr Jones) is confusing the structural deficit with the actual deficit. The actual deficit was 11%, although the structural deficit may well have been 7%.

[David Rutley]

I thank my hon. Friend for that clarification.

[Mr Kevan Jones]

You said “the deficit”.

[David Rutley]

I did: absolutely. In fact, as Hansard will record, I referred to “the extraordinary deficit” that had been created by the Labour Government.

A budget surplus is now in our sights. We are likely to see it in 2018-19. According to the International Monetary Fund—which is often quoted by Labour Members—the UK is achieving a larger reduction in both the headline and the structural deficits than any other major advanced economy in the world. Unemployment is falling, growth is up, and we have a record number of businesses and a strengthening culture of entrepreneurialism and self-employment. Those are clear results from a Government with a clear sense of direction.

This Bill will doubtless be remembered for years to come for the great work that it is doing to help to promote the interests of savers and pensioners through the reforms that it introduces in clauses 39 to 43, which we will debate in Committee.

[Bob Stewart]

I think my hon. Friend will agree with me that the Bill will also be remembered because, apparently, it gives £700 more to everyone in the country.

[David Rutley]

Certainly, very important steps are being taken, such as raising personal allowances, which will help all our constituents who are facing challenging times. However, there are also measures in the Bill that will help businesses to create more work and more wealth, and help us to achieve greater growth and prosperity.

Returning to clauses 39 to 43, the Chancellor has championed the consumer’s right to take decisions in accordance with their own life circumstances, over and above the procrustean desires of the state. Much has been said about these reforms, and no doubt plenty more will be said in the days and years ahead, but I want to focus today on how other clauses in the Bill are equally supportive of consumers by bolstering competition and lowering barriers to entry for British enterprise—clause 10, on capital allowances, clause 6, on corporation tax, and clause 73, on air passenger duty, to name but a few. Encouraging new entrants—those first-time entrepreneurs, employers and exporters—is vital in increasing choice for consumers and in keeping established businesses on their toes and responsive to their customers. This Government have slashed barriers to entry through deregulation initiatives—an ongoing process that I have been involved with on the Deregulation Bill Committee—and there is also the red tape challenge and the one-in, two-out regulatory arrangements. These are important steps in creating much-needed supply-side reforms.

I hope to contribute further on the Finance Bill Committee—if I can catch the Whip’s eye—because the barriers to small new businesses, new employers and new exporters have been kept far too high in the previous decade or more. We need to get on and finish the job and create a real enterprise pathway. There is little point in trying to address the problem of firms that are too big to fail if we do not also seek to address that of new businesses that are too small to succeed against barriers to entry that have been in place for far too long. This Bill helps us to take significant strides forward. In the words of the British Chambers of Commerce:

“By making a better business environment his top priority, the Chancellor has recognised that successful and confident companies are the key to transforming Britain’s growing economic recovery into one that is felt in homes and on high streets.”

It is the economics of strong, long-term measures for long-term growth.

[Ian Swales]

The hon. Gentleman is making a very good speech. As somebody who represents the north-east corner of north Yorkshire, which is part of the north-east region, I am sure I can join in the north-east theme this afternoon. He talks about the drive to improve businesses. Does he agree that it is only through successful wealth creation that we can provide the public services that Opposition Members—and all of us—want to see?

[David Rutley]

Absolutely. Real growth and true wealth creation have to come from the private sector: that is how we generate the wealth needed to provide the public services that Members on both sides of the House welcome and want to help our constituents.

The Institute of Directors has described the Budget measures in the Bill as “responsible and imaginative” ones that will

“promote growth, exports and investment”.

It says that

“doubling the annual investment allowance…will bring forward a significant amount of investment…with knock-on effects across the economy”,

while

“increasing the cash value of Research and Development credits…will benefit many new businesses immediately”.

That will create the jobs we want to see and tackle the challenges of youth unemployment that Opposition Members have mentioned. Yes, we have had to consolidate the nation’s finances, but we have also signposted clearly the future direction of lower taxes. Although cutting air passenger duty, for example, has not been affordable in recent years, the Bill will very generously cut the two highest rates from 2015. This Government do not shirk from the difficult decisions that need to be taken to restore order to the national balance sheet. It is precisely this approach of taking long-term decisions that has allowed us to double investment allowances to £500,000 and to cut APD, which we have been able to do responsibly and affordably. I hope that business will respond by investing in export potential and taking advantage of lower flight taxes to get out and sell to the world. The barriers are down, and the pathways to achieving export potential are getting clearer. That is a clear priority of Members on this side of the House.

We are moving forward with corporation tax, too. Cutting it to the lowest level in the G20, the Bill will further improve our competitiveness in the international market. The new employment allowance will slash the cost of taking on a first-time employee. These are pro-enterprise, pro-competition measures that will create long-lasting benefits for the economy, for jobseekers and for our consumers. By making it easier and less expensive to deal with the state and to pay its taxes, the Bill also makes it easier for first-time entrepreneurs to become first-time employers and first-time exporters.

The Chancellor has promised to do all he can to boost our export performance. The CBI has noted that the increasing export finance stream announced in the Budget should “strengthen our armoury”, although it also agreed with something that Lord Young and Lord Green have already acknowledged, when it stated:

“The Government must now work much harder to promote these schemes, since many fast-growing firms are unaware of the support available.”

I know that the Government are acutely aware of that fact, but it is critical, now that we have the plans in place, that we do a better job of communicating with SMEs and telling them what support is available.

When customers are free to choose, businesses are required to innovate, to offer better service and to control their prices. When the state stands in the way of that market competition, prices are skewed and, in the longer term, the economy deteriorates. We have only to look across the channel to see where that path could lead—to plan B, as we might say—and to see what that strategy has delivered for France: rising unemployment and a budget deficit higher than had been predicted. We do not need to look across the channel to learn who would bring similar economic woes to Britain; we need only to look across to the other side of the House. Thank goodness that we on this side of the House chose to stick with the right plan. We now want to finish the job.

I was fortunate to attend the British Chambers of Commerce annual conference this morning. It was a positive start to what I am sure has been an excellent day for chambers of commerce across the country. The theme was “State of the nation—good to great”, highlighting the need for what was called “great growth”— growth that is sustainable and for the long term. It was a timely reminder of the most pressing economic priority facing the country. I am proud that this Government are firmly committed to meeting that challenge head on. The Budget and the Finance Bill are both further evidence of that commitment, and that is why I will support the Bill tonight.

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[Mr Jones]

The hon. Gentleman has not broken my flow, but I thank him for the little breather to give my larynx a rest.

If one follows the logic of the hon. Member for Macclesfield, business should not get any subsidies whatever. But we all know that that is complete nonsense. The Government are now increasing investment allowances, but they cut them in 2012. We are now told that this is a great achievement of the Budget, but we are only back to where we were in 2012.

I am seriously concerned that we have a two-speed Britain. We have a housing market that has clearly been stoked in London and the south-east, and we have a stagnant north. The hon. Member for Hexham (Guy Opperman) described Hexham, which is a nice constituency, and in the north-east, but he is living in some type of parallel universe if he thinks that the north-east economy is booming. Well-paid jobs in the public and private sectors have been replaced by low-paid zero-hours contracts. Four out of five of the new jobs that have been created are low paid and in the service sector, not in the long-term sectors. Added to that—as a north-east Member the hon. Member for Redcar is voting for this—is a movement of the limited public finance that there is from the north-east and other areas to the south. For example, we have already seen the record level of cuts in public expenditure for councils in the north-east. Durham county council has lost 40% of its budget. Contrary to what the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government says about 40% of a budget somehow being saved by cutting down on pot plants or the fripperies, that is not possible. It has to be done by cutting back on services and people.

As if that was not bad enough, there is more to come. In the Budget and as part of the process, Durham county council will now lose another £13 million. Gateshead council will lose nearly £8 million. Newcastle city council will lose a further £14 million. South Tyneside will lose £7 million and Northumberland nearly £4.2 million. That will take money out of the economy and redistribute it to those in the south. The cut per dwelling in South Tyneside is £101.50. In Sunderland, it is £90.45. Meanwhile, Wokingham—people will think I have a thing about Wokingham—has an increase of £55, and Surrey an increase of £51. The hon. Member for Redcar, the great champion of the north-east, is voting for these things, redistributing money from the north and north-east to the south of England. That is having an effect on jobs.

The hon. Member for Macclesfield might think that public sector jobs are not important, but I tend to think that they are. When one needs the NHS, people must be there. When home care is needed from a local authority, people must be there. If there is no money and deprivation indices have been removed, not only are those services being removed, but money is being taken from the local economy. That will have an impact on exactly the businesses that the hon. Gentleman argued earlier we should be supporting and growing.

[David Rutley]

The record will show that I did not say that public servants do not do a useful job, because I think that they do. Where do the interests of the taxpayer fit into the hon. Gentleman’s world, because I have not heard that mentioned in anything he has said? He seems to think that money grows on trees, rather than coming from taxpayers.

[Mr Jones]

The hon. Gentleman’s naive and simplistic approach is that the only way to grow the country’s economy is to sit back and wait for the great entrepreneurial spirits he talks about to grow up, as if by magic, and rescue the economy. Governments have a role to play in generating economies and delivering good, local public services. The idea that Durham county council, or any council, sits on that money is ridiculous; it spends the money in the local community, as do the people who work for it. It should come as no surprise to anyone—it might to him—that taking money out of an area, including the spending power of local authorities, public services and local people, will have an effect on private businesses, whether shops or services, because people do not sit on their money at home; they spend it in their local communities.

[David Rutley]

Whose money is it? It is not the state’s or the council’s. It is the taxpayers’ money, and there is a responsibility to spend it wisely.

[Mr Jones]

I totally agree. The hon. Gentleman should look at my record on Newcastle city council, because I always ensured that we got value for money. But there is a big difference between getting good value for money for the taxpayer and his suggestion that local authorities and public services spending money will somehow not have an effect on local economies. It should come as no surprise to anyone that taking money out of people’s pay packets, whether in local councils or public services, will have an impact on private sector jobs in local communities.

amendment of the law

David Rutley Excerpts

Monday 24th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East (Mike Kane), a near neighbour of mine. I was pleased to hear his upbeat assessment of airport city in Manchester; I share that assessment and look forward to working with him, just as I did with his esteemed predecessor, whom many of us in this House admired and respected.

It is important that this Budget has further underlined the Government’s commitment to putting our public finances back in order. It has also highlighted the action that is being taken to address cost of living challenges, including the increase in the personal allowance to £10,500. Government Members have pointed out repeatedly that the Chancellor has gone further in this Budget by taking bold, radical steps, the better to support the aspirations of savers and pensioners. Those steps have been welcomed by many of the constituents in Macclesfield I have spoken to over the weekend, and they are popular across the country because they give power to the people. That is not something that Citizen Smith said in the 1970s; it is the Conservative way, the right way, and we welcome this approach.

Another positive theme in the Budget is the continuing action that is being taken to deliver sustainable economic growth after the boom and bust of the Labour years. The evidence is clear to see in the 2.75% growth forecast for this year and the 2.4% growth forecast for 2015. In addition, we have the 1.7 million jobs that have been created. Perhaps Labour Members could remind us who said that just could not be done—where is the right hon. Member for Morley and Outwood (Ed Balls) when you need him?

I welcome the positive progress that has been made, but clearly more needs to be done to take forward our long-term economic plan and our growth agenda, and that is what I want to say more about this evening. It is refreshing and good to see that the Federation of Small Businesses and the British Chambers of Commerce also warmly welcome this Budget. With so much new news in the Budget, it might be easy to overlook the fact that the Government have dramatically reduced corporation tax. It has fallen from 28% under the previous Government to 21% this April, and is set to fall further with a cut to 20% in 2015-16—that is the joint lowest rate in the G20.

On the employment allowance, it is crucial that we get to a lower tax environment, so that businesses have the confidence to invest, and the desire and appetite to take on more workers. I am pleased that the growth we are seeing is spread across all the regions—just about—as that is vital in our task of rebalancing the economy. In recent months, we have had positive reports about what is going on in our local economy in north-east Cheshire. In November, AstraZeneca invested £120 million in its packaging and manufacturing site in Macclesfield. The recent announcement of the sale of AstraZeneca’s Alderley Park plant to Manchester Science Parks is crucial to ensuring that there is a sustainable future at the site, which has been a centre of innovation, research and discovery for decades. This new approach means that there will be further innovation and success in decades to come. Although AstraZeneca may have decided to take its research and development facilities to Cambridge, I am pleased to be working with the company and with the Alderley Park taskforce to make sure there is a lasting legacy. The Chancellor, as a local Member of Parliament, is also championing that important start we are making. With the new owners, our aim and ambition locally is to make sure that we create a counterweight to Cambridge up in the north-west. Who knows, AstraZeneca may live to regret the day it decided to relocate—I hope it does, as that is certainly our plan.

That case study demonstrates again that the state cannot and should not seek to rebalance the economy on its own. Government Members know that making areas dependent on public sector jobs is not a panacea, despite the protestations of the hon. Member for Sheffield Central (Paul Blomfield), who is no longer in his place. The Government are right to focus on getting the economic fundamentals in place so that businesses across the regions can thrive and flourish, without the excessive competition in the labour markets from public bodies.

The Government also recognise that they have a crucial role to play in investing in infrastructure. Connectivity will be the key to rebalancing the economy, and this is not just about HS2, which I am pleased to hear will now have a hub station in Crewe six years earlier than planned; in the north-west, there are ambitious plans for the Atlantic gateway, the northern hub and, let us not forget, further rail electrification, with 800 miles planned by 2019, compared with just the nine miles put in place during the Labour years in government.

The bidding process for the £2 billion growth deal fund, involving business-led local enterprise partnerships across the country, will be another catalyst for change. I am sure I am not the only Member seeking to draw attention to major projects in their area, but in Cheshire and Warrington we are supporting an innovative cross-border science corridor, which builds on initial progress we are making at Alderley Park. So let the competition begin—just let us not forget our science corridor in Cheshire to move things forward. I support this Budget and the contribution that this Government’s long-term economic plan is making to the economy in this country.

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[Catherine McKinnell]

I caution the hon. Gentleman, given that long-term youth unemployment in his constituency has gone up 125% under this Government; he should check the figures.

However, back to the annual investment allowance, the slashing of which has cost jobs. Cutting the allowance from £100,000 to £25,000, then announcing a temporary increase to £250,000 with the expectation that it would then fall again to £25,000, before then increasing it to £500,000 in last week’s Budget, although welcome, does not really inspire confidence in the Government’s long-term strategy for supporting business growth and investment—businesses that desperately need stability and certainty, rather than continual chopping and changing over the years.

[David Rutley]

On that point, does economic growth of 2.7% inspire confidence in the hon. Lady?

[Catherine McKinnell]

The growth figures are a fraction of what the Chancellor promised back in 2010. I urge caution on the hon. Gentleman, who has seen long-term unemployment in his constituency go up 600% under this Government.

Indeed, that whole sorry saga just about sums up the Government’s haphazard and cavalier approach to backing economic growth and job creation. Clearly, it is welcome news that the economy is growing again—undoubtedly, after three years of flatlining—but as we all know, in 2010 the Chancellor predicted that our economy would have grown by 8.4% by now. Instead, we have seen growth of just 3.8%, lower than the US and lower than Germany. Indeed, GDP growth this year is still expected to be lower than the OBR forecast in 2010. This is now the slowest UK recovery for 100 years, with our economy still 1.4% behind its pre-crisis peak.

How many more businesses could have grown, and how many more jobs could have been created, had the Chancellor not slashed the annual investment allowance at the first opportunity? How many jobs and how much new investment have been lost as a result of his carbon price floor, about which the Opposition have consistently raised concerns and on which he finally used last week’s Budget to take some action?

Had the Chancellor acted before last week’s Budget, how many firms could have been given the support and finance they need to export, thereby helping to ensure that any economic recovery is driven not just by consumer spending? It is little wonder that he is so unlikely to achieve his target of doubling UK exports to £1 trillion by 2020, given that the Government’s export enterprise finance guarantee scheme helped just five firms before folding, and their export refinancing facility is still not operational, despite being announced back in July 2012.

Of course, three years of a flatlining economy have meant that the Chancellor’s much hailed deficit reduction plan has been an abject failure, with the coalition now set to borrow £190 billion more than originally planned. Indeed, the Government have borrowed more in three years than Labour borrowed in 13 years. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor previously promised to eliminate the deficit and balance the books by 2015, but now they will not be able to do that until 2018. As a result of their failed policies, the Government, who like to talk tough on welfare spending, will actually spend £1 billion more on welfare this year and next than Ministers were planning only last December to spend. They will spend £13 billion more than they planned.

[David Rutley]

It is interesting to hear the hon. Lady’s comments on the debt, the deficit and so on. Does she agree with the IFS that the Labour party would be spending £29 billion more under the plans it has in place?

[Catherine McKinnell]

I agree with the IFS that families are, on average, £891 worse off as a result of this Government’s tax and benefit changes. Once again, Government Members want to ignore the cost of living crisis that households are facing up and down the country as a direct result of this Government’s failure to deal with the deficit and help ordinary families.

Last week was the Chancellor’s final opportunity to introduce policies to provide the real help that people need now and to cement the recovery after choking it off when the Government first came to office. The key question that people across the UK will be asking is whether they are better off now and in the coming months than they were when the coalition came to power in 2010. With the exception of a very few of the Chancellor’s friends at the top, for most the answer is a resounding no. Last week’s Budget did absolutely nothing to reverse that.

Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

David Rutley Excerpts

Wednesday 19th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Mark Hoban (Fareham) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to follow the right hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne East (Mr Brown). As someone who was born and brought up in the north-east, I too understand the deep-seated challenges that the region faces, and I hope that the emphasis in the Budget on rebuilding the manufacturing sector and investing in high levels of skills will make some progress towards tackling those problems.

The Chancellor is absolutely right to highlight the progress that has been made since we came to office in 2010, but also the further progress that we need to make. Our job is not done, and that is why the reforms announced by the Chancellor today, which refer to the need to strengthen the roles of the makers, the doers and the savers, are vital if we are to secure the future of our economy in a competitive world.

I want to highlight some of the progress that we have made. Not much has been said about the unemployment figures that have been published today. We have seen a fall in the unemployment numbers, according to both the claimant count and the labour force survey. We have also seen a big increase in the number of people in work. Record numbers of women are in work. Often the Opposition’s criticism is that these jobs are temporary or part time, but the reality is that employment increased by nearly 460,000 last year, and 430,000 of those jobs are full time. During the last year, we have seen a contraction in the number of temporary jobs in the economy, and therefore a significant increase in the number of permanent jobs in the economy.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

It is appropriate to recognise the important work that my hon. Friend made as a Minister in helping to move this agenda forward, which was a real contribution. On the important point that he has raised, does he recognise that there is also an increase in the number of full-time self-employed people, who have made a conscious decision that they want to have a real say in the future of their own employment?

[Mr Hoban]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The number of people who want to take control over their own lives and employment, and who want the security that comes from self-employment, is significant, and the number of schemes that we have introduced to help young people find self-employment as a route out of poverty and unemployment have been a huge benefit to those who want to set up their own businesses.

The dynamism that we have seen in the private sector, which has led to this increase in employment, has been coupled with welfare reform—a key part of our long-term economic plan. Welfare reform has sharpened the incentive to work, and we expect more of those who are out of work, too. We have brought forward the point when we work with lone parents before their youngest child starts school, so that they are better prepared to start work rather than remain on benefit. For far too long, people who have been out of work through illness have been written off by the system and expected to live on benefits for the rest of their working life. We have been working with them to ensure that they get into employment so that they can look after themselves and their families, and achieve the dignity that we so often take for granted.

The recovery in employment is a product of a strong and dynamic private sector. I welcome the measures that the Chancellor has announced today to encourage business investment and to double the annual investment allowance to £500,000. That will encourage businesses in my constituency that are strong, growing, dynamic manufacturing businesses to invest more in capital equipment. They are aided by the reduction in corporation tax. We should not forget the importance that that has in sending a signal to businesses overseas that the UK is open for business and a place where they should do business. The reduction in corporation tax is mirrored by measures around the employment allowance and scrapping national insurance for young workers under the age of 21. These tax changes, along with cuts to red tape, the investment in skills and the reform of training, are part of our long-term plan to sustain the economy and job creation.

I want to spend a few minutes on the savings measures announced in the Budget. Since they took office, this Government have made radical reforms to pensions and savings. They ended compulsory annuitisation and we are seeing the successful roll-out of auto-enrolment, which will give many people their first chance to build up a pension pot for their retirement. In the next Parliament, we will be launching a single-tier pension, which will mean that people will retire on a pension above the level of means-tested benefits. We have seen the launch of the Money Advice Service and strengthened consumer protection through greater powers for the Financial Conduct Authority. They are important steps that will help reform the savings landscape, and as the Chancellor said they also create a fresh platform for radical reform of pension savings.

When compulsory annuitisation was scrapped, people could take full advantage of the flexibility of income drawdown products only if they could demonstrate that they would not be entitled to means-tested benefits. That meant they had to have a guaranteed income of £20,000 a year. That of course predated the introduction of a single-tier pension, and the limit was set at an amount that ensured that people would not fall back on those means-tested benefits. Now that the single-tier pension is in place, it is right to reduce that amount to £12,000 this year.

We also know that for many consumers it is difficult to shop around to buy an annuity. They are bewildered by the choice in the market, and annuities are often the only product that many of them can buy. Recent surveys have shown just how badly off consumers are as a consequence of not shopping around. I think that the Chancellor’s announcement today about the simplification of the way people can use their defined contribution pension pot will radically transform the insurance and savings market. It will force insurance companies to demonstrate that their products are good value, and create room for innovation for others to come up with products that will help people maximise their income in retirement.

Annuities for Pensioners

David Rutley Excerpts

Tuesday 7th January 2014 Westminster Hall

[Mr Mark Hoban (Fareham) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Gloucester (Richard Graham) on securing this debate. He is spot on in saying that annuities represent an important market and that we must ensure that it functions properly, fairly and to the benefit of those who have saved for their retirement and done the right thing but now face the second most difficult financial decision of their lives. The cost of getting that decision wrong is clear.

The National Association of Pension Funds has suggested that, every year, pensioners lose between £500 million and £1 billion by not shopping around for the best annuity rate, and that they make the wrong choices for a variety of reasons. We must tackle that. The research suggests that more than half of retirees do not shop around for an annuity but roll over to one of their existing pension provider’s annuities.

When I was a Treasury Minister, I worked with the Association of British Insurers in drawing up its code of conduct, which helps to shift the balance away from the default option of staying with the pension provider and towards shopping around. My hon. Friend the Member for South Derbyshire (Heather Wheeler) referred in her intervention to the change in the wake-up pack and the forms in it. However, I question whether that code of conduct is working; we must look carefully at whether the effective default is to shop around. I am not sure that the evidence exists that the code has been as effective as it should be.

My second point, raised in the report produced by the Financial Conduct Authority’s consumer panel, is about what happens when people do shop around. It is clear that the quality of help available is variable. There are some good sources of advice, but too often they are less than satisfactory. Some websites are not clear about the charges and commission earned from putting someone in contact with an annuity provider. It is sometimes not clear whether the website is offering a view of the whole market or just part of it. I looked at the Money Advice Service’s website this morning and it is clear that its comparison tables draw information from a panel of annuity providers. Firms must be much clearer about what service they are offering when people are shopping around.

We must consider whether consumers are being ripped off by hidden charges when they are shopping around, whether they are comparing the whole market or a segment of it, and whether they understand the regulatory protection when using such websites. We must ensure that consumers are properly protected and think about existing sources of information and whether they are adequate. My hon. Friend the Member for Gloucester referred to the Pensions Advisory Service. The Money Advice Service also provides information on annuities; one recommendation from the consumer panel was that the support given through the Money Advice Service and the Pension Advisory Service should be beefed up to help consumers.

We need to bear employers in mind, as they are another important player in the market. The reason why our constituents have to make difficult decisions about how to spend their pension pot is that employees are moved away from defined benefit schemes to defined contribution schemes. We are putting much more risk on the shoulders of employees. Although a large number of employers support their employees in making such choices and put them into contact with a pension adviser at retirement, we need to encourage more employers to do that, so that more employees who are coming up to retirement know exactly what they should be looking for and who they should be consulting.

We need to look at how the annuities market functions, because a poorly performing market has a detrimental effect on income for pensioners and also, in the longer term, reduces the incentive to save. If people feel that they will not get good value for money when they retire, they think, “Why should I put money into a pension? Why shouldn’t I put money into a house instead, or into an ISA?”

We need to make sure that we have a properly functioning market. That is not to say that all that providers should be doing is the bare minimum set out in regulation. Providers should recognise that they have a role to play in having high standards, so that consumers feel that they are being treated fairly and they know, for example, what they are being charged, that they have the best possible rate and that they have explored all the options. Providers have a role to play, too, in ensuring a high standard of conduct in those sectors. A low standard of conduct will lead to potential mis-selling risks in future and, as we have seen in the banking sector, that costs the industry dear.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Gloucester (Richard Graham) on securing the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Fareham (Mr Hoban) is making a compelling argument about the need to open up the market. I have been doing some research and it is clear that more than 400,000 people a year are making this decision. That is a huge number and it makes the case for opening the market up even more important. He talked about trying to delink product choices; we can look at what has gone on in the mortgage industry, for example, in decoupling household insurance. If we move forward to a more retail approach to the segment, it will help more people have a wide range of options as they consider this very important decision.

[Mr Hoban]

My hon. Friend is absolutely spot on. We need to ensure that there is a more retail-type approach. One reason why people are able to shop around and compare mortgages is that there is good-quality information out there.

It is easy to compare the different rates on mortgages and the monthly payments people will make on different mortgages. The charges are very transparent as well. We can learn things from the mortgage market and its transparency that can be applied to the annuities market. I do not often disagree with the pensions Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Thornbury and Yate (Steve Webb), but I am not entirely convinced that being able to trade in annuities will work and be effective. There are some comparisons with the mortgage market that we cannot necessarily draw.

Finally, I want to make a broader point. Over the course of the past decade, there has been quite a lot of focus on, to use another bit of jargon, the accumulation phase—what happens when people build up their pensions savings. The previous Government commissioned Lord Turner to look at pensions. I think there was some dispute between Tony Blair and the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown) about whether Lord Turner’s recommendations should be implemented, but they were, with cross-party consensus. There is considerable consensus over the introduction of the single-tier pension. One area that we have not debated in enough detail today starts that process. What happens when people spend their pension pot? What choices are available to them?

My hon. Friend the Member for Gloucester talked eloquently about an asymmetry of knowledge between someone seeking an annuity and an annuity provider, and about the circumstances that people face. Alternative products, such as income draw-down products, are out there, but that transfers both the investment risk and the longevity risk to the investor—the pensioner. We need to look carefully at the products out there, recognising that this very polarised market, with annuities on the one hand and draw-down products on the other, may not necessarily be in the interests of consumers. Other alternatives might be out there.

National Insurance (Contributions) Bill

David Rutley Excerpts

Tuesday 10th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

I, too, congratulate the Government on bringing forward this important Bill. It was a pleasure to serve on the Bill Committee. I believe that the measures it contains will make a vital contribution to helping a cause that I believe in passionately: helping more people take on employees for the first time.

We have to get more of the growing band of self-employed people in this country to want to take on an extra employee and we have to overcome the barriers to that. Some 4.2 million people in this country are self-employed, which is 14% of the population, up from 12% at the turn of the century. The good news is that part-time self-employment is down and full-time self-employment is up, which is a good thing, because people are finding that it is a worthwhile form of employment and are making a contribution to the economy. The push factors in driving people to that form of employment are on the way down and the pull factors are clearly on the way up, and more young people want to get involved in self-employment.

However, the real challenge and opportunity that the Bill addresses is that of encouraging more of the self-employed to want to take on their first employee and helping people to see the benefits of working in that environment. Sadly, the pace of improvement in that area is not keeping up with the increase in self-employment. We need to help the self-employed to nudge open the barriers to becoming first-time employers and feel confident to take on employees, whether they are tangible barriers in IT, legal matters or human resources, or perceived, more psychological barriers such as their concerns about dealing with HMRC or about getting rules wrong in employing somebody.

In the Adjournment debate I held on this subject at the beginning of November, I talked through a whole series of options that we could consider to help address this challenge, but the most important thing to do today is to acknowledge that this Bill takes some vitally important steps in doing so. It will be a boost to first-time employees, whether they are apprentices, long-term unemployed, those who are economically inactive, or those who are looking for their second, third, fourth or even fifth careers.

[Ian Swales]

The hon. Gentleman is making a good point. Does he agree that the businesses he is describing find it difficult to find the time to apply for complex reliefs, and does he therefore join me in welcoming the simplicity of these proposals?

--- Later in debate ---

[David Rutley]

The hon. Gentleman makes a vital point. The great thing about this initiative is that it is very simple. The hon. Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) also made the important point that we need to make every effort to communicate that to small businesses. I know that the Minister is working hard in that direction as we move the Bill forward.

We need to help smaller businesses—micro-businesses —in the task of taking on employees because they are often better at taking on the long-term unemployed or those who are difficult to employ. That is another reason to welcome the Bill. I am pleased that the autumn statement went further in scrapping employers’ national insurance for under-21s completely, as in new clause 3. That is a vital step. As many Members on both sides of the House have said, it is one of the ways in which we will be able to tackle youth unemployment more comprehensively in the longer term.

This Bill is not just about improving economic growth but about tackling youth unemployment and social mobility. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Minister on bringing it to the House, helping it to progress so speedily, and doing it all with his characteristic charm, wit and dexterity. I support it because of what it will do for employment in helping more people to take on employees for the first time, and what it will do to tackle youth unemployment and drive forward sustainable economic growth that is grounded in private sector employment rather than in the public sector that was so much a focus of the previous Government and that we need to move on from. As my hon. Friend the Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) pointed out, the hon. Member for Birmingham, Ladywood (Shabana Mahmood) might want to consider not taking her flip-flops on holiday next summer. This might be a nasty reminder of where the Labour party once stood with its jobs tax. We need to move on from that, and this Bill takes us to a better place. I commend it to the House.

Autumn Statement

David Rutley Excerpts

Thursday 5th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

I made a point in my statement of saying that we want stable house prices and that we need more homes to be built. I know that that is what the Mayor of London also believes. We have taken steps to give the Bank of England powers to deal with asset bubbles as they develop. That, of course, did not happen five or six years ago, much to our cost. Specifically on the cost of London housing, the early Help to Buy statistics suggest that most of the families who have taken it up are from outside London and the south-east, and are buying properties worth on average £160,000. Help to Buy is therefore helping exactly those we want it to help: aspirational families who can afford a mortgage but cannot currently afford the very large deposit that the problems in our banking system have demanded of them.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

I congratulate the Chancellor on sticking to the vital task of reducing the deficit. Does my right hon. Friend agree that calls to increase spending and further to drive up debt come from the same school of economic thought as no return to boom and bust, which was brought to us by the Labour party?

[Mr Osborne]

I agree. The school of no more boom and bust gave us the biggest boom and the biggest bust in our history—it was spectacularly unsuccessful. One would think that those who had been through that would have learned their lesson and be keen to see borrowing controlled, public finances in good order and the deficit come down, but they are not. That speaks to a broader truth, which is that in bad times the Opposition say, “Borrow more because the country needs it” and in good times they say, “Borrow more because the country cannot afford it.” What they never say is, “Let’s get a grip on the public finances.”

National Infrastructure Plan

David Rutley Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

Solar energy plays an important part in helping us to meet our energy obligations. However, I am sure that the hon. Gentleman would not argue that consumers should continue to pay costs at a high level as the costs come down in that sector. The framework that we have set out today will ensure that that does not happen. I hope that it will give a degree of confidence to that industry, which I know creates a lot of jobs in his constituency.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

The Chief Secretary will know that progress is being made on the link road from Manchester airport to the A6. Will he join me in supporting the calls for a related relief road for the village of Poynton, which was promised in the 1990s and which will be vital in tackling the growing traffic congestion?

[Danny Alexander]

Again, I am afraid that I do not know the details of that project, but it sounds like there is a strong case for it at a local level. If my hon. Friend writes to me with the details, I will happily see how it could be progressed.

Cost of Living

David Rutley Excerpts

Wednesday 27th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Alun Cairns]

rose—

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

rose—

[Sajid Javid]

I give way to my hon. Friend for Wales first.

--- Later in debate ---

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Thank you for calling me, Madam Deputy Speaker. This is the first time I have spoken in front of you, and it is an honour to do so.

I am delighted that the Labour party has initiated this debate. I say to Labour Members “Bring it on!” I am glad that they have at last woken up to the cost of living crisis. While many of us were going on about it for a number of years, they were talking about predistributions or other “chattering classes” subjects that no one understood. While we were cutting and freezing fuel duty, cutting taxes and raising thresholds for lower earners, and increasing taxes for the rich by, for instance, increasing capital gains tax, they were voting against all those measures. They created a handout society, whereas we want to create a “hand back” society, and to give people back their own money through lower taxes. They created a society of dependency: a society of high tax, high debt and high borrowing.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend is making a very passionate speech. I know that he feels strongly about these matters, and has campaigned strongly on them in the past. Does he agree that, although our hon. Friend the Financial Secretary made an outstanding speech, what was omitted from it was a reference to the importance of the employment allowances that will allow a first-time employer to take on a new employee, thus helping even more people into the workplace?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. That is another example of why we are the party of small business. Labour showed during its years in office that it was, as Peter Mandelson said, the party of the filthy rich and of big business, sucking up to bankers in the City—Fred the Shred, Flowers and all those kinds of people.

The main elements of the cost of living are jobs, pay and energy. Let us look at the Labour Government’s record. They scrapped the 10p rate of tax under Gordon Brown in 2008. They talk about wages, but median wages stopped rising in 2003, in times of plenty, and hourly pay rose at only a quarter of the rate of economic growth. They increased fuel duty 12 times while in office, and the cost of bus travel increased by 59%. Council tax increased by 67%, and energy bills doubled. That is the record of the Labour party, which says that it wants to help with the cost of living. Sadly, it has nothing to show for it at all.

Energy and fuel prices are among the key indicators of the cost of living. As we have heard from the Minister, this Government have cut fuel duty and said that they will freeze it for the lifetime of this Parliament—an historic move. Of course, I would like the Government to do more and to cut fuel duty further, and I hope that when economic conditions allow, that will be the No. 1 tax cut. We need to continue to help hard-pressed motorists.

On energy, let us remember that there were about 17 energy companies under Labour; now, there are only six. Labour decreased competition, but we are doing things to increase it. I believe that the Government should do more on VAT, particularly through renegotiating our VAT rates with the European Union. They should also consider imposing windfall taxes—de facto fines—on some of the energy companies and passing the money back to the consumer. They should also cut Labour’s green taxes, which make up 17% of the average energy bill.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stewart Hosie]

I will not give way, because we only get two minutes’ stoppage time, and I have had my two minutes.

This Government are also borrowing more and we are all paying the cost of failure. The Government’s main failure is on the fiscal rules they set themselves: that the structural current account deficit should be in balance in the final year of a future five-year programme—it will not be; and that debt should be falling as a share of GDP by the end of that period—it is not. Both objectives, were, and remain, highly dependent on GDP growth, which, as we have noted in previous Budgets, is massively dependent, at least according to the OBR, on extraordinary unmet and unmeetable levels of business investment. Let us remember that in 2010 the Government suggested, with a straight face, that business investment would have to grow between 8% and 11% a year between 2011 and 2015. By the time of the OBR fiscal outlook in November 2011, growth in business investment had turned negative again and the forecast had to be changed to show future projections of growth of up to 12%.

The Chancellor was at it again this year. Having failed to get the growth in business investment we needed, he is now suggesting growth in business investment of 8.6% in three out of the next four years. I hope that that happens, but based on the evidence we have seen so far and the inability of the banks to take their share in providing credit and liquidity to businesses, I fear that is a forlorn hope.

We have also been told—this point was mentioned earlier—that we will see the benefits to GDP growth of exports from the UK. In 2011, however, we had a deficit in trade in goods of £100 billion, which rose to £110 billion the following year. The deficit in trade in goods has been sitting at about £20 billion for every quarter of this year. The balance of goods and services was £23 billion in the red in 2011, and that figure worsened to £35 billion last year after four and a half years of depreciation in sterling. I would hope that at the very least the Government recognised that that part of the plan simply has not worked.

I hope that the Government will be less stubborn about recognising where they have failed and that their optimistic Budgets have simply collapsed into dust when faced with the stark reality of austerity economics, which strips consumption out of the economy in the way I have described.

[David Rutley]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Stewart Hosie]

I will not.

The pain of all that, as always, is felt by ordinary people, because, as I said earlier, we know this much from the Red Book: the Government intend to take £155 billion a year out of the economy in discretionary consolidation by 2016-17. They will do that for that year and every year, the equivalent of stripping consumption worth about 7.5% of GDP from the economy. Given that they have increased the ratio of discretionary consolidation to four to one—four cuts for every one tax rise—we can see where the Government’s priorities lie: not with jobs, not with growth, not with recovery and not with lifting the burden of the cost of living crisis off the backs of ordinary people, but with balancing the books on the backs of ordinary people in this country. If nothing else, they should recognise that it is not working. The pain is intense for communities throughout the UK and they should think again when we get to the autumn statement.

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[Mr Newmark]

No.

“The recovery”,

the Governor of the Bank of England says,

“has finally taken hold.”

If I may, I would like to begin by highlighting some of the economic achievements of this Government since 2010. The Government have cut the budget deficit by a third. The Government have helped the private sector create 1.4 million new jobs, offsetting any jobs lost in the public sector by 3:1. The Government have ensured that borrowing costs have fallen to record lows, saving money for taxpayers, businesses and families alike. The Government have helped bring inflation down to 2.2% as of October 2013. That is important because of the damaging effect that rising prices can have on the cost of living. The Government have helped bring back growth to the UK economy, with growth now projected to be 2.9% by year end 2014. The Government have ensured that the UK has more men and more women in work than ever before. The Government have seen the number of people claiming unemployment benefit fall at the fastest rate since 1997. Indeed, in my constituency of Braintree, both unemployment and youth unemployment are down 20% in the past year alone.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend sets out an impressive track record of achievement in the economy. Does he also recognise that our economic growth in the UK is projected to be the fastest in any country in Europe?

[Mr Newmark]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. I am just getting to that point.

[David Rutley]

Oh, I see.

[Mr Newmark]

Furthermore, British manufacturing recently reported the strongest growth on record, exceeding that in every quarter since 1989, and Reuters recently reported that growth in UK services is the strongest in 16 years. The Government have indeed achieved much to rebalance our economy.

Finally on economic performance, as my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (David Rutley) just mentioned, according to the OECD the UK has the fastest growth in the developed world, beating the US, Germany and Japan. So by almost every benchmark, the UK has made huge strides in turning around the UK economy, and the Chancellor and his team at the Treasury should be congratulated on sticking with plan A and ensuring that the UK is on the path to recovery.

The Government also have much to be proud of on the cost of living. The 2013 Budget raised the personal tax allowance to £10,000 from April 2014. That ensured a tax cut for 25 million people, with individuals paying an average of £705 less in income tax than they did in 2010. Indeed, 2.7 million people have been taken out of tax altogether, thereby reducing the cost of living.

National Insurance Contributions Bill

David Rutley Excerpts

Monday 4th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Shabana Mahmood]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention, but I prefer to look at the record. When the Government came to power, they inherited a growing economy. They choked off the recovery, resulting in three years of flatlining and stagnation, and the current cost-of-living crisis that affects businesses and people up and down the country.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

The new version of events on the Government’s legacy is interesting. We received a dismal legacy. We had a huge deficit, but Opposition Members—deficit deniers—cannot recognise that. They should apologise for proposing the jobs tax. Will the hon. Lady apologise for putting that on their policy platform? It was a complete disaster.

[Shabana Mahmood]

I do not think that an economy that was growing was a bad legacy to leave. The legacy of three wasted years, caused by the Government pursuing a failed economic plan that has delivered a cost-of-living crisis for millions of people, is not one to write home about.

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[Julian Smith (Skipton and Ripon) (Con)]

Because I lost a contact lens on the tube, Madam Deputy Speaker, I can see you but unfortunately cannot see the Minister. I apologise in advance for the fact that my myopia means that I will be slightly less coherent than usual.

This Bill is a fantastic boost to all British business. In a constituency such as Skipton and Ripon, it is a particularly good shot in the arm for an area of Britain where employment is on the up and unemployment is going down. In my constituency, unemployment is down by about 30% and youth unemployment is down by about 35%, and more new businesses are being created. This is a big opportunity to give those entrepreneurs the backing they require to take on more jobs. The businesses in my constituency are largely based around tourism, agriculture, farming and small manufacturing. Many of the businesses in the 900 square miles that I represent are working under tough conditions, isolated and very vulnerable to the weather, and every bit of help they can get is a major boost.

We are very excited in the Yorkshire dales and in all parts of my constituency because in less than a year the Government-backed Tour de France will be on its way. I hope that the Minister may come and participate; I know that she is very into her sport. That event, which this Westminster-based, Conservative-led Government have backed, will be a major boost for Yorkshire—one of the most rural parts of our country. This policy will help businesses to try to make sure that they are taking advantage of this great sporting event.

We have talked about how this policy contrasts with the policies of the Labour party. Most of my colleagues in the Chamber have set up and run businesses, and we probably all agree that at the start of the previous Government’s time in office the messages were quite good. There were things such as taper relief to encourage entrepreneurs and talk of deregulation tsars, and it all looked as though it was moving in the right direction, but it tailed off pretty quickly. As well as pledging at the last election to raise the jobs tax, which the Federation of Small Businesses said would cost about 57,000 jobs in the UK, they raised the 50p tax rate—one of the so-called elephant traps set by the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown) to try to trap the next Government. Six regulations were added to the statute book per week. There were regular, astronomical rises in fuel duty, which in a constituency such as Skipton and Ripon had a major impact on businesses and families. Somebody may correct me, but I understand that not one debate about exports took place in this House under the previous Labour Government.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend is making a characteristically impassioned speech on behalf of small businesses and enterprises, which will thrive on the back of this Bill not only in North Yorkshire but in Cheshire and across the country. Will he remind the House of what steps the previous Government took to tackle the amount of regulation that was coming in from the EU at the time? I cannot remember them doing too much in that direction either.

[Julian Smith]

My hon. Friend makes a characteristically good point. I seem to remember that they signed up to more treaties and more red tape from Brussels. Only now have the Prime Minister and members of the current Government set up a deregulation unit to look at EU regulation, and I hope that we will all encourage them to do more. Any claim that Labour is the party of small business is a very hollow one.

The reason for my excitement about this policy is that it is one of a very large number of policies to back the risk-taker and the entrepreneur—the person who is ready to spend all night worrying about the new employee and ready to risk their capital. A few weeks ago, I went to Downing street with a number of right hon. and hon. Friends, and I met the most inspiring young people who were beneficiaries of the start-up loan scheme and the new enterprise allowance scheme. Downing street was packed with budding entrepreneurs who were benefiting from this Government’s policy. That policy is one of many, including taking out two regulations before one regulation is brought in; ensuring that 25% of all procurement goes to small businesses; taking away pre-qualification questionnaires; increasing the annual investment allowance from £25,000 to £250,000; cutting corporation tax; investing in apprenticeships; creating 27,000 business mentors; and introducing the regional growth fund and the local enterprise partnerships. There is an endless list of policies that this Government have put in place to back the entrepreneur.

That is not to say that we are perfect. The Government have a very strong record, but I would pose them a few questions. We are doing so many good things that we often fail to communicate them in as coherent and focused a way as possible and in a way that is easiest for small businesses. I encourage the Minister, who is coming turbo-charged into her new job, to consider the role of HMRC. The Government communicate more through HMRC than any other arm of Government. How can we use it better to signpost, particularly to small businesses and micro-businesses, the good things that this Government are doing?

How can we cut bureaucracy? We have heard about the bureaucracy involved in the national insurance holiday. How can we make sure that any red tape involved in this new policy is reduced as much as possible?

I urge the Government and my party to start differentiating ourselves not just from the Labour party, but from our coalition partners, with a small business Bill to show that we need to do even more to take small businesses out of the regulation quagmire they find themselves in. I remember sitting through the debate on the Government’s employment changes—colleagues have already discussed them—which were very simple and straightforward. Employers will have two years before they have to decide whether they want to keep an employee. Settlement agreements will at least allow an employer to offer an employee a deal when things are not working out. There will also be tribunal charges, not for people who cannot afford it—before Opposition Members intervene—but for most employees, who will have to pay a fee before taking an employer to tribunal. All of those really good changes—every single one of them—were opposed by the Labour party. It is heartening that, despite Labour’s rhetoric, it looks as though its Members are going to back this Bill, not by voting in favour of it, but by not opposing it.

I pay tribute to the Treasury, the Exchequer Secretary, who started this debate, the Chancellor and the Conservative Ministers at the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, who are pushing ahead with enterprise reform. This Bill is a major step towards sealing the Conservative party’s record on backing those people in our society who want to take a risk and run a business.

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

It is an honour and a privilege to follow the impassioned speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon (Julian Smith).

I was fortunate enough to secure an Adjournment debate last week. The good news was that it was on the subject of supporting first-time employers, but the bad news was that I secured the 2.30 pm on a Friday afternoon slot, which is not always prime time in Parliament. I am therefore pleased to be able to return to the subject and debate it further in the presence of a few other colleagues.

The good news is that over the past decade the number of people who work for themselves has increased to 4.2 million, or 14% of all those in employment—up from 12% at the start of the century. They are taking the chance to be their own boss and often embracing new technologies to enable that. Record numbers of people are working for themselves. As I have said, that is good news, but it would be even better if more of the self-employed, one-person businesses and sole traders took the step from being first-time entrepreneurs to being first-time employers. That is why I support the new employment allowance: it is a huge step forward.

Entrepreneurialism is a culture that spreads. Once a person is in it, they live it. They go native, as they say, and embrace risk-taking. Significantly, entrepreneurs are more likely than established businesses to take on workers from the ranks of the unemployed or the non-active, who often find the formalised application processes, let alone the working practices, of large firms restrictive. Established companies may tend to value the ability to adhere to existing processes and systems above the creativity, dynamism and individual flair that smaller businesses help to stimulate. Doing more to encourage the smallest firms to take on staff, particularly a first member of staff, has to be a step in the right direction.

Despite siren warnings from the unions and others that self-employed jobs are not proper jobs, there is clear evidence that the self-employed and those employed by them in the smallest companies enjoy better industrial relations. Data from the most recent workplace employment relations survey suggest that 67% of employees in the small and medium-sized enterprise sector strongly agree that managers treat them fairly, compared with 53% of those who work in large firms.

Furthermore, a survey by the TUC, no less, and YouGov has shown that a greater proportion of employees in small firms report the highest levels of job satisfaction, compared with employees in larger firms. However, as my hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon has said, there is still a tendency in Whitehall to prefer to deal with larger companies and to underestimate the burdens on the smallest businesses when introducing uniform regulations. The new employment allowance, however, shows that this Government understand the importance of measures that, though uniform, are of greatest benefit to the smallest operators, and that is why they should be commended.

[Bob Stewart]

I endorse my hon. Friend’s last point. It is clear that if the boss of a business works closely with his first employee, industrial relations should be excellent and there should be no problems. That is the reason for the 67% satisfaction rate.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend makes an important point. That is absolutely the case. This is about how we build good working relationships and a strong economic base through SMEs. That is far more sustainable than the approach adopted by the previous Government, which seemed to be underpinned by more and more public spending. That is completely unsustainable.

What a boost it will be for more of the growing army of the self-employed to become small employers. Indeed, if they all, or a vast proportion of them, took on one employee, that would make a huge dent—even bigger than the current one—in the unemployment figures. The number of self-employed people with no employees has increased, but the number of self-employed people with a small number of employees has not kept pace, and that is what the Bill seeks to address. In the past, the focus has been more on encouraging people to start up a business and less on taking the next step to becoming micro-employers. The Bill is an opportunity to further liberate the self-employed from barriers to growth and to nudge first-time entrepreneurs into becoming first-time employers. The prize is stronger, more sustainable economic growth.

Micro-businesses play an important role in Macclesfield, working in forums like Make it Macclesfield and the Poynton business forum. They make a huge contribution to strengthening the community and, at the same time, moving our economy forward by creating jobs.

Surveys and statistics abound to show that small businesses can be, and often are, job-creation machines. They also show that small businesses are more likely to employ the longer-term unemployed and those who may struggle to enter the job market as a result of a lack of formal qualifications or, indeed, their ethnic background. This is what the Federation of Small Businesses calls the “entrepreneurial pipeline” to what Professor Mark Hart calls “growth gazelles”. We need to encourage more growth gazelles. Essentially, this is about everyday entrepreneurs, street-level small businesses and office-share operators giving people a chance to work. Analysis by the FSB suggests that 74% of those who become self-employed and who have employees come from the self-employed who had no employee, and that a further 13% come from employees who had been working in micro-businesses. Clearly, there will be a multiplier effect once we get this right and start moving in the right direction.

The Government are absolutely right to introduce the new employment allowance. Slashing the cost of national insurance and taking many employees out of it completely will encourage more of the self-employed to become employers. However, this is not—and nor should it be—the only measure to increase the number of first-time employers. The Bill must be viewed in concert with the new enterprise allowance—for which Levi Roots is an ambassador for the Government—which seeks to encourage the longer-term unemployed into self-employment. The three-year moratorium on new regulations for small businesses is another important step in the right direction. I encourage Ministers at the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills to view it as a rolling moratorium.

[Julian Smith]

I thank my hon. Friend for giving way in his excellent speech. Does he agree that one of the most depressing things about the lack of Labour Members present is that, to make those schemes truly work, we all need to push them, whatever our political viewpoint, in order to ensure that those who are taking the risks hear about them and understand them?

--- Later in debate ---

[David Rutley]

Absolutely; there is a responsibility on all Members to do that. It is disappointing how few Opposition Members are present, and what they have said has been negative, rather than focused on the opportunities that are available.

As Lord Young of Graffham has rightly argued, there are regulatory issues that we must deal with. The employment allowance will simplify the system for small businesses. We must also tackle the problems with culture and communication. Through careers advice in schools, we must help young people to realise that there are huge opportunities in small businesses. If people are familiar with SMEs and particularly micro-businesses early in their careers, they are more likely to stick with them and to take the step of setting up small businesses themselves.

There is certainly no lack of ambition. The Prince’s Trust has found that up to 30% of young people expect to be self-employed, and a YouGov poll has found that 43% of young people have made money through entrepreneurial activities, like selling their own products or working on a freelance basis. We must help them to achieve their ambitions. The Bill means that their aspirations will not just be pipe dreams. It is a can-do Bill for a can-do generation and it deserves our support.

Those who seek to regulate businesses or to complicate the tax system should recognise the consequences of doing so. Whitehall communications must take notice of business-to-business communications so that those communications can be strengthened. My hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon highlighted the importance of the work of HMRC on communicating more effectively. I would add to that the work of Directgov.

As Lord Young says, it is vital that the psychological barriers are broken down so that they do not stifle the ambition that is latent in the marketplace. If we are to create an aspiration nation, the road to running one’s own business must be a clearly signposted fast lane, not the last Labour Government’s minefield of forms, box ticking and regulations. Their approach reminded me of a sign that I saw once to a business park, which said, “Enterprise Way—Cul-de-sac”. We have to have a different perspective and that is what this Government are seeking to achieve.

In small firms, there is often less formality, more fluidity and greater flexibility. What we need, and what we now have, is a simple tax allowance that everybody can understand. That will create more jobs and more first-time employers. It is vital that the Government communicate the scheme creatively. I also say to the Minister that we must not listen to what is said by the Opposition. The idea that we have listened to them in designing the scheme is fanciful. After the deficit and flawed forecasts that they gave us, the chances of our listening to them are somewhere between no hope and Bob Hope. Their jobs tax, on top of the record deficit, would have been devastating for the economy.

In conclusion, I am delighted that the Government are champions of first-time entrepreneurs. I believe that the Bill will help us to encourage more of them to become first-time employers. I give the Bill my full support.

--- Later in debate ---

[Catherine McKinnell]

Once again, Government Members want to airbrush the past three years of stagnation, lack of economic growth and the failure of the Government’s implementation of that policy. They failed to address the issue quickly enough, so only today are we finally introducing a policy that will help and that will give that support to small businesses. Unfortunately, it is a little too late in the day for some businesses, which have suffered over the last three years, and for the people who have lost their jobs as a result.

[David Rutley]

In the spirit of not wanting to airbrush, will the hon. Lady tell the House how she thinks the jobs tax would have helped her much-cherished goal of encouraging economic growth?

[Catherine McKinnell]

Coalition Back Benchers want to forget what the Government have done and the past three years of the policy we are debating. They want to debate a policy that never came into play.

None the less, despite the restrictive and complex nature of the previous scheme, the Exchequer Secretary and his Treasury colleagues had bold ambitions for it. He acknowledged from the Dispatch Box that some 400,000 new businesses would benefit from the scheme, with each successful applicant creating an average of two jobs. At that rate, the scheme would have created 800,000 new jobs, with a total cost to the Exchequer of £940 million over its three-year lifespan.

Given that the scheme, which was one of the Chancellor’s flagship policies, drew to a close in September, one might have assumed that the Exchequer Secretary would want to promote the outcome. Sadly, he cannot do so—sadly for the businesses that failed to benefit. Only through a written answer obtained by my hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham East (Chris Leslie), the shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury, did we learn that a grand total of some 25,400 businesses successfully applied for the scheme over the three-year period. That is undeniably a sizeable number, and the creation of any new jobs in the past three years, during a period of economic stagnation, is welcome; but with only 6% of the target reached, the Exchequer Secretary has had to acknowledge that, as flagship policies for economic growth go, that one has been a bit of a flop.

When the previous scheme was introduced, the Opposition called for there to be no regional restrictions on it, for it to be extended to charities, and for a review of its effectiveness after six months. Those proposals were rejected. The Government ploughed on with a scheme that obviously was not delivering the goods throughout its operation. That was why, as long ago as September 2011, my right hon. Friend the Member for Morley and Outwood (Ed Balls), the shadow Chancellor, called for a one-year national insurance break for every small firm that took on extra workers, using the money left over from that failing Government policy—it was clear that it was failing even in September 2011.

The Government are now introducing the employment allowance. It is not regionally restricted and will apply to charities as well as businesses, and it will apply whether or not they are start-ups. It should be easier for firms to access it because it will be delivered by the standard payroll software and Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs real-time information system, as the Exchequer Secretary said in his opening comments. The question is this: why did it take so long? Given that the scheme will not be available until April 2014, we have had nearly four wasted years when the Chancellor could have helped the thousands of small businesses about which Government Members have spoken so passionately to expand and create jobs.

Financial Services (Banking Reform) Bill

David Rutley Excerpts

Tuesday 9th July 2013 Commons Chamber

[David Rutley (Macclesfield) (Con)]

I was not able to participate in the Public Bill Committee or the parliamentary commission, but I have followed their work from a distance. We must recognise the important progress that has been made over recent weeks and months.

I praise my hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie), Chairman of the Treasury Committee and of the parliamentary commission. He has taught me a lot during my time in Parliament. Tim Knox, the director of the Centre for Policy Studies, has said of my hon. Friend that

“he’s quite prepared to argue half the night over whether a comma should be a semi-colon—which is reflective of the seriousness with which he takes his work.”

My hon. Friend is prepared to do a lot more than that. He is prepared to debate and work tirelessly for months on end with colleagues on both sides of the House and with Ministers to move matters forward.

The huge progress that has been made in recent months on this important subject is also a credit to the Minister and his colleagues on the Front Bench. The Government’s response, which was published yesterday, moved the debate forward. On page 22, it summarises the failure that took place at HBOS. I worked at HBOS from 2005 to 2007 and saw at first hand the problems with the federal structure at the bank. I hasten to add that I worked in the general insurance side of the business, which was performing particularly well. It was clear that there was a problem with managing risk across the entire business. It was also clear from my interactions with the Financial Services Authority that it did not have a grip on the regulation of the smaller parts of the business or the business as a whole. It was clear that my business friends in Yorkshire who worked outside the bank recognised that the bank was involved in very racy deals. They kept asking me how the bank could support them. The FSA clearly was not paying sufficient attention to what was going on.

The Bill is vital. It is critical to bringing about the individual accountability that many of us want to see across our financial services sector, with the tough senior persons regime, reversing the burden of proof and criminal sanctions for reckless misconduct. All those steps are vital, as is the ring fence and the attempts to electrify it. They will bring about a meaningful distinction between what goes on in retail banks, which are vital for individuals and small businesses, and more risky investment banking. In my interaction with other banks, such as HBOS and Barclays, it was clear that they had very different cultures and needed to be brought under control. The ring fence will help to do that.

It is important to bring about enhanced competition. I helped to launch Asda’s introduction to financial services, and other retail brands have moved into financial services too. As my hon. Friend the Member for Hexham (Guy Opperman) said, we need new entrants. That will encourage greater competition and help us in our task of building trust in our financial services sector. It is good to see, in recommendation 4.22, that the Government will be initiating an independent study into the feasibility of the costs and benefits of full account portability. Bold, radical steps are required to move things forward and build the trust we want to see in our financial services sector. I commend the work of the parliamentary commission and the Government in taking these steps forward.

[John Mann (Bassetlaw) (Lab)]

A vast amount of hard work has been diligently done for such a puny and inadequate set of proposals. Where does it leave us, if we look at the big picture? There is a debate about the Government’s failure to electrify the ring fence, although as I recall, the financial crisis started with Northern Rock and Lehman Brothers, where the ring fence would have made no difference whatever. What are we trying to address?

We have two banks in state ownership that are still in crisis. Clearly, the Government have no idea what to do with RBS, from who is running it and the Government’s cack-handed handling of Mr Hester’s departure, to what its role should be. Should RBS exist? Should it be broken up? How should it be broken up? Can it be broken up? How could competition emanate from breaking it up? We hear the word competition all the time. I was a signatory to the extremely modest bank account portability amendment that, rightly, was tabled. The structure of banking, however, remains pretty much as was. There is significantly less competition than there was 10 years ago. Building societies have been consolidated and about a third have vanished.

Where is the international level? This was not a British crisis, but today, as a consequence of the British LIBOR scandal, we have lost out to New York, which has played its political hand far more astutely than the Government and has grabbed business from this country. Frankfurt and Paris will be lining up to do the same. We are dealing with international banks, and the Government’s insular look at what should be done, presuming that British solutions will add to British competition, is a misnomer. We face problems with transparency in the UK dependencies, which, unlike any other country, we can influence. They remain totally opaque, specifically in relation to banking and subsidiaries—there is nothing there. On international banking agreements, the Government are hiding even from the modest proposals emanating from Brussels, of all places. This is not going to solve our problems. Competition has not moved forward, and there is no evidence that it will. The Government have an aspiration, but no strategy, for competition, so we remain with none. The problem of oligarchies running investment banking worldwide has not changed either; it remains as was—a fundamental weakness in the banking stranglehold over the rest of the economy—and totally unaddressed.

The fundamental issue that some posed at the beginning will remain the Achilles heel of all politicians and whoever is in government in this country from now on: if there is a further banking crisis and individuals—known as voters—are in a panic over their savings, there is no politician in any Government who would not bail out those accounts. No Government, whatever their colour, whatever the economic situation, would survive grabbing the electorate’s savings.

Most fundamentally, we have failed to create a concept of tiered risk for consumers to give them a choice. It has worked before. The classic example is a simple one, but a real one: the premium bond. When the premium bond was introduced, people knew that it was totally guaranteed; they knew it was not the best way of investing, but they bought them because they were absolutely guaranteed. We do not do that with our savings now. We have not created the options that would let our constituents say, “We’ll put X amount in here, knowing we’ll get a lower return than elsewhere, because the Government will give an absolute guarantee. And we can put Y amount in a middle-risk option, where there are some guarantees to certain levels, and we’ll put Z amount into something with great returns, but explicitly no Government guarantee.”

Our failure to create those options has created a fundamental weakness. I would not even describe that as radical; I would call it a rather conservative, with a small c, and moderate proposal, giving choice, creating markets and trusting people. We have not done that. At some stage, a future Government—not this one or the next one, I hope, or one in our lifetime—will face the dilemma again and will be forced to bail out a bank. There is the danger, however, that it might come more suddenly than that.

[David Rutley]

Does the hon. Gentleman not recognise that there are options for fully guaranteed savings with National Savings & Investment as well as the £85,000 protection? There are those opportunities for people.

[John Mann]

I sit on the Treasury Select Committee; the hon. Gentleman served on it, so we have a modicum more information on these matters, as do other hon. Members, than our constituents. Nothing has changed for them, however. Fundamentally, there has been no segmentation of the market, which is why the new challenger banks are getting no further. Only a tiny, tiny proportion of business is going to them. We have not restructured, even though in RBS and Lloyds TSB we have the perfect opportunity, owing to the crisis, to restructure. Across the world, we see vast numbers of people suffering and Governments of every political persuasion being voted out because of the financial crisis and the decisions they have made. This Government might face the same dilemma. I am not commenting on whether the decisions on the deficit and debt are right or wrong economically, politically or socially—that is a critical debate, but it is a different debate—but the fact that we are in this situation and we are not addressing it for the future in anything but the most micro-management way is part of that weakness.

The Government might want to give themselves plaudits and say, “Well, perhaps we’re doing a little better than the Government of Greece or Spain,” or whichever Government it is. The Americans can slap themselves on the back and say, “Unlike the Brits, we’ve got our act together. We’ve targeted their banks. We’ve portrayed them as the wrongdoers. We’ve managed to shift some of the powers to ourselves,” which is precisely what is going on among the political, banking and business classes in Washington and New York. They are winning that battle.

I will end on this point. This is a world crisis. My research document proves that every one of the top 50 banks in the world, without exception, have been involved in criminality in recent times. That is staggering for any industry. For us to hold that industry together with sticking tape, not even with the most damaged and shattered elements, including those that have had to be nationalised, such as Lloyds TSB—