Vince Cable
Main Page: Vince Cable (Liberal Democrat - Twickenham)(14 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberI beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.
Let me begin by making it clear why we are here: Royal Mail and the Post Office are two cornerstones of our society. They are different businesses, but they are both essential to everyday life in the UK. Royal Mail is responsible for collecting and delivering letters. It provides a universal service that ensures the collection and delivery of letters and parcels from any postbox to any address in the country, and all at uniform, affordable prices. The Post Office is an unrivalled network of shops spread throughout the country. It allows people local access to essential services in the heart of their communities. The aim of this Bill is to secure the future of those two institutions and the services that they provide.
I look forward to support from Labour Members, because I know that they genuinely tried in recent years to secure the future of Royal Mail and the post office network. They no doubt agree with me that this must be the final, successful attempt to conclude that process.
We know that the previous Government tried unsuccessfully to privatise the Post Office. Does my right hon. Friend agree that the Opposition amendment would, if carried, prevent us from carrying out the reforms that he and I, as former Trade and Industry and Treasury spokesmen, understand require capital to invest in the Post Office, and the workers and mutual beneficiaries to take a degree of ownership and control, in order to get the Post Office out of the mess in which it has been struggling for the past 10 years?
The amendment to which my right hon. Friend refers was tabled by the nationalists rather than by the Labour Opposition. I think that it was drafted before the nationalists were aware of our proposals to strengthen the network. I hope that when they hear what we have to say they will rethink their amendment, because we will have done a great deal to meet their concerns.
It will be interesting to hear what the right hon. Gentleman has to say. The National Federation of SubPostmasters has raised its concern about the split between Royal Mail and Post Office Ltd. It has pointed out that it cannot find anywhere else in the world where there is such a split between the delivery network and the post office network. Can he give us such an example?
I will address the matters that the hon. Gentleman has described in detail. I remember him campaigning on this issue in the previous Parliament, when he lost nine sub-post offices in his constituency. We are implementing measures that will stop that happening in future. When he hears about them he will be considerably reassured.
Turning to the background to the legislation, there is, as I have said, a lot of common ground.
The right hon. Gentleman may be aware that my constituency includes the second largest sorting office in the world. The 2,000 employees there believe that they provide a universal service at a low price. The system is not broken, and they do not understand why it is being “fixed” by the attempt to privatise it. Why are we going ahead with this?
The hon. Lady’s colleagues in the previous Government would have answered that question for her, because they acknowledged, as we do, that the system is broken. I will take her step by step through the arguments in the original Hooper report and in the updated version, which are common to hon. Members on both sides of the House.
The country that pioneered postal services in the 19th century has been left behind in the 21st century. The rise of e-mail and the internet has led to a dramatic fall in the number of letters that we send. The previous Government were well aware of that problem, and they commissioned an independent review of the future of the universal postal service chaired by Richard Hooper, which found that letter volumes were in structural decline, that Royal Mail was in great financial difficulty and that the universal postal service was under threat. The report’s conclusion was encapsulated in its title, “Modernise or Decline”. All parts of this House accepted the conclusion that the current system was broken; that relates to the previous intervention.
The company, the union, businesses and commentators all agreed with the Hooper conclusion that the status quo then was “untenable”. What was the status quo then is still the status quo now, and Richard Hooper is clear that Royal Mail is now in a worse position. How has that happened? The previous Government endorsed Richard Hooper’s recommendations and acted on them. They brought forward a Bill that the Liberal Democrats and our coalition partners supported. Sadly, it never reached this House, so the future of Royal Mail was not secured. That Bill would have allowed private sector investment in Royal Mail. It would also have enabled the Government to tackle the pension deficit, and reformed the regulatory regime for postal services. Those are all measures with which we agree, and they form the basis of this Bill. We agree with those measures because, as Richard Hooper says, they are essential if the universal postal service is to survive.
May I make the point that the pension needs to be sorted out, sale or no sale, that regulation needs to be reconsidered, and that both those things can be done without the privatisation of Royal Mail?
I shall come to the argument for not restricting private investment access in a moment. The simple point is that without private investment we will not get the capital investment that the Royal Mail needs to modernise. That is a simple argument, but I will develop it at length.
If hon. Members want to make the same point, there is no point in pursuing their interventions, but if the hon. Lady’s is on a different point, I shall take hers.
If everything that the previous Government wanted to do was so good—and many Opposition Members opposed what they wanted to do—why are the coalition Government not simply taking up where they left off? Why are they going even further and totally privatising Royal Mail rather than leaving a majority share in the public sector?
I shall take the hon. Lady through the arguments step by step, but the situation has deteriorated badly. I think that she lost seven post offices in her constituency, so she will know that the situation is not satisfactory and that the status quo cannot be maintained.
I shall take further interventions later but I want to proceed with the next step of the argument.
Let me dwell a little on Royal Mail’s financial problems. When I came into government I was left in no doubt as to the real difficulties. I asked Richard Hooper to update his report from December 2008 because I wanted to ensure that the conclusions were still valid—and they are. Let no one in the House be under any illusion regarding Royal Mail’s predicament. I recognise that there has been some progress. Opposition Members who represent areas with sorting offices will know that unions and management are now working together better—we acknowledge that—but that the pension deficit has ballooned. It is now more than £8 billion and Royal Mail has, proportionately, the largest pension deficit of any major company in the United Kingdom. In addition, it loses almost £1 million a day on its trading activity. It is an inefficient business in a market that is declining faster than anyone predicted. Hooper now forecasts that letter volumes could fall by as much as 40% in the next five years if nothing is done. That is why we are moving further and faster.
I appreciate that the right hon. Gentleman now finds himself in coalition with the Conservatives. There is a pension fund with a substantial amount of money in it; I know there is a deficit, but will he give the House a guarantee that the coalition Government will not do what a previous Conservative Government did to the bus employees superannuation fund? Under Margaret Thatcher they took money from that pension fund, which the Labour Government later had to replace.
I shall address the pension proposals in some detail. They are virtually identical to what the previous Government were preparing to do. We are talking about taking on a massive liability from that fund. Let me remind the hon. Gentleman, who seems to be trying to defend the status quo, that he lost 13 post office branches under the previous Government. We are trying to deal with the problem that he and others have faced.
My constituents in the outer Hebrides want to know what the service will look like for customers in the Hebrides, and for my postal workers, after these measures.
As I reminded hon. Members a few moments ago, customers in the Hebrides have experienced a decline. We are going to turn that around, and I shall explain the process and investment by which we will do that.
On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. I merely want to put the record straight. The Secretary of State has indicated that I lost 13 post offices but I did not; I lost two. I am anxious that he is bandying figures around.
That is not a point of order, but the hon. Gentleman has certainly made a point of clarification.
The hon. Gentleman might want to correct the official record if that is the case.
Let me explain why we need the Bill. We should ask what will happen if we do not act, and do not proceed with it. The Government believe that we still need a universal postal service, collecting from all post boxes and delivering to all 28 million postal addresses six days a week. We will still be required under EU law to fund the universal service if no one can provide it commercially, so the taxpayer could be left to pick up the pieces. We cannot predict how much that would cost, or when it would happen if no action were taken, but we know that it would not be cheap and we are not prepared to take that risk with taxpayers’ money—not with the public finances in the current state. That is why we are determined to press ahead with the Bill.
This is not simply about making sure that taxpayers do not have to cover the costs: it is about doing what is right for the future of the company and its employees. Richard Hooper is clear that if his recommendations are taken forward urgently, the Royal Mail has a potentially healthy future. As my predecessor, the right hon. Member for Wolverhampton South East (Mr McFadden), said almost two years ago,
“I believe that Royal Mail and the postal market can thrive in the future, provided that decisive action is taken now.”—[Official Report, 16 December 2008; Vol. 485, c. 966.]
We are taking that action.
The problems that Royal Mail faces can be addressed through the Bill. After all, it is the only company with the ability to visit all 28 million addresses on a daily basis. It has an unrivalled customer base, and it can build on its position as the leading provider of letters and parcels by providing a new range of digital products for its customers. The Bill is the only way that we can make that positive future a reality.
I shall save the right hon. Gentleman some trouble by telling him that I lost 11 post offices and gained a mobile van service. Many Opposition Members were not happy about partial privatisation. One reason given for it by the previous Government was that the commercial situation and market conditions were not right, so it would be difficult to get a decent buyer. What makes him think, in the current economic circumstances, that anyone else will be interested?
We are providing a framework in which a sale could take place and we are not setting timetables or limits. Those are the conditions in which we are most likely to get value for money. This is a framework piece of legislation. That is why we are likely to do better than before. I shall come to the details regarding Royal Mail shares in a moment.
The Secretary of State will be aware that people in west Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly are reassured that the universal service obligation will be retained. However, the access arrangements that were agreed, with regulatory intervention from Postcomm, have left Royal Mail in the very weak position of delivering letters for its competitors at a price that, frankly, undermines its commercial viability. I note that clause 48 addresses this issue, but can he reassure me that Royal Mail will have a far better crack of the whip when those terms are negotiated?
I assure my hon. Friend that will be the case. My colleague the Under-Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, the hon. Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Mr Davey), who has responsibility for postal services, will spell out later today and in Committee exactly how the process will operate. My hon. Friend is right: at present the deregulation provisions do not give the Royal Mail sufficient protection against unfair competition. We want to make sure that there is more protection in the deregulation process.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for giving way; I do not know why he was so reluctant to take my question earlier.
I do not have an ideological argument with the Secretary of State. My point is about the argument that he has failed to address. Why is full privatisation needed, rather than the proposal that we put on the table? He has not addressed that point. It is not Red Huw from Ogmore making this argument, but the large majority of Liberals. Conservative voters are saying the same thing: why full privatisation?
The hon. Gentleman is right to say that this is not an ideological question. I shall come to the share sale issue shortly, but I have no ideological stance on it. I see a role for public ownership in certain circumstances: I think I was ahead of most Opposition Members in pursuing public ownership of the banks during the crisis. There is a role for public ownership in certain circumstances, but this happens to be a case when it serves no useful purpose, and we are quite prepared to adopt a pragmatic approach to get the best provision for Royal Mail and the universal service, and the best value for the taxpayer. We have no ideological hang-ups, and I am glad that the hon. Gentleman does not either.
May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that for more than a century a number of Labour Members have believed in the nationalisation of the banks?
Is that the voice of heritage Labour—at last?
Let me summarise the substance of the Bill. As the discussion so far has revealed, Members will find much in the measure that is familiar. As I said, when drafting the Bill we drew on much the same evidence as the previous Government. The facts are not in dispute, and we have reached much the same conclusion: the company needs private sector investment, the pension deficit must be tackled and the regulatory regime must be reformed. However, this Bill is not identical to the previous Government’s Bill.
We have taken the opportunity to learn from what has gone before and to develop a new Bill that builds on this Government’s commitment to employee participation. The right hon. Member for Wolverhampton South East made a major contribution to advancing the debate on the modernisation of the Post Office. When he was Minister for postal services, he said:
“We need a longer-term plan, with a proper buy-in from the work force”.
—[Official Report, 11 February 2009; Vol. 487, c. 1449.]
That is exactly what the Bill hopes to deliver.
First, let me turn to specific issues relating to the Post Office. As I have said, the Post Office and Royal Mail are different businesses. They face different challenges, which means that our approach has to be different. The post office network is unique. There are about 11,500 branches across the country, and it operates in places where other retailers do not. It offers services that other retailers do not. Above all, the Post Office plays an essential social and economic role in our communities. For that reason, the Post Office is for sale. The Bill is absolutely clear on that point.
I am concerned, however, that the current structure of the company is holding the network back. It seems to me that the Post Office is ideally suited to a Co-operative Group style of structure, where employees, sub-postmasters and communities get a greater say in how the company is run. The Bill includes a provision that would allow for a possible future mutualisation of the Post Office. Let me be clear that no firm decision has been taken on mutualisation; there would be a full public consultation before we moved to a mutual structure. In the meantime, I have asked Co-operatives UK to explore options for how a mutualised Post Office would work best.
Has any thought been given to whether that would be a worker co-operative or a consumer co-operative?
It could be either, or a combination of the two. That is why we have turned to the Co-operative Group to give us advice on the structure. However, I take it from the tone of the hon. Gentleman’s intervention that that broad approach would be welcome to him.
The right hon. Gentleman talks about a mutual for the Post Office, but has he looked at a mutual or other model for the Royal Mail, rather than pure privatisation? In Wales, as he knows, Welsh Water is run by a not-for-profit organisation. It is unique and gives universal service across Wales. Could that not be done for the Post Office across the United Kingdom?
The Royal Mail and the Post Office are different businesses and they require fundamentally different solutions. The issue for Royal Mail is capital—how we deal with the pension fund. It requires a different model.
The Secretary of State has made slightly contradictory statements. First, he said he was consulting Co-ops UK for advice on mutuality and then he said he was consulting the Co-op Group. They are distinct organisations—one is advisory and the other is a huge retail operation. Could he clarify which he means?
We are asking Co-operatives UK to give us advice. The hon. Gentleman is very close to the co-operative movement, so his input to the discussions will be welcome.
I am grateful to the Secretary of State. Do I assume that he is talking about mutualising the Crown offices, which the state already owns, and not mutualising the bulk of post offices, which are independent private sector retail businesses that it might be difficult to mutualise against their will?
Individual post offices are of course self-managed, but they operate within Post Office Ltd. It is the structure of Post Office Ltd that we are concerned about. The process clearly needs advice and further thought, which is why we are approaching it with the maximum degree of engagement and consultation, and the right hon. Gentleman will be one of the people whose advice I shall seek.
I have taken a substantial number of interventions and I want to proceed.
I know that these proposals mean setting out on a new course, and that before any changes can be made the network will have to be put on a secure financial footing. Subject to consultation, it is the right outcome for the network. I hope the Post Office can make the transition before the end of this Parliament.
Let me further reassure the House about how we shall put the Post Office on a more secure financial footing.
I will take interventions at the end of the next section of my speech. I have already given the hon. Gentleman answers to some of his questions.
Communities up and down the country have rightly been concerned about the shrinkage of the network over previous years, and despite the efforts of Opposition Members—notably the shadow Chancellor—there has been remorseless decline over the last three decades. The previous Government’s closure programmes shut 5,000 post offices. I commend Members on both sides of the House who fought against those closures. Those days are over. I echo the words of the right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle (Alan Johnson) from some years ago:
“We had a choice. One was to continue to watch decline turn to crisis and crisis turn to collapse, leaving it as someone else’s problem down the road.”—[Official Report, 15 February 2000; Vol. 344, c. 870.]
This Government do not believe in passing on the problem, so we shall fund the post office network, and when I say “fund” I do not mean setting aside millions to buy off sub-postmasters when we close their business.
The option of keeping the network on a care and maintenance basis and letting it decline is one we have rejected. I can today announce £1.34 billion of new funding for the Post Office over the spending review period. The funding will be used to reform the current network, to change the underlying economics, and so reverse the years of decline and secure its long-term future. I am grateful in particular to the Chief Secretary to the Treasury for his understanding, even in a tough spending round. I repeat, there will be no programme of closures under this Government and the Post Office will be able to invest, improve its offer and win new revenue streams.
Does my right hon. Friend share my sheer joy and satisfaction both about the money and about the idea that we will no longer have to campaign against Government closures of post offices? We can get on with supporting them in their work.
Yes, indeed. That is the outcome. For the past decade I and many on the Opposition Benches have been involved in fighting for our local post offices. In many cases, constituencies have seen the loss of a dozen post offices. That will come to an end.
On that very point, I am grateful for the clarity of the right hon. Gentleman’s response, although the figure seems less than the support that the Labour Government put into the post office network. An individual in my constituency has just successfully kept a branch open with the investment of tens of thousands of pounds of his own money, as well as funds from the Welsh Assembly Government and some Post Office Ltd money. Will he be an independent trader under the umbrella of Post Office Ltd, or some sort of commercial, co-operative, mutual whatever? He has just put a lot of money in, and the Secretary of State does not seem to be clear.
I am surprised to hear Opposition Members speaking against mutualisation and co-operation. I thought that was at the heart of the Labour movement’s values. We will consult on how, in practical terms, the post office network becomes a mutual structure. I made that clear. By shifting us into the structural arguments again, the hon. Gentleman is taking away from the considerable importance of the announcement that has just been made, which is that the process of remorseless and endless closures—I think he has had seven in Ogmore—is going to come to an end.
Let us clear this up. We both know that that is not a point of order. Many hon. Members want to speak. Spurious points of order do not help the Chamber. We need to get on with the debate. We may have a chance for everybody to put their opinions afterwards.
On the issue of the individual, private, sub-contracted post offices, does my right hon. Friend find it surprising that Labour Members cannot understand that those post offices will remain open as independent sub-contractors with a mutual network?
Yes. Labour Members seem to find the concept of an expanding, properly invested post office system a bit of a culture shock. They have got used to a decade of decline—they presided over it.
Does my right hon. Friend believe that he has created enough scope for post offices such as the one in Beddington, which shut a number of years ago, to be reopened? In what circumstances does he see new post offices opening?
As I say, investment capital availability ultimately comes down to the individual decision of individual postmasters. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Wokingham (Mr Redwood) pointed out, these are individual investment decisions, but the network will in future be put on a structurally sound, properly funded basis. That is the essence of the reforms that we are introducing.
I will press on. The hon. Gentleman has had his say.
In addition to funding, we are injecting new ideas. We have been re-thinking the role of post offices in providing Government and banking services, and we will be coming back shortly with a fuller statement on that problem, setting out some new and positive ideas that I hope will command support on both sides of the House and in the country.
I would like to reassure the House with respect to the relationship between the Post Office and Royal Mail. The Post Office is currently a subsidiary of Royal Mail, but they are separate companies and they are very different businesses. As part of our plans for both companies, the Bill will allow for the separation of Royal Mail and the Post Office. Separation will give the Post Office management greater freedom to focus on the branch network and providing new services, but I want to make it clear that in this case at least, separation is not a first step towards divorce.
The Post Office and Royal Mail will continue to work closely together. Each company needs the other. Post offices carried out over 3 billion mail transactions for Royal Mail last year. The two companies are closely linked in the public mind, and are bound together by an overwhelming commercial imperative. There is currently a long-term contract in place between the two companies, and there will continue to be a long-term commercial contract in place. The chief executive of Royal Mail has said that it would be “unthinkable” that there will not always be a strong relationship between the Post Office and Royal Mail.
I shall move on to Royal Mail ownership and the processes involved in the sale of shares.
I am slightly confused by what the right hon. Gentleman has said. First, will all post offices remain open? Secondly, will the private company always have to do business with those post offices? Is that guaranteed for ever and ever?
No. The relationship between Royal Mail and the Post Office rests on two things—first, on mutual interest. They have strong mutual interests and depend on each other. Secondly, there is a contractual relationship. This will not change as a result of the separation of the two. Public ownership did not secure the arrangement. It is secured by mutual interest and contractual obligation. That will continue.
Where the property is shared between the Post Office and Royal Mail, as it is in a number of important locations, is the intention to split the site, create separate title to different parts of the site and give each its own front door, or will they share the property?
Obviously, such detailed matters will need to be resolved as the process of separation continues. It is a practical issue and, as it is a commercial matter, Post Office and Royal Mail will look for the most sensible, practical, least cost arrangement.
For the foreseeable future, Royal Mail will be the only company capable of providing the universal postal service. That means that if we want to continue to benefit from a universal service with uniform and affordable prices, we have to equip Royal Mail to survive, and indeed thrive. There is no choice. That was the conclusion of the original Hooper review commissioned by the Opposition, and his recent update for the coalition Government.
I will finish this section, then I will take the intervention from the right hon. Gentleman, who I know was a Minister and had close involvement with this matter.
Some Members of the House will say that Royal Mail can modernise and survive while remaining in the public sector. They will say that Government can provide the funding that Royal Mail needs, and that the modernisation agreement in place between the union and the company is sufficient to stave off the decline in the market. That is not a view that I share. I did not share it in opposition and I do not share it now, nor is it shared by Richard Hooper or the company.
Let me be clear. The Government are the wrong shareholder for the company. Given the Government’s financial constraints, we cannot invest enough quickly enough, we cannot invest flexibly enough, and every investment that we make has to be cleared by the European Commission under state aid rules. Richard Hooper is also clear that Royal Mail cannot modernise properly, and cannot take the decisions that it needs to take, while it has the threat of political interference hanging over it.
Private sector capital will bring with it private sector disciplines, which will allow the company to modernise faster to keep pace with the changes in the market. As the last Minister with responsibility for postal services wisely said:
“Unless modernisation happens, the company will be ill equipped to deal with its challenges.”—[Official Report, 11 February 2009; Vol. 487, c. 1452.]
The Bill will therefore lift the restrictions that currently exist on the sale of shares in Royal Mail.
For a range of reasons, there is a widespread acceptance that Royal Mail has to modernise. That should not be a source of controversy. But given that, according to a recent YouGov poll, 60% of the public wished the service to remain a public service, including a clear majority of the Minister’s own party’s supporters—voters—and Conservative supporters, with only 15% opting for privatisation, why have the Government rejected the option of modernising a public service? We have modernised public services before. Modernisation and public service can go together.
That has been happening for 13 years and it has not solved the problem. The problem is deteriorating and the Government cannot provide the investment capital. The right hon. Gentleman is right about public opinion. The public are concerned about the universal service obligation. That is the essence of public service, and it will be protected. The protections will be strengthened under the Bill in a way that I will explain in a moment. When the public understand that it is the universal service obligation, rather than public ownership itself, that is being maintained, they will have considerable reassurance.
I shall support Second Reading because Royal Mail is broke. It has to be fixed, which will take a considerable amount of money, and the Bill is the only way forward. The Secretary of State may consider this a peripheral issue but, since Queen Victoria, Royal Mail has borne the royal imprimatur. My understanding is that under European regulations, it is not possible to restrict ownership of Royal Mail once it goes on to the open market, so it could well be sold to the Dutch or the Germans. Notwithstanding the provisions of clause 60, how will the royal charter be maintained?
We certainly do not have any doctrinal or other objections to foreign ownership. I spend a lot of my time trying to attract foreign investors to the country, but, as far as the royal charter is concerned, it is clear that the association with the monarchy is probably the most powerful brand that the company can possibly have, and there will be every interest in the new owners continuing to maintain it.
We need to be careful of specific issues. We need to be careful that the new owners do not abuse the royal association, and we are discussing with the palace how we build in those protections. The monarch will continue to have the right, which we are also building in, to ensure that any new stamp, for example, is cleared by the palace. So, the royal interests in the matter are fully protected. We are very sensitive to them and to their importance.
Let me return to the core of the argument, which is the sale of shares in Royal Mail. That is a departure from the previous Government’s Bill, but I should remind the House that the purpose of the Bill before us is not the sale of shares in Royal Mail for its own sake, but rather, as I pointed out to the right hon. Member for Croydon North (Malcolm Wicks) a few moments ago, the protection of the universal postal service and Royal Mail as the only company capable of providing it.
It is therefore right that we allow for the flexibility to seek the investment required to secure the future of Royal Mail and the universal postal service. So, we see no reason at this stage to set an arbitrary target for how much we must sell, by when and by which method. Those are critical decisions that need to be taken with proper advice and in the full knowledge of market conditions, assessing both value for money and the company’s needs.
Of course, Parliament will be kept informed of those decisions, and the Bill requires a report to Parliament once a decision has been taken to begin a sale process. I hope to be in a position to report to Parliament on the sale process in the first half of this Parliament. In the longer term, I do not believe that there is a need for the Government to keep a stake in Royal Mail, but I will ensure that the Government have the flexibility to ensure the right outcome for taxpayers, for Royal Mail and for its employees.
Let me turn to the interests and concerns of the employees. The employees are critical to Royal Mail’s ability to modernise and thrive, and it will come as no surprise to Members when I say that Royal Mail has a history of poor industrial relations. Members may have noticed that Unite announced two days ago that it would ballot Royal Mail managers on industrial action. That recent development aside, I have been heartened by some of the positive steps that have been taken to improve industrial relations—in particular, the agreement with the Communication Workers Union on the modernisation of the business. The agreement accepted that, unfortunately, job losses would be associated with the modernisation. It accepted, too, that there would need to be changes to working practices, and that mail centres would close. The plan has already been agreed with the CWU, and the company is implementing it now.
One depot that has been suggested for closure is the very large one at Nine Elms in Vauxhall. There has certainly been no agreement in London that it should close, and everybody will fight its closure very hard, because it would be just crazy for everything—lorries and vans—to go in and out of London, adding to pollution.
I am not familiar with the details of the argument in that case. I was referring to the fact that there has been a constructive relationship between the union and management on modernisation, but such issues do exist, and they are essentially commercial ones that must be dealt with by management and their employees in the normal way. None the less, I would be interested to know whether there is a specific role in the matter for the Government, and I shall respond to the hon. Lady on that.
So, I acknowledge that there will be job losses. The company is losing money and the market is declining, and that is regrettable, but it is unavoidable. The question that we need to pose is, what happens if we do not take action? What happens if Royal Mail fails and the market collapses? That is the current trend. I know that the CWU has been in Parliament today, talking to many hon. Members about their views, and I and my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary, who has responsibility for postal affairs, met the CWU to discuss Royal Mail. We look forward to continuing to talk to its representatives as the Bill goes through Parliament.
However, I have one thing to say to the union directly today: the worst thing for its members, Royal Mail’s employees, would be to do nothing, because that is the real threat to jobs in Royal Mail. The employees of Royal Mail also deserve better than constant battles between the union and the management. They deserve to be properly engaged in the business that they work for, and to have a real stake in its future. That is the only way in which we will break for ever the cycle of antagonism and mistrust that has bedevilled the company. The Bill therefore requires the creation of an employee share scheme, which will hold at least 10% of the equity in Royal Mail in future. That is very far from being a token gesture; it is nothing less than the largest employee share scheme of any major privatisation.
The employees of Royal Mail will also be concerned about their pensions, and they have good reason to be, because Royal Mail’s pension deficit is huge, growing and volatile. Put simply, it is not sustainable. Even the recent agreement between the pension fund trustees and the company is fragile. It requires that Royal Mail pay off its deficit over 38 years, which is at least twice as long as any other UK company’s repayment plan, and the pensions regulator has already said that it has substantial concerns about the agreement.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?
I am going to go on to explain the new mechanism. Would the hon. Gentleman like to wait until I reach the end, or does he wish to intervene on that particular point?
On pensions, what will happen to the assets, and what is their value? I am told that the pension plan has assets of about £26 billion. Is that true?
Yes, it is true, but the liabilities are much bigger. I shall explain in a moment how we will deal with the assets.
The pension deficit, which is the starting point, threatens the very existence of the company. It is draining cash from Royal Mail’s modernisation and preventing it from undertaking the reforms it needs to survive. That is why the Government have to take action today. As part of the sale, the Bill will allow the Government to take on responsibility for the pension deficit. We will not only address the deficit, but reduce the size of the Royal Mail pension plan to a more manageable level for the business. The liabilities of Royal Mail are more than 50 times annual profits. By comparison, the liabilities of the average FTSE 100 company are closer to one times profits—an enormous difference.
We intend to reduce the plan to about one tenth of its size today. We will do so by creating a new public sector pension scheme that will assume responsibility for paying out the past pension benefits of Royal Mail employees. In effect, all members of the Royal Mail pension plan will have their past service moved to a new Government scheme like that of the NHS or teachers. It is the same solution to Royal Mail’s pension problems as the previous Government proposed in their 2009 Bill.
I know that hon. Members will be concerned about the detail of the proposed pension arrangements, and we will provide a note to Parliament in order to explain the practical effects of those very complex changes, but I should like to reassure the House on two points in relation to pensions.
First, let me be clear that this solution is by far the best outcome for the employees of Royal Mail. The action that we are taking in the Bill will ensure that all the benefits that employees have earned will be safeguarded. The benefits that become the responsibility of the Government will be protected in the Bill, and all members of the Royal Mail pension plan will benefit from that support—Post Office and Royal Mail employees alike.
As a bottom line, the Bill places an obligation on the Government to ensure that our action leaves members in no worse a position than they were in before. This means that the amount of benefits that they receive will be at least as good as if the Government had not acted. There will also be a restriction on the Government’s ability to make any changes to the new public scheme in future that would adversely affect members. The Government intend to use that restriction to reflect as closely as possible the current protection that members of the pension plan are afforded under section 67 of the Pensions Act 1995.
Secondly, the measure is not a Government plan to massage the Government’s accounts, for the very simple reason that the Royal Mail pension plan has a deficit of £8 billion. That is the cost to the Government of implementing the solution on behalf of the company and its employees. Let me be clear: the Government are taking on liabilities that are much bigger than the assets. I have seen reports—perhaps this is what the hon. Member for Coventry South (Mr Cunningham) was referring to—that the Government will be selling off the Royal Mail pension plan’s £24 billion of assets. It is certainly true that the surplus assets above the level needed to leave the ongoing pension plan fully funded will be transferred to the Government. It is also true that these transferred assets will be sold because it makes no sense for Government to sit on a massive investment portfolio.
I, for one, do not wish to see central Government taking such a huge investment risk with taxpayers’ money. So yes, we will sell the portfolio of assets which transfer across to Government, and this is likely to involve over £20 billion of asset sales over time. But the important point—it is absolutely crucial to this argument—is that we will be making payments to members of the Royal Mail pension plan for at least the next 50 years.
Can the Secretary of State explain why the liabilities are so huge? Is part of the reason the fact that Royal Mail took a 13-year contributions holiday in the 1980s and 1990s?
I understand that my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary is very familiar with this and has spent a lot of time talking to the pension trustees. There is a whole set of reasons behind this deficit, one of which is that employees are living longer; another is that the pension fund made some rather bad investment decisions. There are contributory factors. But we are where we are: there is a massive deficit and we have to deal with it; that is the centre of the problem.
Let me add that the Government’s support for the Royal Mail pension plan is subject to state aid approval by the European Commission. The House can rest assured that we will be going to Brussels to make this case in the strongest possible terms.
Let there be no doubt: this is a good deal for the employees of Royal Mail. In almost all important respects, it is exactly the same deal as that in my predecessor’s Bill—but coupled with the legal requirement for employee shares, it is a much better deal for employees.
It is a solution on which I hope that Members in all parts of the House can agree, including the right hon. Gentleman.
On the pension issue, which is so crucial, Labour Members will want to scrutinise the plan and the idea of selling off the assets in return for guarantees. It seems to me, however, that that plan, whether it is the right one or not, could still be carried out if the service remained a public service. I do not see why it is intrinsically and inextricably linked with privatisation. Something like this needs to be done anyway, whether or not this is the right model.
Of course it does need to be done anyway, but as I explained a few moments ago, the key point about bringing in private capital is that it brings in investment as well as new and better methods of management. There are separate issues involved. However, the right hon. Gentleman is quite right: the pension fund deficit needs to be dealt with. If it were not dealt with—if the thing just continued—there would be a real danger that it would contribute to the collapse of the company: that is why we have had to intervene.
I apologise to the House for going on for such a long time, but a large part of that has been taken up with interventions, as I was anxious to ensure that Members who had concerns were able to raise them.
The last section of my speech relates to reform of the regulatory regime. At the heart of this Bill, just like the last Bill, is protection of the universal postal service. The Bill will maintain the universal postal service at its current levels—that means six-days-a-week delivery and collection at uniform, affordable prices. I would like to reassure the House that I have no intention of downgrading this service. I know that some Members have been concerned about their constituents receiving a reduced service, and I share that concern. I have therefore ensured that the Bill contains new and stronger protections around the service than is currently the case—stronger protections, too, than were in the Bill put forward by our predecessors.
Members may not be aware of this, but the Government already have the power to reduce the minimum requirements of the universal postal service without even requiring a debate in Parliament. Through the European Communities Act 1972, it can reduce them to the minimum requirements of the European postal directive—that means five- days-a-week delivery and no requirement for uniform pricing. I do not think that that is an acceptable situation. Another way of putting it is that we have European regulation to protect the universal service obligation. This is one occasion where we are arguing in favour of gold-plating; indeed, as my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary has pointed out, we are platinum-plating this particular set of protections.
I very much welcome the reforms that the Secretary of State has announced today and the commitment to a universal postal system. However, will he allow other companies also to provide a universal postal system if they so wish?
We cannot do it in that way. Of course, other companies have access to the market, subject to strict conditions, but we envisage that Royal Mail will continue to be the universal service provider: that is the basis on which we are proceeding.
The Bill puts in place three new safeguards: the platinum-plating, so to speak. First, the Bill ensures that no proposal to reduce the minimum requirements of the universal postal service can be proposed until the new regulator, Ofcom, has conducted a review of user needs. Secondly, any proposal to reduce the requirements of the universal postal service must be subject to a majority vote in both Houses of Parliament. Thirdly, any reduction in the minimum requirements cannot change the uniform nature of the service. The Bill states that the service and the price must be the same across the whole of the UK. I hope that Members in all parts of the House will support these new protections for the universal postal service.
Earlier, the Secretary of State said that one of the central issues in the modernisation and advancement of Royal Mail and the Post Office was—I am paraphrasing—the removal of political intervention, but he is now talking about a contract that is surely still politically in the hands of politicians. How can he possibly stand there and guarantee that there will be no changes whatsoever to the universal service? I cannot, for the life of me, imagine any private company signing up for a contract that is immutable, which is surely what he is saying the changes will bring about.
I am not making these commitments as political commitments. They are enshrined in regulation—regulation that will be strengthened and has the force of law. Of course, that is political in the widest sense if one regards this Parliament as political. The protections are going to be legal and regulatory; this is not a matter of political discretion for individual politicians.
We will also be taking other measures to secure the universal postal service. The greatest threat to postal services comes from the decline in mail volumes and the rise of e-mail and the internet. It therefore makes sense for the postal sector to be regulated alongside the broader communications market. For that reason, the Bill will transfer responsibility for the regulation of the postal services sector from Postcomm to Ofcom. Ofcom has a deep understanding of the wider communications markets and will be well placed to take decisions as regulator of postal services. The Bill will also give Ofcom a primary duty to exercise its functions as regulator of postal services in a way that it considers will secure the universal postal service—and it will need to consider the financial viability and efficiency of the universal service in taking its decisions.
We want to ensure that the new regulatory framework is proportionate to the needs of the market. We want to allow for rapid deregulation where there is competition. All mail providers need to be able to operate in a fair and effective market as soon as possible. As an ultimate protection for the universal service, the Bill includes provisions for special arrangements should a universal service provider be at risk of entering into insolvency proceedings—a remote risk but one that we have to consider. The arrangements would allow the appointment of a postal administrator whose objective would be to ensure that the universal service is maintained. We do not expect ever to have to use these provisions, but they provide an additional safeguard for the universal service. These measures mirror those that have been taken in the energy and water sectors.
I am much reassured by what the Secretary of State is saying. Further to my earlier intervention, I am merely seeking reassurance that the access agreements between the new Royal Mail and its competitors will be set in a regulatory framework that gives it a fair crack of the whip when negotiating the terms and the price. Under the present arrangement, Royal Mail is clearly, in effect, subsidising its competitors because it is delivering their mail.
I believe I have given my hon. Friend that reassurance. Royal Mail will not subsidise its competitors, protections will be built in and there will be a genuine regulatory level playing field in a way that has not been quite true in the past.
Previous attempts at legislation on Royal Mail have not had a great history of success. I anticipate that there may be some opposition to the Bill both inside this House and elsewhere, although I believe that after 20 years of false starts, there is now a willingness to do what needs to be done. There is no easy way out, and the problems that Royal Mail faces will not go away. There will be no winners if we fail to act. Royal Mail’s employees will face continued uncertainty over their pensions and their jobs, customers will face a declining service and taxpayers will continue to bear the risks. Ultimately, Richard Hooper was clear that without this action, Royal Mail would fail.
Royal Mail needs this Bill. The company says so, Richard Hooper says so, the previous Government said so and I say so. I therefore strongly commend this Bill to the House.
I inform the House that Mr Speaker has not selected the amendment.