Charter for Budget Responsibility

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Wednesday 26th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Will my right hon. Friend give way?

[Mr Osborne]

We will explore that point later, but let me take my hon. Friend’s intervention.

[Robert Halfon]

Is my right hon. Friend aware that a person on average wages pays roughly £1,200 a year in taxation just to pay the welfare bill, not including pensions? Does he agree that the welfare cap is fair on lower earners?

[Mr Osborne]

It is absolutely fair. That is what the cap is about—building a welfare system that is fair to those who need it and fair to those who pay for it.

National Minimum Wage

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Wednesday 15th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

The hon. Member for Leeds West (Rachel Reeves), who opened this debate, is right about one thing: it was a mistake for my party to have opposed the minimum wage. I am glad that we support it now. If we are honest about our mistakes, the Opposition need to be honest about what went on: that it was a mistake to abolish the 10p income tax rate; that median real wages stopped rising from 2003; and that the value of the minimum wage did not decrease from 2010 but from 2008. All of us have made mistakes in these areas, and the Opposition should have welcomed the fact that we have taken 2 million lower earners out of tax altogether.

[Alec Shelbrooke]

Does my hon. Friend agree that it was also a mistake to put in petrol price rises year after year—Labour would have added the equivalent of 64p a gallon by this time—which dig directly into hard-working people’s pockets?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend is right; our party has a relentless focus on helping the lower paid. We should support the minimum wage because we are the party of aspiration and working people, and increasing the minimum wage eliminates the poverty trap, cuts the benefits bill and encourages more people to get back into work. If we do just one thing, it should be to increase the minimum wage at least to reflect the increase in inflation over the past few years.

I also urge the Government to institute a regional minimum wage—in addition to the national minimum wage, not as a substitute for it—because of the different costs of living in different parts of the country. I am talking about the differing costs not just from north to south, but within regions. That has been done in other countries, such as Canada and the United States, where individual states can set minimum wage rates above the federal minimum. We need to consider such an approach seriously.

[Jackie Doyle-Price (Thurrock) (Con)]

My hon. Friend and I represent constituencies in Essex, where the cost of living is higher than it is in other parts of the country. Does he agree that we often see people trapped in a life on benefits because it does not pay to work as a result of the loss in housing benefit owing to higher property prices?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend makes an important point, and the Conservative party is the workers’ party. We are here to get people out of dependency and back into work, and the Labour party is the party of benefits.

Although it is important to support a fair wage, we must not hurt small businesses—the Secretary of State was exactly right on that. We should move towards a living wage, but there are ways of doing it. The important thing is to put the burden on government to achieve the living wage, not on businesses. I support the minimum wage and the living wage, but we have to make sure that they are not raised to unsustainable levels. Labour’s solution of offering companies tax breaks if they pay employees the living wage for a year is said with the best of intentions, but it has flaws because it does not fully offset the cost. Many companies would still be unable to meet the additional cost of paying their workers an extra £2 an hour. It would also only last a year, so many people would not benefit in the long term.

We should remember that 5 million low earners in Britain are earning less than £10,000 a year. To achieve the living wage, we need to look at two ends of the equation. First, we could reintroduce the 10p income tax band. That would halve the income tax bill for those on the minimum wage and significantly reduce the cash gap between the minimum wage and the living wage. It would also cost less than raising the personal allowance, and ensure that people continue to pay into the system while letting them keep more of their own money. Alternatively, we could continue raising the threshold of income tax. Those are the ways to get people up to a living wage, and I am happy with either solution.

National insurance is the one tax that is still taken directly out of lower earners’ pay packets. A worker who earns around £7,500, which is around half of what the Government say they need to live on, still pays national insurance. We should take a small step to help the lower paid by increasing the national insurance threshold, so that it is in line with income tax for employees. The 2020 Tax Commission found that nearly three-quarters of company bosses said that national insurance contributions curbed the rates they paid their staff.

A bigger step would be to remove altogether national insurance and income tax from the national minimum wage, which would mean that someone working 40 hours a week would be earning just £10 a week less than someone who is currently earning the living wage. If we did that, national insurance and income tax could be merged into just one tax.

Although some argue that we need to maintain national insurance because of the contributory principle, it effectively acts as a double income tax, and a contributory system could be transferred into any consolidated form. Such a system could have enormous benefits, such as a simplification of the tax system, greater transparency, fewer administration costs and it would leave workers with more money in their pockets. It would be costly, but there would be benefits, such as people spending more and being less reliant on the state for welfare and encouraging people back into work. It would benefit all low-paid workers, especially those who work just part time. It should be the long-stated aim of my party to try to introduce this over a number of years.

As Conservatives, we are on the side of hard-working people, which is why we capped taxes for 20 million-plus lower earners. It is right that the Government increased the personal allowance, but if the slogan “For hard-working people” is to mean something, we have not only to become the workers’ party but to shout from the roof tops our support for the minimum wage. A real-terms rise in the national minimum age, a regional top-up and raising the national insurance threshold would give us legitimacy as the party standing up for millions of workers.

--- Later in debate ---

[Alec Shelbrooke (Elmet and Rothwell) (Con)]

As I recently outlined, I am not in favour of a statutory living wage, but I am in favour of raising the minimum wage.

A rise in the minimum wage, as national wage growth returns, fundamentally leads to a smaller state, as has been outlined by Labour Members. Now that the Government have reduced business taxes—national insurance, corporation taxes and small business taxes—and brought in last year’s rebate, the time is right to look at how we can create a sustainable growth in the wages of the lowest-paid by giving the taxation that the Government were taking back to the people who are creating the wealth in companies. That means that the potentially inflationary pressures will not occur because the Government are not taking tax from a company just to give it back to a worker.

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend talks about the Government cutting business taxes. Does he agree that they have also raised taxes for the rich by increasing capital gains tax from 18% to 28% and increasing to 45p the 40p rate that existed in the 13 years under Labour?

[Alec Shelbrooke]

My hon. Friend puts it most eloquently, as always.

This is an uncomfortable truth for Labour Members. [Interruption.] They have been yelling and shouting this afternoon, and they are at it again now as soon as they do not want to hear an inconvenient truth. The hon. Member for Vale of Clwyd (Chris Ruane) put forward the false premise that Government Members are saying we should increase wages for the people at the top and cut them for those at the bottom—no Government Member has ever made such a comment; it was a disgraceful thing to say—but failed to mention that under his party’s Government, the noble Lord Mandelson said that he was perfectly comfortable with people getting “filthy rich”.

Oral Answers to Questions

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Tuesday 10th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

Wherever the noise was coming from, I should say that, of course, house building and construction is important in every sector, social and private. That is why, in the autumn statement last week, we announced both the increase in the housing revenue account—something for which my party, the Liberal Democrats, has campaigned for some time—and the extra funding for large sites to unlock another 250,000 new homes in the private sector.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

As well as supporting the building of social housing, will my right hon. Friend continue to support the right to buy, given that over 30,000 tenants have benefited from right to buy, including many in Harlow?

[Danny Alexander]

The right to buy is an important part of the coalition Government’s housing programme. It has been substantially improved by the commitment to one-for-one replacement for social housing when each house is sold. If that policy had been in place under the previous Government, we would not have seen a net loss of 421,000 social homes throughout their time in office.

Autumn Statement

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Thursday 5th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

The OBR forecast shows average earnings going up.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

I am glad that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor will not have to stuff his Christmas turkey this year, given that he so comprehensively stuffed the economic policy of the Opposition.

I thank my right hon. Friend for the excellent fuel duty freeze. Does it not show—along with the right to buy and the lower tax for lower earners—that we are the party of aspirational working people, and the true exponents of white van Conservatism?

[Mr Osborne]

I agree with my hon. Friend. For the people of Harlow, thanks to his assiduous campaigning, we have not only frozen fuel duty to make it 20p per litre less than it would have been had there been a Labour Member of Parliament for Harlow and a Labour Government, but helped people on low incomes by lifting them out of income tax, ensured that businesses can expand, and cut business rates for those on the high street. We have done all those things to help people who want to work hard and get on, who are exactly the people whom my hon. Friend represents.

Cost of Living

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Wednesday 27th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Chris Leslie]

The report published by the Money Advice Service, which the Government trumpeted as an organisation that was set up some while ago, is very startling. Certainly, the number of people in my hon. Friend’s constituency who are suffering from indebtedness is exceptionally high. In my constituency, over 40% of people are struggling to make ends meet when faced with these crippling burdens and debts.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Whenever the Government introduce fundamental measures to help with the cost of living, such as freezing council tax, freezing fuel duty and cutting it in 2011, and cutting taxes for lower earners, why do you vote against them?

[Chris Leslie]

I do not know whether you voted against those measures, Mr Deputy Speaker, but we appreciate any efforts to help alleviate the cost of living. Does the hon. Gentleman believe that when people fill up their tank at the petrol station, they think, “How grateful we are to the Conservatives for the cost of petrol today”? When it comes to the cost of living—[Interruption.]

--- Later in debate ---

[Robert Halfon]

On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. The hon. Gentleman has said that his Government tried to help motorists, but he inadvertently forgot to mention that they raised fuel duty 12 times.

[Mr Deputy Speaker]

I assure the hon. Gentleman that that is not a point of order. He has made that point on many occasions and I did not need reminding.

--- Later in debate ---

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Thank you for calling me, Madam Deputy Speaker. This is the first time I have spoken in front of you, and it is an honour to do so.

I am delighted that the Labour party has initiated this debate. I say to Labour Members “Bring it on!” I am glad that they have at last woken up to the cost of living crisis. While many of us were going on about it for a number of years, they were talking about predistributions or other “chattering classes” subjects that no one understood. While we were cutting and freezing fuel duty, cutting taxes and raising thresholds for lower earners, and increasing taxes for the rich by, for instance, increasing capital gains tax, they were voting against all those measures. They created a handout society, whereas we want to create a “hand back” society, and to give people back their own money through lower taxes. They created a society of dependency: a society of high tax, high debt and high borrowing.

[David Rutley]

My hon. Friend is making a very passionate speech. I know that he feels strongly about these matters, and has campaigned strongly on them in the past. Does he agree that, although our hon. Friend the Financial Secretary made an outstanding speech, what was omitted from it was a reference to the importance of the employment allowances that will allow a first-time employer to take on a new employee, thus helping even more people into the workplace?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. That is another example of why we are the party of small business. Labour showed during its years in office that it was, as Peter Mandelson said, the party of the filthy rich and of big business, sucking up to bankers in the City—Fred the Shred, Flowers and all those kinds of people.

The main elements of the cost of living are jobs, pay and energy. Let us look at the Labour Government’s record. They scrapped the 10p rate of tax under Gordon Brown in 2008. They talk about wages, but median wages stopped rising in 2003, in times of plenty, and hourly pay rose at only a quarter of the rate of economic growth. They increased fuel duty 12 times while in office, and the cost of bus travel increased by 59%. Council tax increased by 67%, and energy bills doubled. That is the record of the Labour party, which says that it wants to help with the cost of living. Sadly, it has nothing to show for it at all.

Energy and fuel prices are among the key indicators of the cost of living. As we have heard from the Minister, this Government have cut fuel duty and said that they will freeze it for the lifetime of this Parliament—an historic move. Of course, I would like the Government to do more and to cut fuel duty further, and I hope that when economic conditions allow, that will be the No. 1 tax cut. We need to continue to help hard-pressed motorists.

On energy, let us remember that there were about 17 energy companies under Labour; now, there are only six. Labour decreased competition, but we are doing things to increase it. I believe that the Government should do more on VAT, particularly through renegotiating our VAT rates with the European Union. They should also consider imposing windfall taxes—de facto fines—on some of the energy companies and passing the money back to the consumer. They should also cut Labour’s green taxes, which make up 17% of the average energy bill.

[Mr Ellwood]

My hon. Friend is making a powerful speech. I understand that Labour intends to make energy its focus in the forthcoming EU elections. I intervened on the hon. Member for Nottingham East (Chris Leslie), but he declined to answer my question. Does my hon. Friend agree that we should look not only at the six energy companies but at how we make energy in this country? We now need to import it, and we are over-reliant on expensive energy imports because the previous Government failed to replace the nuclear fleet in time. They did nothing during their 13 years, and that energy offering went down from 25% to 15%. That is why we now have to pay more for expensive oil and gas from abroad.

[Robert Halfon]

As always, my hon. Friend hits the nail on the head. It is funny how we hear in the media that energy prices fell under the right hon. Member for Doncaster North (Edward Miliband), because they actually doubled during Labour’s time in office.

There were 2.5 million people, including 1 million young people, unemployed when Labour left office. That did not happen over 18 months solely as a result of the recession; it was happening even in times of plenty. Under this Government, youth unemployment in my constituency has gone down by 7.6%, long-term unemployment by 4.3% and overall unemployment by 4.4% over the past 12 months. This Government are helping with the cost of living and helping people to get back into work. I met a chap who was helping me with my car at Halfords, and he told me that he was going to vote Conservative for the first time in his life. When I asked him why, he said it was because the Conservatives helped people who work. That is what this party is all about. We are the party of hard-working people. We are the party that helps people with the cost of living.

Pay and taxes are another indicator of the cost of living. There are 3,749 people in my constituency who have been taken out of tax altogether. They are on low earnings. A total of 36,861 lower earners have had a tax cut. I want the Government to do more, however. I want them to raise the threshold at which people pay national insurance, because that would make a huge difference. Let us take people on low earnings out of all tax altogether, not just out of income tax. Nevertheless, the Government have made huge progress, which has been opposed massively and has been voted against by the Labour party. We have to remind our constituents that Labour voted against people on lower earnings getting lower taxes. As I said, median wages stopped rising in 2003, so the previous Government’s record on wages is nothing to shout about. We need to improve the minimum wage; we should have a regional minimum wage top-up, on top of the national minimum wage. We need to reform national insurance as I have described, but at least this Government have started doing the things that are helping to address the cost of living most; we have taken action on energy, jobs and national insurance.

A thing that gets my goat is that the Labour party claims to have the monopoly on compassion. As my constituents found out, the reality is that Labour had a monopoly on failure—on the cost of living, on taxes and on the economy. Through our history, the Conservative party has always been on the side of hard-working people; we have always helped lower earners. Despite the very difficult economic conditions that the Labour party left us, this Government have done everything possible. The Conservatives do not have a monopoly on compassion, but we are the party of aspiration. We give people ladders of opportunity; we give them skills and apprenticeships, the number of which has increased by more than 80% in my constituency. We are giving people jobs, and we are creating a new nation of property owners through the right to buy and the Help to Buy scheme. We recognise that the best way to help the poor and lower earners is not through the dependency culture and welfare society so beloved of Labour Members, but by cutting taxes, cutting fuel duty, freezing council tax, restoring the link between pensions and earnings, and helping hard-working people.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Economic Secretary to the Treasury (Nicky Morgan)]

I thank the 19 hon. Members, on both sides of the House, who have taken part in this afternoon’s debate.

It is said that the first step to recovery is admitting you have a problem, and the Opposition had a chance to admit they had a problem this afternoon. This debate has revealed the lack of an economic plan from Labour and the cost of a potential Labour Government. It is clear from what he said that the shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury does not know the difference between a debt and a deficit. The hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne North (Catherine McKinnell) talked about household debt. She might like to know that household debt, as a proportion of income, was 100% in 1997, grew to 150% by 2007 and was 170% by the first quarter of 2008, but has now fallen by 30 percentage points to 141%, as of the first quarter of 2013.

Another falsehood spread this afternoon was that the Government had borrowed more in three years than the last Government borrowed in 13 years. Labour increased public sector net debt by £488 billion during their term in office, but the debt this Parliament has increased by £360 billion. The shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury talked about record breaking. If he wants to talk about record breaking, how about talking about the record-breaking deficit that his Government left us? What about the broken promise of no more boom and bust. Remember that one? We do not hear that any more. The only honest statement we have heard from a Labour MP was from the former Chief Secretary to the Treasury, the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Hodge Hill (Mr Byrne), who left a note saying, “There’s no money left”. He could not have been more right.

So what is missing from the motion today? There is no mention of the jobs created by this Government, of the 2.7 million people taken out of income tax, of the council tax freeze, of fuel duty cuts, of the deficit falling by a third, of inflation falling or of employment being at an all-time high.

[Robert Halfon]

Does my hon. Friend not think it strange that the Opposition, who say they care about the cost of living crisis, voted against cutting taxes for lower earners and raising the threshold? Far from paying for those tax cuts for lower earners through other cuts, as the hon. Member for Edinburgh East (Sheila Gilmore) said, have we not raised taxes on the rich by increasing the capital allowance from 18% to 28%?

[Nicky Morgan]

My hon. Friend is indeed right. I wanted to come to his speech, because he started by talking rightly about fuel duty and the wonderful campaign he has launched to ensure that households are not spending as much as planned under the last Labour Government. I heard his plea for a further cut. I take note, but I make no promises.

We then heard from my hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Mr Newmark), who gave a characteristically positive speech. I note that unemployment in his constituency, including youth unemployment, is down by 20%, which is definitely something to be recognised. My hon. Friend the Member for Spelthorne (Kwasi Kwarteng) rightly talked about the recovering economy and about how debt had become endemic under the last Government. He is, of course, absolutely right.

My hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth (Christopher Pincher) coined a new phrase that I hope will spread across the Twittersphere and beyond about geeks bearing gifts. I wonder whether he would agree with Charles Clarke, the former Home Secretary, who said of Labour’s energy policy: “My criticism of that particular proposal is I think it is a one-off effort that does not deal with the overall comprehensive issue we have to address. I think there is even a case that some of the recent price rises we have seen might have been a response to the suggestion of a freeze”. That is absolutely correct.

We heard a wonderful speech from my hon. Friend the Member for Hexham (Guy Opperman), who talked about apprenticeships, noting the move from 430 to 690 apprentices in his constituency over the last year. He is absolutely right that for 13 years the last Labour Government failed to tackle the lack of skills necessary for our economy.

Oral Answers to Questions

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Tuesday 5th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

I looked at the plans that this Government inherited, and then cut petrol duty in March 2011. We have frozen the duty ever since, and I intend to continue the freeze for the rest of the current Parliament, provided that we can find the savings to pay for it. That is the crucial point: if we do not sort out the economy, if we are not fixing the public finances, if we do not have an economic plan, we cannot have a living standards plan.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Notwithstanding the excellent news of the fuel freeze, petrol pump prices are still under threat from hard-liners at Grangemouth. Does my right hon. Friend agree that extremism in the pursuit of hard-pressed motorists is no virtue?

[Mr Osborne]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The greatest threat to fuel supplies recently has been the threat of industrial action from the Unite union, led by the chair of the Falkirk Labour party. We now hear the former Labour Chancellor and the former Labour Foreign Secretary saying that Labour should open its inquiry and publish what it finds, and a Labour Front Bencher saying that Labour does not “publish internal documents”.

Spending Review

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Wednesday 26th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

The welfare cap will be for the United Kingdom, as we have a UK welfare system. It certainly will not be used to target Northern Ireland in particular. We want to ensure that more people in Northern Ireland have the opportunity to work and to get off benefits and although the subject has not featured in these questions, some of the changes we have announced to the jobcentre regime will help in this regard. We will ensure that they are suitably applied in Northern Ireland.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

With the increased investment in nursery education, the pupil premium, apprenticeships, NHS social care and pensions, is this not a Government who help people from cradle to grave rather than saddling future generations with debt?

[Mr Osborne]

My hon. Friend makes an excellent point. We are doing everything we can to help people get a job, get on in life and aspire to better things, whether that means helping the poorest pupils in schools through the pupil premium, helping troubled families rather than abandoning them, or ensuring that our elderly get help from our social care system. Across someone’s life, we are stepping in to help rather than, as my hon. Friend points out, burdening the next generation with debt that this generation does not have the courage to tackle.

Oral Answers to Questions

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Tuesday 25th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Gauke]

We do not accept those figures. What I will say is that we have been prepared to tackle the biggest deficit in our peacetime history. We have taken measures to put the public finances back on a sustainable footing, with no help from the Labour party, which has opposed every measure that we have taken to do that.

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Is my hon. Friend aware that the Government have taken 3,000 low-income people out of tax altogether in my constituency, and have cut taxes for 40,000 low-income residents? Is this not a Government who are on the side of the poor?

[Mr Gauke]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. He could have added—and I am surprised that he did not do so—that we have taken action on fuel duty as well.

Oral Answers to Questions

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Tuesday 29th January 2013 Commons Chamber

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the best way to incentivise people back into work is to cut taxes for lower earners? Will he consider reintroducing the 10p income tax rate that was abolished by the previous Government?

[Greg Clark]

I note and receive my hon. Friend’s bid for consideration in the Budget, but he will know that we have taken people out of tax, which has been important in restoring incentives and the rewards people have for going back to work.

Taxation (Living Wage)

Robert Halfon Excerpts

Tuesday 22nd January 2013 Westminster Hall

[Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Robertson.

Tax cutting is as much about politics as about economics. Of course, the economics have to work too, but here is a statistic that should worry us: the Institute for Fiscal Studies and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation have shown that almost all the growth in household income since 2001 was wiped out by the financial crisis. At kitchen tables up and down Britain, it feels as though the last decade of growth simply did not happen.

It is hard for any Government to tackle that situation. Why? Partly because we—I am talking about the Conservative-led coalition—have allowed our political opponents to caricature tax cuts as measures that are only for our rich friends in the City, rather than a means of creating and sharing the wealth in society. Now, more than ever, we have to show that tax cutting is a moral creed that is about lifting workers on low incomes out of poverty and creating jobs for the unemployed. Hence my campaign to restore the starter rate of income tax at 10p, which was scrapped in 2008 by the last Government.

I believe that restoring the 10p rate would help the coalition to counter the war cry of its political opponents that it is only interested in cutting taxes for millionaires. It would prove to the public that “lower taxes for lower earners” is not just a soundbite but that it can be a reality, first by raising the threshold to £10,000 and then by bringing back the 10p rate for the lower-paid.

The Treasury has confirmed to me in a written answer that the move would cost around £7 billion a year, if it benefited everyone. Interestingly, the Chancellor told the House last year that the same amount of money was lost when Labour brought in the 50p rate of tax, and that has been confirmed by the IFS. I am arguing that when the top rate of tax falls to 45p the extra revenue that the Government say will be raised ought to be put towards restoring the 10p rate of income tax.

Not everyone agrees with my view. The campaign for a 10p tax rate has been opposed from the left, from the right and by our colleagues, the Liberal Democrats. Let me deal with each one in turn.

When Labour was in power, its main response to low wages was tax credits. The aim was a noble one—to help the poor—but the policy was flawed. For example, Dr Jamie Gough from Sheffield university recently told The Guardian:

“Tax credits enable employers to pay below a living wage, and thus subsidise their profits.”

Tax credits have also left the Department for Work and Pensions with a hugely complex system of overlapping handouts that taxes workers on low pay only to recycle the money back as benefits. Reporting on tax credits, the ombudsman has said:

“Many are unaware of them and DWP staff often fail to invite claims.”

The idea is fine in theory, but many people lose out in practice.

Other people take a gentler approach. The Living Wage Foundation has been asking employers to voluntarily pay £8.55 an hour in London. Again, that is a worthy aim, and perhaps larger corporates can afford it, but what about smaller firms and micro-businesses that cannot? I am a supporter of the minimum wage, but recently the Low Pay Commission warned against forcing it higher, because

“Firms may be reluctant to create jobs by recruiting inexperienced or young staff, because they are put off by the increased wage bill.”

[John Stevenson (Carlisle) (Con)]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for giving way and for securing this debate on an important subject. Does he agree that linking the personal allowance with the minimum wage would be an excellent way to take everyone who is on the minimum wage out of income tax?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend has an interesting idea, which I would like to explore further, but I believe that the focus of all the resources that the Treasury has, which of course are not much, should be on restoring the 10p rate, for the reasons that I will go on to describe. I have argued that we need a solution for everyone, not just for the lucky few. That is why I was pleased to see Kevin Maguire in The Daily Mirror today supporting the 10p campaign.

[Mr Andrew Smith (Oxford East) (Lab)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on securing this debate on an important subject. I want to take him back to the point that he was making about tax credits supposedly allowing employers to pay lower wages. Presumably the basis for that argument is that tax credits raise the take-home pay for the worker at no cost to the employer. However, why does he not employ the same argument to the tax reduction that he is advocating, which again will raise the take-home pay of workers? In a properly competitive labour market, would that not allow employers to pay less?

[Robert Halfon]

That is where the philosophical difference between the right hon. Gentleman and me lies; I believe that we need to move away from a handout society, in which people’s taxes are recycled to hand out to various groups, to a hand-back society, in which people are handed back their own money through the tax system.

Some people on the right, especially in the think-tank world, oppose the 10p tax rate on the grounds that it is not radical enough. They say that it might undermine the case for a flat tax in some future Parliament. The problem with that—again, as the IFS has set out—is that a flat tax would be deeply regressive and it would be hard to defend as fair. While that remains true, a flat tax is unlikely to happen.

For example, the IFS has shown that merging income tax and national insurance contributions to a flat rate would literally take from the poor and give to the rich, unless the state was shrunk to a size that is politically impossible. Where I agree with people on the right, and with thoughtful commentators such as Ryan Bourne from the Centre for Policy Studies, is that the Government must do much more to generate support for broader tax cuts. My point, however, is that surely the best way to achieve that is to show that tax cuts are moral—to use a Blairite phrase, “for the many and not the few”—and that they will help millions of hard-working people, not just millionaires.

[Mr Jim Cunningham (Coventry South) (Lab)]

I do not have any difficulty with the hon. Gentleman’s proposal that there should be a 10p tax rate; in fact, it was a Labour Government who actually introduced that rate. Regarding a living wage, which the hon. Gentleman alluded to, I understand that there are no proposals—certainly, they would not be put forward by Labour—to legislate for a living wage. It is a voluntary thing, and it is down to employers, in fact, to decide whether to pay it.

The hon. Gentleman also referred to the minimum wage. I can certainly remember in my constituency many years ago that under the previous Conservative Government there was—what was it called? I think that it was called a “family supplement”, or something, for people on low wages. On one occasion, which really led Labour to legislate for a minimum wage—

[Mr Cunningham]

I will do in a minute. The fact was that in my constituency we had people on £1 an hour. As I say, I have no difficulties with the hon. Gentleman’s proposal, but whatever Government are in power, at the end of the day, the big threat is from the Exchequer. It is the Exchequer that will probably try to torpedo his proposal.

[Robert Halfon]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. As I said before, I agree fundamentally with the minimum wage; it is a moral right that people are paid a certain wage, and I am glad that my party now supports that, but I have questions about the living wage. First, how do we set it? I believe that it puts enormous burdens on smaller businesses; the big multinationals will be able to deal with it. I do not want it to act as a disincentive to employment, and I believe that the burden of responsibility for the living wage should not be on businesses but on the Government: the Government should reduce taxation.

[Mr Cunningham]

rose—

[Robert Halfon]

I give way again to the hon. Gentleman.

[John Robertson (in the Chair)]

I hope that the intervention will be shorter this time.

[Mr Cunningham]

Frankly, if it is voluntary, then it is not forced on small employers. It is the big employers who can pay it.

[Robert Halfon]

Of course, if businesses want to pay their employees a living wage, that is all well and good; I would be delighted at that and would have no problem with it whatever.

My hope is that once the threshold reaches £10,000, we will consider bringing back the 10p rate for the lower-paid. Some Liberal Democrats disagree; they have suggested that the best way to help families is to raise the personal allowance even further, to something like £12,500 a year. I absolutely agree the coalition should fulfil its £10,000 commitment, but it would be unwise to raise the personal allowance even further. Everyone should feel that they have a stake in the state, and they should have some stake in the tax system even if they pay only a small amount, because they need to realise that public services are not free and that there is no magic money tree. My fear is that the Liberal Democrats want to pay for their policy, which will cost £14 billion if applied to everyone, by dragging even more workers into the 40p band. That is what has happened historically. The problem is that we will soon have families with not very high wages paying a marginal rate of 40p, and that will include police officers, shop owners, managers and senior nurses in the national health service.

[George Eustice (Camborne and Redruth) (Con)]

That point goes right to the heart of my hon. Friend’s argument. The aim of this policy should be to encourage people on low incomes to take higher-paid work, to work longer hours and to start the transition up the income scale. That is why he is right that we need to introduce a 10p tax rate in the interim; otherwise, people will go straight from their tax-free allowance to being taxed on any income above that. Does he agree that, in an era where there is downward pressure on many benefits, some of which affects the working poor, the 10p tax rate could be a good counterbalance, so that people keep their income in the first place?

[Robert Halfon]

My hon. Friend is exactly right. What he is saying is that we will create a hand-back society, where we give people back their own money, rather than just a handout society, which recycles benefits through the tax system.

Taxing the people I describe at the 40p rate is a brake on aspiration, and it has hit single-worker families the hardest. We started this Parliament with about 3 million workers paying the 40p rate, and the number will be closer to 5 million by 2015. We should not add further to that figure, as my hon. Friend says. Restoring the 10p band is more affordable than raising the personal allowance to £12,500. Most low-income workers would still have a stake in the tax system, and it would avoid dragging more families into the 40p band. That is why I support it over the Liberal Democrat proposals.

The fundamental point is, as the Government say, that we lost £7 billion when the high tax rate went up to 50p. If we get more revenue from having a 45p tax rate, the moral thing to do will be to put those extra billions towards funding the 10p tax rate.

Of all the things the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown) did, the one that genuinely amazed me was that he scrapped the 10p band, given what the Labour party stood for. I accept that he introduced it in the first place, but when I watched him scrap it, I genuinely could not understand why he was doing it. Overnight, the change crushed working people with a £232 tax rise. Why should the Government not set themselves the goal of reversing that unpopular decision? There is a strong case for doing so. As I said, tax credits are flawed; small firms cannot afford the living wage; a flat tax is not going to happen and is unfair; we do not want to drag any more families into the 40p band; and everyone should have some stake in the tax system.

I suggest to my hon. Friend the Minister that the policy would be popular, that it would be a symbol of the Government’s economic mission and that it would help to tackle the desperate stagnation in incomes that Britain has suffered in the past 10 years.

--- Later in debate ---

[Catherine McKinnell]

My right hon. Friend raises an important point, and I will come to the Government’s approach to procurement in the private sector as the ripple of understanding of the benefits that the living wage can bring spreads to employers throughout the supply chain.

[Robert Halfon]

The hon. Lady mentioned some companies that have supported the living wage. That is all well and good, but they are big corporate companies that can afford to pay it. The issue for me is that smaller companies will find it much harder to afford to implement it. Surely the best way to help the lower paid is what the coalition is doing—cutting tax for low earners and taking 2 million lower income people out of tax all together. Is that not a much more effective way of helping the lower paid?

[Catherine McKinnell]

As I have said, the impact of the Government’s changes and the raising of the personal tax allowance have provided some help for those on the lowest wages, but the real impact has been detrimental. The figures from the Institute for Fiscal Studies show clearly that a family with one working earner will be worse off, on average, by £534 by 2016 because of all the tax and benefit changes that have been pushed through. I take on board the hon. Gentleman’s point, but the Government’s policies are hitting lower paid workers, not helping them.

[Robert Halfon]

I thank the hon. Lady for being so generous. She is right if she takes the benefits changes by themselves, but if she then looks at the lower tax for lower earners, the council tax freeze and other measures the Government have introduced, lower income workers will not be worse off in the way she describes.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Gauke]

There is a case for simplicity in focusing on the increase in the personal allowance. My hon. Friend the Member for Cleethorpes quoted the Forsyth Commission, which looked into this matter, and there is a question why we should ask people who are on quite low wages to be contributing income tax. I appreciate the arguments that everyone should make a contribution, and I do not in any way dismiss them, but when we are asking people earning such relatively low amounts to pay income tax, there are the significant questions of work incentives and simplification. The Government must bear those in mind when considering whether to reintroduce the 10p rate. There is a debate to be had on both sides. There are pros and cons both to personal allowance increases and to a new lower rate. In our coalition agreement, we rightly set out our determination to get to £10,000. Fiscal drag had brought more people into income tax than was right, and we have rightly made it our priority to address that.

[Robert Halfon]

Does the Minister accept that raising the tax threshold to £12,500—the minimum wage—would cost around £14 billion, whereas reintroducing the 10p tax would cost between £6 billion and £7 billion?

[Mr Gauke]

I should perhaps check the numbers, but I believe that my hon. Friend is in the right area. Those are, I think, the realistic costs. I am not here to make any further commitments beyond what we have said in the coalition agreement, but it is right that we have this debate. It is also right that we acknowledge that we are all trying to do the same thing, which is to reduce the tax burden on those hard-working, low-paid workers who have to pay more tax, partly as a consequence of a specific decision taken by the previous Chancellor in 2007 to double the 10p rate.