(1 day, 19 hours ago)
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I beg to move,
That this House has considered the potential merits of an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian
peace.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. One of the most violent cycles of Israeli-Palestinian conflict in history, the largest since 1973, has drawn to a halt and it is now critical that we redouble our efforts to make this a lasting peace. The atrocities and massive loss of life we have seen on and since 7 October cannot happen again. We must do all we can to prevent that, and innocent civilians must be allowed to live their lives without fear.
The recent news has been packed with talk of various reconstruction plans and Government summits, but the current debate is neglected and a vital pathway to peace—that is, the involvement of Israeli and Palestinian civil society. The international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace is at its core an initiative designed to give agency to those often overlooked grassroots communities of Israel and Palestine. It plans to mobilise international investment in regional peacebuilding projects and, in doing so, will tackle unaddressed drivers of this terrible conflict. That is why the Government’s commitment to the fund has been such a groundbreaking move and why our continued support will be critical.
Political discussion about the conflict is often fixated on the short-term weather of the situation, day-to-day events and great tragedy in detail, but sometimes we neglect the climate, the long-term trends and initiatives that will bring us meaningfully closer to peace. Therefore, I want today’s debate, and my intention is, to shift our political priorities to longer term, to looking at how we can create the space in the hearts and minds of all affected communities to make peace a possibility.
Of course, how we accomplish that invites a great deal of discussion, particularly in the light of our Government’s necessary and timely commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP. In this era of more limited resources being available, we need to be especially sure that the budget we do have is going towards projects that are value for money in achieving security abroad, because security abroad means safety at home, and the British taxpayer must see those returns many times over. I invite other Members today to make the case for why the international fund could satisfy that requirement.
One great advantage of the fund is the opportunity that it presents for British leadership abroad. The Prime Minister has recently shown what Britain can look like as a leading force for good on the international stage. Seizing the initiative on civil society reconciliation in Israel and Palestine by championing the fund would be yet another demonstration of that power in a notably resource-efficient way. I hope that we have the courage to act and to keep the momentum of recent successes in the region going. As the examples of Syria and Lebanon show, political changes can occur suddenly and unexpectedly. Currently, however, these people and nations are suffering unimaginable pain and trauma. Innocent Palestinians have suffered the catastrophic loss of their loved ones, homes and livelihoods; and at the same time in Israel the images of the hostages are burned into the national consciousness, and the scars of 7 October will be felt for generations to come.
Therefore, with your permission, Mr Twigg, I ask that Members allow accounts from victims to always be heard. I personally have spoken with the families of hostages, and having witnessed such pain at first hand, I make clear my view that anyone who considers themselves to be on the side of peace should respect the testimony of innocents on both sides. This is not a zero-sum game. Reconciliation will take time, but history has told us that it is the only route to a lasting peace.
History has much to teach us in the pursuit of peace. In the 1980s and 1990s, Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine were both global symbols of intercommunal violence, but today they look very different from each other. The enduring relief that the Good Friday agreement brought to the people of Northern Ireland has sadly not been shared in Israel and Palestine. There are many explanations for those differing outcomes that I am sure other Members will draw attention to, but I will note that although negotiations on the make-up of the middle east often began and stayed at the level of Presidents, Prime Ministers and leaders, the International Fund for Ireland ensured that as many people as possible were given a seat at the table and a stake in the future.
My hon. Friend is talking very eloquently about history and the need for grassroots history to be reflected. Does he agree that there has been a strong history of co-operation and co-operatives in the middle east? Is he aware of the fact that the British Co-operative Group has been working hard, with the Co-operative party, on tangible measures to support peace and economic development, including the Wahat al-Salam/Neve Shalom peace village? Do we need to see more of these initiatives in the future, and can the fund be a way of achieving that?
I agree that co-operatives and co-operation are incredibly important with regard to this fund and that we lose sight at our peril of the value of any civil society actors, including co-operatives. We recall that the fund in Northern Ireland gave everybody a seat at the table, a say in their future. The International Fund for Ireland may well have been the great unsung hero of the peace process. We therefore have in recent memory living proof that a plan for civil society reconciliation, backed by an international fund, can succeed where high-level talks may fail.
In my opinion, no one is more fit for this task than the Labour Government. Our party has a long and storied history in peacemaking, Northern Ireland being just one example of that. Equally, I am eager that we build a consensus on the fund across the House.
Will the hon. Member give way?
Very briefly, and this will be the final intervention on me, I am afraid.
I congratulate the hon. Member on securing the debate. I just have a word of caution for him on the comparison between the middle east and Northern Ireland. Yes, the International Fund for Ireland made a difference, but the scale of the schism in the middle east caused by 7 October and the scale of the rebuild that will be required in Gaza are such that a fund many times greater than the IFI will be needed to make any meaningful difference in the middle east.
I very much agree that we need to address the scale of the issue—certainly. That is why it is very important that we build consensus on this issue across the House, and I welcome contributions from Members of all parties who are genuinely interested in finding a resolution.
Democracy is one of the strongest tools that we have in the quest for peace, not just in ensuring that our Government do their part, but in giving disenfranchised people a say in their future. We saw that clearly in Ireland, where the promise that people could express their political desires and views with a ballot in their hand instead of a rifle was key to tackling violent extremism.
I have personally engaged with Israel’s democratic tradition in my recent meetings with Yair Golan, the leader of the opposition Democrats party. He is an inspiring man who has put his life on the line, and he has been a clear and consistent voice for peace and security. I also welcome Israel’s continued engagement with the UK, but democracy will not be built and maintained unless there is a strong coalition of ordinary people and communities to safeguard it. Peacebuilding is about not just summits and large state initiatives, but the day-to-day work of people on the ground doing their utmost to set the conditions for the ending of hostilities.
We know that the Government are ultimately interested in peace in the middle east and are taking a long-term view to achieve that end. We have seen momentum build among G7 countries behind an international fund. I want to be clear that that is the crux of today’s debate. This is not about politicking, theatre or gestures. I secured the debate because I am genuinely interested in finding long-term solutions and achieving the best outcomes in the light of the realities that we face. The UK has the opportunity to take action and provide leadership. I welcome the Prime Minister’s commitment to the fund to date and I am confident that we can build on that in the immediate future. As I draw my speech to a close, I invite Members on both sides of the House to use this opportunity to make suggestions to the Minister about how the Government and the Foreign Office might move this crucial initiative forward.
Order. A lot of Members wish to speak and I will begin to call the Front Benchers no later than eight minutes past 5, so at the moment we are looking at roughly two minutes for each speech, but it may even be less than that. I will not waste any more time—I call Jim Shannon.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg, and I commend the hon. Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) for setting the scene so well.
It is important that we focus on the most innocent victims of this enduring conflict—the children. Their futures are being compromised by the ongoing violence around them, and I pray every day that they see a future for themselves and for one another. For Israeli children, especially those living in border towns such as Sderot, which has been known as the bomb shelter capital of the world for more than 25 years, and in other communities within range of regular Hamas missile fire, life is lived under constant threat of attack. These children go to school knowing that at any moment a missile could be launched at them. Many of them suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, and their education and daily life are continually disrupted by air raid sirens, evacuations and nights spent in bomb shelters.
At the same time, the children of Gaza are also being denied their hopes and dreams. Their education has been disrupted because their schools have been systematically used by Hamas and other terrorist organisations as military installations. Too many of these children grow up being indoctrinated into extremist ideologies, rather than hearing the promise of peace. If we are to foster a generation that chooses peace over war, we must ensure that children on both sides have access to education that is free from the toxic legacies of violence and hatred. This is where an international fund could play a role. It could invest in educational programmes to promote and instil co-existence, tolerance and economic unity.
Any such fund must be administered with transparency and accountability. Given what we already know about the politicised nature of the many NGOs operating in the region, it is very important that funds are not diverted towards movements that do not work towards peace. The foundation of that work must be a democratic Gaza, free from the influence of Hamas terrorism, and a complete rejection of Hamas’ vision of the destruction of the state of Israel.
Parents in Gaza and Israel are exhausted from burying children and loved ones. Children, by their very nature, are the future. If we believe in a future where Israeli and Gazan children can grow up without fear of one another, we need decisive action. An international fund, properly administered and targeted, has the potential to create the conditions for a sustainable peace, with a secure and safe future for all children in the region.
Order. I will extend the time limit to two and a half minutes. I will leave it as voluntary, but if hon. Members do not keep to it I will impose it.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I refer hon. Members to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests and I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) on securing this important debate.
As a supporter of a two-state solution to achieve an independent state of Palestine and a secure Israel, I welcome the opportunity to further our commitment to forming an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace to build civil society and to encourage reconciliation.
I am proud that before being elected, I worked for 13 years as the director of an organisation called We Believe in Israel. However, it was not just a pro-Israel organisation; it was committed to a two-state solution and national self-determination for both peoples, Jews and Palestinians. That role means that I have travelled many times to both Israel and the west bank. I have seen many examples of magnificent work to promote peace and co-existence, and I have met many inspiring Israeli and Palestinian voices for peace. An example of those is the organisation Roots, which is a grassroots movement for
“understanding, non-violence and transformation among Israelis and Palestinians”.
It also means that the appalling terrorist attacks on 7 October 2023 and the subsequent dreadful war do not just relate to places that I have only seen on the news; they have affected communities and families that I have visited and met. One of the things I find most painful is that the communities that bore the brunt of the attacks on 7 October were communities that were deeply committed to co-existence and to helping their neighbours in Gaza. I could say many more things about the situation, both as it was on 6 October and as it has transpired after 7 October, but because of the limited time that we have and the need to enable more people to participate in the debate, I will cut short what I was going to say.
We need to launch a diplomatic process towards ending the conflict, but it cannot just be a top-level diplomatic process between leaders; it must involve a grassroots diplomatic and co-existence process that marginalises the enemies of peace with a new strategy. We need to find organisations like Roots that bring together Israelis and Palestinians and build genuine understanding between them, that educate communities away from the ideologies and ideas of violence and bring them towards the ideas of peace and co-existence. We need to provide all the support that we can to those organisations that are struggling to build a sustainable, peaceful middle east.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) on securing the debate. I pay tribute to the thousands of Israeli and Palestinian peacebuilders, some of whom are here with us today. I thank them for their tireless and inspirational work, and the Alliance for Middle East Peace for all it does to give them a voice. They give us hope at a time when it is in such short supply. The past 18 months have been the most painful for the people of Israel and Palestine—on 7 October the worst massacre of Jews in one day since the holocaust, death and destruction in Gaza on an intolerable scale, and the torment of hostages held in chains for more than 500 days.
The ceasefire must continue to hold, the hostages taken by Hamas must be unconditionally released, and desperately needed aid must be allowed to reach innocent Gazans. Out of the rubble of the conflict, we must vow to create the conditions for peace. Our goal has to be a two-state solution, with a safe and secure Israel alongside a viable and independent Palestine.
How do we get there? First, we have to learn the lessons from the past. For decades, diplomats and politicians have invested countless hours in trying to achieve peace from the top down. Each effort ultimately failed. Why? Because neither community felt that it had a real partner for peace. Without public support, even well-intentioned leaders cannot impose a lasting peace from the top down. We know from conflicts such as the one in Northern Ireland, most notably, that diplomacy can make a lasting difference, not just as a result of a top-down approach but from a bottom-up approach.
I think of Middle East Entrepreneurs of Tomorrow, a pioneering summer school programme that has supported more than 800 Israeli and Palestinian young adults in learning computer science, social entrepreneurship and leadership skills. MEET is just one of hundreds of such programmes that have emerged since the signing of the Oslo accords. We know that they work. Just look at the data: 80% of participants in a dialogue project were more willing to work for peace, 71% reported more trust and empathy for the other, and 77% had a greater belief that reconciliation is possible.
I commend the Prime Minister for his leadership. He has consistently supported that different path and his commitment in December to convene a summit in support of civil society peacebuilding is a vital first step. The United Kingdom has a unique opportunity: our experience of peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, our world-leading development expertise and the UK’s convening power mean that this is an area in which we can provide real leadership. When speaking about why the Obama Administration’s diplomatic efforts did not succeed in 2014, former US Secretary of State John Kerry said,
“the negotiations did not fail because the gaps were too wide, but because the level of trust was too low.”
Will the Minister provide an update on the preparations for the United Kingdom’s summit in support of peacebuilding?
With the UK’s support in building peace from the bottom up by tackling the fear and mistrust that has only grown since 7 October, we stand a chance of learning the lessons of the past and making sure that the next effort at top-down diplomacy succeeds. We owe it to the people of Israel and Palestine.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I refer hon. Members to my registered interests.
I strongly welcome the ceasefire in Gaza, the release of hostages—including the British hostage Emily Damari—and the increased flow of aid into the region, which must continue. The ceasefire undoubtedly marks a crucial moment of relief after 17 months of devastating conflict started by the massacre committed by Hamas on 7 October. Too many have lost their lives and countless others have been displaced, injured or traumatised. I know that the UK Government, in partnership with their allies, will do everything possible to ensure that the ceasefire holds but we must look to the long-term, and a route towards a two-state solution.
The path to peace runs primarily through political resolutions, political will, and reaching a mutual understanding of the rights and freedoms that should be afforded to both Israelis and Palestinians, but we know that civil society organisations can also play a crucial role. In fact, the political route to peace is made easier if attitudes on the ground shift.
We have recently heard about the Arab summit contributing $53 billion to support redevelopment and restructuring within the Gaza strip. Does the hon. Member agree that recognising the state of Palestine first, and then discussing funding packages, would prevent the nonsense that we constantly hear, from Trump and others, about the riviera?
I thank the hon. Member for his intervention. I believe that we cannot lose sight of the need for a two-state solution—for Palestine to exist alongside Israel. That is deeply important and it is the way forward in the region.
We know that civil society organisations shape attitudes on the ground, and that is crucial. Even now, they are integral to resolving the conflict, with programmes that create new ideas, leaders and political dynamics, fostering mutual understanding and advocacy. I met civil society organisations when I visited the region and it was they who gave me the deepest sense of hope that we could find a way forward, and a way towards peace.
I conclude by saying that I hope the UK will continue to build on the Prime Minister’s pledges of support for the international fund, which have shown our commitment. Will the Minister further seize the initiative next week by ensuring that the matter of the fund is raised at the meeting of G7 Foreign Ministers in Canada?
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) on securing this debate. He alluded to precedents and I want to talk about one, because the UK has been a trailblazer for peacebuilding in complex conflicts around the world, but most notably in Northern Ireland.
The attention of the world has naturally been drawn to the destruction and the suffering of the peoples of both Palestine and Israel since the devastating Hamas attacks and throughout the subsequent war. I believe that the UK has a unique contribution to make in the area of civil society and people-to-people peacebuilding in Israel and Palestine. In the mid-1980s, when a political peace process was non-existent, the international community decided to intervene at the grassroots level with the International Fund for Ireland. Expert effort was put into investing in civil society to create the social, economic and political foundations for peace. Twelve years later, the landscape in Northern Ireland was transformed, with genuine constituencies for peace. That allowed the negotiation of the Good Friday agreement. That model is one of the areas of peacebuilding in which we in the UK have unparalleled experience. Today, thanks to the tireless work of the Alliance for Middle East Peace, there is cross-party support for an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace.
Indeed, the precedent does not just show that the UK can take a leading role in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, but that a Labour Government are particularly well placed to do so. It was Jonathan Powell, who was the Downing Street chief of staff in the 1990s and is now the Prime Minister’s national security adviser, who led the Good Friday agreement talks. Because of its investment in civil society at a moment when peace seemed distant, he characterised the International Fund for Ireland as
“the great unsung hero of the peace process”.
Today, we have an opportunity to play a similar role in a similarly intractable conflict. That is why I am so pleased that the Government have indicated their intention to do so, most recently in December with the Prime Minister’s announcement that the Foreign Secretary will convene an inaugural meeting to discuss next steps with partners. I end by asking whether the Minister can provide us with an update on when the meeting in London will take place and on which partners will be involved. I also ask what plans the Government have to use next week’s G7 Foreign Ministers meeting in Canada to raise the establishment of an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace. It is unquestionable that this summit is an opportunity to make the real progress that I believe only a Labour Government can make in these circumstances.
I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) on securing this important debate. Several decades ago, the conflicts in Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine bore strong parallels to each another. They both faced large-scale terrorist insurgencies with urban warfare tactics that had never been seen before, deeply polarised populations and horrific damage wrought on innocent lives. Most importantly, they shared the fact that many sceptics painted the fighting as the product of ancient and intractable religious disputes, and thus hand-waved away any prospects of peace. But today they look very different. Opposed interests on the island of Ireland now have a legitimate political channel and dialogue through the provisions of the Good Friday agreement, while conflicts between those on the territory of Israel and Palestine arguably reached their highest intensity in over half a century prior to the recent ceasefires.
Of course, each historical experience is unique, and it would be an oversimplification to take the comparison too far, but I believe we must always bear the Northern Irish example in mind in our approach to an international fund and wider peacebuilding in Israel and Palestine, especially considering our country’s first-hand experience of the disastrous consequences of unresolved conflict.
In particular, I propose two major ways that we stand to gain from thinking about the troubles. First, we can learn the lessons of the Irish peacebuilding experience. Although negotiations over Israel and Palestine, such as those that led to the Oslo accords, have been largely top down and sometimes entirely secret projects of men in smoke-filled rooms, the Good Friday agreement was far more inclusive, paying attention to left-out voices, the unconvinced women and the international community. Much of the credit for getting civil society engaged in Ireland must go to the International Fund for Ireland, which our own Jonathan Powell has called
“the great unsung hero of the peace process”.
Fact-finding visits to Northern Ireland by Israeli and Palestinian non-governmental organisations found that the IFI’s strategic approach to funding—with an independent body, tight public-private donor co-ordination and field officers from the affected communities—made all the difference. Civil society was the glue that brought communities together and has continued to hold them together despite the increased uncertainty of recent years. Although I have to finish my speech due to the time limit, I want to acknowledge that, as the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) said, the new fund would have to be considerably greater.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg.
I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) for securing this debate. I support our Labour Government, who are taking a leading role in setting up an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace, as envisaged by the Alliance for Middle East Peace and advocated by Labour Friends of Israel for almost a decade. In recent months, there have been hours of debate in this place about how the UK can best contribute towards peace in the middle east following the horrific scenes of death, destruction and suffering on 7 October and the subsequent war in Gaza.
After the last serious peace process failed in 2014, it was said that
“the negotiations did not fail because the gaps were too wide, but because the level of trust was too low.”
Today, trust is in even shorter supply and neither leadership is in a position or has a mindset to make the painful compromises that peace and a two-state solution will inevitably entail. That is a challenge for all of us who want to kick-start the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and it is a challenge that only such a bottom-up initiative, rooted not in the halls of power but in civil society, can seriously resolve. It is our job to change the lack of trust to build those constituencies for peace. This is a tried and tested model, as we saw in Northern Ireland. Jonathan Powell said it was
“the great unsung hero of the peace process”.
I saw the potential when I visited Israel and Palestine on such an initiative in July 2023. I met organisations and NGOs run on a shoestring that dedicate their work to providing spaces for Israelis and Palestinians to meet and work together outside the confines of conflict. EcoPeace, for example, brings together Israelis, Palestinians and Jordanians to forge new and creative solutions to climate change in a region increasingly co-dependent on natural resources. I met young Palestinian activists in Ramallah who are working to train the next generation of political leaders for the long-awaited Palestinian Authority elections and a more democratically engaged and pluralistic Palestinian future. Supporting such civil society groups is how we can play our part in changing attitudes on the ground in Israel and Palestine. That is how we will build the trust necessary for genuine progress towards peace from the bottom up.
I am delighted that the Prime Minister announced in December that we will be convening a meeting with international partners to discuss how we can take forward the G7’s commitment to supporting civil society. I look forward to hearing from the Minister about these plans, including when the meeting will take place and which partners will be attending.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) for organising this debate. I declare an interest as the chair of the APPG on conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
Last month, I had the privilege to visit Israel and the west bank. We were unable to go to Gaza, but we visited area C of the west bank, where we saw a lot of Israeli settler violence and some of the demolitions in East Jerusalem. We also had the privilege of meeting some of the families of the hostages, as well as Aviva Siegel, who had the very difficult experience of leaving her husband behind when she was released.
In many ways, it is completely understandable that the trauma and suffering on both sides of the conflict have led to such a polarisation of views, which is reflected in the polls. We saw it in our conversations with members of the Knesset, where we heard extreme views on continuing the occupation for generations and justifying what Israel is doing on the west bank.
Other Members have spoken about the UK’s experience in Northern Ireland and how important that is to our positioning on the peacebuilding fund. We are lucky to have peacebuilding organisations working with us in the region, and I was very happy to speak to them this morning. The good work of ALLMEP is well known, and we should recognise that its work is being harmed by the United States Agency for International Development cuts of recent weeks. It is now important that the UK steps up to support these organisations.
I was pleased to see the Prime Minister’s commitment to this fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace. I would like to hear more details from the Minister on when the next meeting will be. Will we use this week’s G7 meeting, which Jonathan Powell is attending, to announce more details of this fund? Also, will the Minister be happy to meet the APPG on conflict prevention to talk about more of our work in the region?
It is a great honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg.
Decades of violence and displacement in Israel and Palestine have created psychological scars that will take generations to heal. For Israelis, the collective trauma of 7 October is still all too painful. Magen Inon is an Israeli peace activist whose parents were killed on 7 October, and he writes that
“it feels as if a flash flood of blood engulfs the landscape and my grief is one small branch caught in the current. Everyone I know from my childhood has a horror story to tell.”
Palestinians are reeling from the terrible destruction and loss of life in the Gaza strip, tying into a wider historical experience of displacement. This cannot be described as post-traumatic stress, because the trauma is ongoing. Gaza does not have “pre” and “post”.
The effects of trauma on peacebuilding cannot be overstated. Traumatised populations are likely to support violent and armed extremist groups. Trauma leads to a siege mentality and increased anger, and trauma means a continual drain on grassroots pressure for the ending of the conflict. It is vital that peacebuilding initiatives help to end these cycles of trauma and introduce a path towards healing and lasting peace.
The newly proposed international fund will help us to do that, and it is critical that we build momentum for it today. Civil organisations in Israel and Palestine are already working with people who are terribly traumatised, while living with their own personal traumas under the harsh daily realities they face. Each day, organisations such as Combatants for Peace, the Middle East Children’s Institute and the Holy Land Trust tackle the profound scars left by the cycles of war. The unified fund will deliver resource and support to make these small-scale initiatives society-wide, to eradicate psychological drivers of conflict, and to pave the way to healing.
I will close with Magen Inon’s words:
“Our shared future is based on the belief that all human beings are equal, and deserving of respect and safety. This is how I was raised and how I am raising my own children. In the long term, and even if it’s very far away, the only real future is that of hope and peace.”
The two Opposition spokespeople will have five minutes each. The Minister will have 10 minutes, and there will be a minute or two for the hon. Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) to wind up.
It is a pleasure to speak under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg.
I also thank the hon. Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) for bringing this issue to the Chamber. The Liberal Democrats have long called for a two-state solution to the conflict in the middle east based on the 1967 borders. In the immediate term, the current ceasefire in Gaza must be maintained, and both sides must advance talks on phase 2. That must include the release of all remaining hostages, including the bodies of hostages killed in Hamas captivity, and it must ensure that aid can flood into Gaza to relieve the suffering of Palestinians after 18 months of devastation.
The UK Government must also urgently engage with the Israeli Government to ensure they reopen aid routes and the supply of electricity, in line with Israel’s obligations under international law. Their decision to blockade and stop electricity entering Gaza is wrong, and it will only exacerbate the suffering of the Palestinians in the strip.
Beyond the immediate maintenance and progression of the ceasefire, a just, long-term peace must include the immediate recognition of the state of Palestine. My hon. Friend the Member for Oxford West and Abingdon (Layla Moran) has introduced a Bill in each of the last three Sessions calling for the immediate recognition of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders. My noble Friend Baroness Northover has done the same.
We must also work closely with those Israelis and Palestinians who are advocating for a just peace based on a two-state solution, which would bring security and dignity for all. There is no future for peace in the region unless moderate voices can influence and frame discussions on what a peace settlement looks like. That means addressing the sources of resentment and fear for Israelis and Palestinians, weakening Hamas’s influence in Gaza and the west bank, and responding robustly to illegal and often violent Israeli settler encroachments on Palestinian land. This should include the UK Government legislating to cease trade with illegal settlements in Palestinian territory.
We must also work with the international community to identify future democratic leaders of Palestine, with a view to having swift elections in Palestine as soon as possible in the hope of uniting Gaza and the west bank under one democratically elected vote. That will ensure that there is security, safety and a bright future for the Palestinians. We must invest in peace, including via the international fund for middle east peace, encouraging our friends in the Gulf states to contribute. We must use trade as a tool for peace, ensuring that Palestinians and Israelis both benefit, which is something the Liberal Democrats have supported for many years. We were pleased to hear the Prime Minister express his desire to kick-start an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace, working alongside the Alliance for Middle East Peace.
Over the past decade, there has been a stark absence of diplomatic efforts to address the core issues of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In that chasm, civil society organisations have played a vital role in promoting peace, justice and equality. Those organisations are advocates for diplomacy and non-violence within both societies. They educate and mobilise their communities, generate momentum for peace beyond formal political structures, reduce the political risk of new ideas, influence shifting public opinion and contribute directly to political and diplomatic solutions. However, it must be said, the Government’s recent decision to cut the aid budget makes such projects all the more difficult.
The middle east stands at a critical crossroads. Although the fragile ceasefire still holds, destabilising rhetoric and actions threaten efforts towards de-escalation, diplomacy and conflict resolution. No single actor has ever been enough to secure a lasting peace, but the volatile language and policies of the Trump Administration introduce new risks and opportunities for exploitation by extremists.
The UK must work with our allies in Europe, and with regional partners in the middle east, to support the maintenance of the ceasefire, to secure the release of the remaining hostages and to give Gaza the aid its suffering people need. Those are essential preconditions on the path towards a just peace based on a two-state solution along the 1967 borders that ensures security and dignity for both Israelis and Palestinians.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) on securing this debate. I start by acknowledging the incredibly fragile ceasefire, which I think everyone in this House wants to see endure. In aid of that, we need to see the return of each and every hostage taken by Hamas during the barbaric acts of 7 October 2023.
We are all appalled by Hamas’s cynical move to continue holding hostages as human bargaining chips. Those individuals, their families and loved ones have all experienced unimaginable pain over the last 500 days and more. The world has been watching as the hostages released so far have returned to their homes and loved ones. Of course, many have not returned alive. We continue to call on Hamas to immediately release the remaining hostages, who have already suffered so deeply. That is key to a sustainable end to the conflict.
I would be grateful if the Minister could update us on his latest discussions with Israel, the US, the UAE and other regional players to help the parties reach agreement on phase 2 of the ceasefire. I also ask what he is doing to ensure that the UK is a proactive contributor to these discussions and is doing its bit to keep the fragile peace together and to support the deal.
The Prime Minister has pledged his support for establishing an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace, and for the plans to hold an inaugural meeting in London. We all aspire to peace in the region, and the fund was first endorsed by the Conservative Government in 2018. When will the inaugural meeting take place, and who will be a party to those discussions?
On peace more broadly, we understand that the Government share our view that Hamas can have no role in the future governance of Gaza, but we have had very little detail on how they plan to help achieve a post-Hamas Gaza. Hamas have been shown to have a callous disregard for human life through their appalling actions on 7 October, their persistent use of Palestinians as human shields, and their murder and mistreatment of hostages. Hamas have extensively repressed civil society in Gaza, stamped out political opposition and arbitrarily arrested journalists. What discussions has the Minister had with Israeli and regional partners on the future governance of Gaza?
I will make progress because I am very short on time. Promoting peace in the region is an aim that we all aspire to in this House. The Abraham accords signed in 2020 were a welcome step that normalised relations between Israel and the other regional actors. We celebrate the success of the accords and encourage more countries to normalise relations with Israel as a potential route to a broader peace. Building on the accords presents an opportunity for greater shared prosperity, which we want and hope will mean real, tangible benefits for the Palestinian people too.
During our time in government, we took steps to try to preserve stability in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Between 2021 and 2023, the UK’s conflict, stability and security fund helped over 18,000 Palestinians at risk of eviction to protect their property rights. We strengthened economic opportunity by funding key water infrastructure and we launched the UK-Palestinian tech hub. Between 2015 and 2020, UK official development assistance supported 70,000 children to gain a decent education, and it also supported the middle east peace process, a £30 million programme that ran between 2015 and 2019. The UK is a party outside the region, but it is an important player with key historical links that act as a connector. What is the Minister doing to ensure that we continue our role as a trusted partner, supporting normalised relations and a greater peace in the region?
The most pressing task is ensuring that the fragile peace holds, and we must shift our eyes to the reconstruction of Gaza once we meet the subsequent stages of the ceasefire agreement. What role does the Minister envisage the UK playing in the reconstruction of Gaza? How will we work together with regional allies? What is his response to the paper produced by the Cairo summit? We must also understand what the ODA changes mean in practice for programmes in the region. Will the Minister see funding for the OPTs drop following the announcement? For a lasting peace, Palestinians need the same liberties that their neighbours enjoy in Israel. That involves reforming the Palestinian Authority. We want reforms to continue, including on transparency, fighting corruption and improving public sector efficiency, which we supported last year in government.
As I conclude, and I am very conscious of time, it is important to recognise that, if the Palestinian Authority is to have an expanded role, it needs to implement very significant reforms on welfare and education, and it must demonstrate a commitment to democratic processes. We have an incredibly fragile ceasefire agreement that we must all work to protect. The Government must redouble their efforts to preserve the viability of the two-state solution and ensure that the UK plays its part in helping to lift the people’s eyes to a brighter future—
Order. I remind the Minister that I want to call the hon. Member for Mansfield at 5.28 pm.
It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield (Steve Yemm) for securing this debate, and I am grateful to all hon. Members for sharing their valuable and thoughtful perspectives. I pay particular tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East (Anneliese Dodds), who has done so much in these very difficult months in which we have both been Ministers. Much of what I will be able to say about what we are doing in the region is a result of her efforts, and I am very glad to share Westminster Hall with her.
Securing peace in the middle east is a priority that I know we share across the House. The agreement to end the fighting in Gaza was a major step forward. As many have said, ending combat operations and increasing aid for Gazans, as well as the release of hostages—38 so far—was vital. The situation is incredibly sensitive at the moment. I will not provide a detailed commentary on the talks that are ongoing today in order to try to transition into phase 2. As we have said repeatedly, and as I said this morning to the Foreign Affairs Committee, we want to see talks move into phase 2, and into phase 3.
The ceasefire has made an enormous difference to the lives of both Palestinians and Israelis, and we want it to continue. Many Members have spoken about the deficit of trust. We think that a ceasefire going through all three phrases, with all of the difficult politics and all of the difficult compromises that that will require, is a vital part of building trust between the two communities. The Prime Minister has been absolutely clear: the decision to block aid going into Gaza is completely wrong. Aid should not be used as a political tool. I made some comments this morning about the restrictions on energy as well.
The topic of this debate is the international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary are committed to convening the meeting that many have discussed. Given the developments in the region, I am not in a position today to commit to a time or cast list for the meeting. We want to make sure that the meeting will have the desired effect of building trust across the two communities, and we will need to be sensitive to the circumstances in the region when we meet.
I put on record my thanks to the Minister for his leadership and the work he has done, particularly in keeping us abreast of the ongoing situation. It is right that the UK takes concrete steps to support peace, including through the revitalising of the Abraham accords, which are about normalisation of relations. Does the Minister agree that peacebuilding funds that rebuild Gaza are not just for humanitarian efforts but are a regional step towards the normalisation of peace and an independent Palestinian state free from Hamas? Does he agree that providing infrastructure, homes and hope will sustain peace efforts and normalise the reality of a two-state solution?
My hon. Friend talks about infrastructure, homes and hope, and it is those three elements—in particular hope—that are so missing at the moment. It is important to make a distinction between the vital humanitarian aid into Gaza and efforts to support civil society, which necessarily will be less focused on the immediate humanitarian support required and the reconstruction, which he rightly says will be necessary in Gaza, and more focused on the efforts that many have referred to as bottom-up—trying to ensure that both communities see bridges to each other.
I very much agree that there is a terrible deficit in trust and confidence across the two communities. When we were in opposition, I travelled there shortly after 7 October—two months later—and it was striking for both communities how little they believed in common in that moment. Rebuilding trust will be vital.
I will give way first to the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon).
I remind Members that interventions should be brief.
I thank the Minister for his comprehensive answer. When it comes to the moneys, there obviously has not been much, and it must be ensured that it goes far and wide. I think the issue has been debated in the past—that money has been diverted by certain terrorist groups. What we need is transparency to ensure that the moneys that are allocated are safely distributed to the right people for the right purposes.
I agree with the hon. Member. It is vital that aid goes to the purposes for which it is intended. To be clear, we imagine this international fund being of a much smaller magnitude than the much larger funds that would be required for humanitarian assistance or the reconstruction of Gaza.
I turn to the important questions raised by the hon. Member for Melksham and Devizes (Brian Mathew) and the right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton)—the spokespeople for the two Opposition parties. In relation to what assessment we make of the various proposals, we welcome the Arab plan. We think it has considerable merit and is a good place to start in thinking through the vital questions of reconstruction and the future governance of Gaza.
I am happy to confirm to the right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills that we see no role for Hamas in the future governance of Gaza. We think that the Cairo summit made important breakthroughs. We will discuss this at the G7 meeting and as Members will be aware it will be discussed over the coming days by negotiators from a range of countries in the region.
The Palestinian Authority are clearly very important in all of this. They are the authoritative voice for the Palestinian people. We are committed to supporting them through their journey of reform, which is vital. We have given £5 million to support their reform initiatives. There is a range of views about the future governance of Gaza and the role that the Palestinian Authority might play, and some of them were discussed at the Cairo summit. We will play our full role, as the Opposition spokesperson and many Members would expect, so that the provisions in place for the future of Gaza can ensure governance and security both for the people of Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the Israelis themselves.
Before I make some general remarks about conflict prevention and civil society, I want to welcome the work of the APPG on conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peacebuilding; I would be very happy to hear more about it. Civil society has a vital role to play. We will support it fully. We recognise the sensitivities on both sides. Several Members made reference to Senator Kerry’s comments that the problem in 2014 was not necessarily a gulf in the positions but a gulf in the trust, and we see that civil society plays an important role in resolving that.
I hear what the Minister has to say about how we can move to a path towards peace. However, does he agree that there must be steps taken to ensure that Israel is held accountable for its violations of international law? In doing so, will he commit to taking steps to begin ending the UK’s military support to Israel?
I have commented on the question of international law, and indeed on arms suspension, both in the main Chamber and this morning in the Foreign Affairs Committee. With just one minute left, I will say that I stand by those remarks.
I want to say a bit about some of the lifesaving assistance that my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East was responsible for when she was the Minister for Development. The assistance, which continues, included an announcement at the end of January for a further £17 million in funding to ensure that healthcare, food and shelter reaches tens of thousands of civilians across the Occupied Palestinian Territories. As my hon. Friend the Member for Mansfield said, it is absolutely right that we think about the route out of this conflict, but we will not forget those in desperate need at this moment, and our support will continue. I was asked by colleagues about the possible impact of the reduction in ODA. I reiterate what the Prime Minister has already said: we are focused on the needs in Gaza and we will seek to preserve our efforts through any changes.
UK support has meant that over half a million people have received essential healthcare. Some 647,000 people have received food, and 284,000 have had improved access to water, sanitation and hygiene services. Humanitarian needs, however, cannot be solved by short-term solutions. I will conclude by saying that we reaffirm our support for a credible pathway towards peace, leading to a two-state solution where Israelis and Palestinians live side by side in peace, dignity and security, and we agree on the merits of an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace.
I thank all hon. and right hon. Members who have contributed meaningfully in the spirit of today’s discussion, with a genuine commitment to peace at heart. Very few conflicts inspire stronger opinions and more polarised views than the ones we have discussed today, and I am pleased that so many Members have moved beyond talking points and shared their sincere views on how an international fund could improve the lives of everyone in Israel and the Palestinian territories. I hope that the Minister will meet again with MPs to discuss our future commitment to the fund. I hope that he will encourage the Foreign Secretary to raise the matter at the G7, building on the commitment made last year, with the aim of co-ordinating and institutionalising the UK Government’s support for this work.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered the potential merits of an international fund for Israeli-Palestinian peace.