Transport in the South-East

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 3rd February 2026 Westminster Hall

[Jess Brown-Fuller]

The hon. Gentleman will be pleased to hear that he is much closer to the Government than I am and has a brilliant opportunity to have his concerns heard by the Minister. He is right to raise the nonsense of having to go in and then out of London to reach vital pieces of infrastructure.

I am sure many hon. Members across the House will wax lyrical about their transport woes today, but it will come as no surprise that the focus of my contribution will be the impact that poor transport infrastructure has on my constituency. The Minister knows that the A27 is one of the busiest trunk roads in the UK and the main arterial route for those travelling down to the coast all the way from Wiltshire in the west to East Sussex.

Months ago, I invited the Transport Secretary during Transport questions, to come and sit in traffic with me, and I have no idea why she declined. My point was that it did not matter when she came—what time of day or day of the week—I could guarantee we would be caught in congestion. The Transport Secretary did offer me a meeting with the Roads Minister, the hon. Member for Wakefield and Rothwell (Simon Lightwood). I am grateful to him for sitting down with me so that I could explain the issue in more detail. If I were to pull up Apple Maps or Google Maps at this exact moment, there will almost certainly be a red ring round my city with traffic at a standstill.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. Lady for bringing this forward. I find myself in a similar, frustrating circumstance to the one she indicates. In my case, it is the proposed Ballynahinch bypass, which would breathe new life into the town. Like the project mentioned by hon. Member for Slough (Mr Dhesi), it has been postponed repeatedly since I was first elected in 2010. Does the hon. Lady agree that infrastructure projects, such as she seeks for her constituency, will have major local effects, boost the economy, clear up long waits in traffic and create jobs? They must never be relegated to a dusty shelf where they have clearly been for the last few years.

[Jess Brown-Fuller]

It is almost as though the hon. Gentleman has read my speech in advance. I will go on to a lot of the things he has just raised. If it is bad today in my constituency, it is hard to imagine how much worse it is on a sunny day, when tourists for the Witterings queue for miles to reach our lovely sandy beach or Goodwood hosts an event that attracts visitors in their thousands.

Taxation: Small and Medium-sized Enterprises

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 3rd February 2026 Westminster Hall

[Gregory Stafford]

I hope the Minister is listening; this is a problem not just for constituencies in the south but across the country. It is not just Conservative or Lib Dem Members raising the issue—clearly Labour Members have the same problem. The Minister should look at all good ideas, but current Treasury orthodoxy is to carry on with what it is doing, and to tax anything that looks like enterprise, business or job creation, which will destroy our economy and harm our high streets.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. Gentleman for bringing this matter forward, and he is absolutely right to outline this story. To reinforce the point, the Chancellor and the Finance Minister in Northern Ireland have rightly rolled back the proposed enhanced taxation because of its impact on tourism. However, that feels more like a stay of execution than a solution. This is happening everywhere, not just in England but in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, to a great degree. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the number of small uplifts—in rates, national insurance contributions, the price of goods and so on—can no longer be absorbed by knife-edge profit margins, and that unless we stop these tax rises, which is the Government’s responsibility, our local economy will pay a deadly price?

[Gregory Stafford]

I thank the hon. Member for, as always, bringing his experience from Northern Ireland. That emphasises the point that I was making: this is a whole-country problem. He is absolutely right that we are on a knife edge. We are at a tipping point for our small and medium-sized enterprises, and if they go under, the consequences will be dire. If one wants to speak Treasury speak, that means the Treasury will actually raise less money. The only way that the Treasury will raise more money is by freeing up businesses to expand, grow and employ more people. That is how we will get our economy going, not by taxing every single business until the pips squeak.

I turn now to hospitality, which has been a focus of mine since I was elected. It underpins community life and provides work for young people and for those who rely on flexible hours. Yet the Government slashed retail, hospitality and leisure relief from 75% to 40%—an ideological and damaging decision—which will be followed by eye-watering increases in rateable values from April this year.

UKHospitality data shows that the average pub will see its business rates rise by 15% in the first year, climbing to a 76% increase by year three. At the same time, online and out-of-town competitors are being protected. Distribution warehouses used by online giants will see increases of just 9% in year one and 16% by year three. This is not a level playing field; it is actively tilted against the high street.

The Government’s so-called emergency pubs relief, announced this year, does little to address the scale of the problem. It is a sticking plaster, not a solution. Just one in 20 retail, hospitality and leisure businesses will benefit, and even then the average pub will still be paying £5,700 more in business rates than before.

Business rates are simply not being reduced, and those pressures are compounded by the changes to employer national insurance contributions introduced at the 2024 Budget. For the hospitality sector alone, that amounts to £1 billion every single year. More than 774,000 hospitality workers have been dragged into employer national insurance for the first time, disproportionately affecting part-time staff such as bar workers and waiting staff. Flexible work is being punished. Young workers are being hit hardest, and employing people is becoming more expensive at precisely the wrong moment. That is not pro-growth and it is not pro-work.

VAT policy has also failed small businesses. The £90,000 VAT registration threshold actively discourages growth and creates perverse incentives for firms to cap expansion. The Government have ignored repeated calls for a reduced VAT rate of 12.5% for hospitality, a policy that would support growth, improve competitiveness and align the UK with many of our European neighbours. The refusal to act is holding back an entire sector.

The Parliamentary Private Secretary, the hon. Member for Hitchin (Alistair Strathern), is chuntering from his seat. I am sure he will be able to hold his own debate at some point to tell us all what is going on in his constituency. I suspect that, if he were honest, he would tell us about the impact that his Government’s policies have had on the sector, and how they are absolutely destroying his high street, as they are mine.

These pressures are not theoretical; they are being felt by real businesses across my constituency. For example, at Birdies café in Farnham Park, business rates have increased by 450%—from £290 to £1,600 a month—a change that has already cost the business a member of staff. Energy bills have risen from £300 to £400 a month to £3,500 a month, while rising wage costs and changes to employment law have forced the owner into rolling three-month contracts—a worse outcome for workers, driven entirely by the Government’s pressure and policies. At the Bat and Ball pub, business rates are doubling from £800 to £1,600 a month. Minimum wage changes have added £56,000 a year to its wage bill.

Across my constituency, community businesses such as the Antiques Warehouse, the Packhouse, the Bluebell pub, Serina, the Six Bells, the Healy Group, and Hamilton’s in Farnham; Acorns Coffee, the Dairy, Issaya and Smallworld IT in Bordon; Oliver’s café and wine bar and Davids menswear in Haslemere; Passfield Stores in Passfield; Little Latte in Tilford; the General Wine Company and Stedman Blower in Liphook; and the Greatham Inn in Greatham have all written or spoken to me and are facing the same relentless squeeze from Government tax and regulatory decisions. These are not failing businesses; they are community anchors being priced out by this Government’s policies.

These issues are not confined to hospitality. Yesterday I met representatives of Medicines UK to discuss the impact of Government policy on suppliers of generic medicines. They raised serious concerns about the extended producer responsibility packaging tax. Packaging is obviously mandated by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency for safety reasons, leaving companies with little ability to reduce their tax liability. As a result, costs are either absorbed or passed directly on to the NHS and therefore the taxpayer.

Tolled Crossings and Regional Connectivity

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Monday 2nd February 2026 Commons Chamber

[Anna Gelderd]

My hon. Friend makes an important point about the environmental impacts, which I will come to later. Geography amplifies the pressures, and the water boundaries bring a particular problem.

For a standard car journey, it costs £3 to leave Cornwall on both the Tamar bridge and Torpoint ferry. The Cremyll ferry charges £3 per adult for a single journey, and other crossings in that area charge a similar amount. Some local resident concessions exist, but recent proposed increases in admin costs triggered significant concern, because the total amount is unaffordable for many people.

The Tamar Toll Action Group, along with myself and other MPs, called for a rethink, and there was an extraordinary meeting of local authorities. Some may argue that the prices are not extreme, but they add up quickly. I was glad that the meeting happened and that changes were considered. Average incomes in South East Cornwall are around 20% below the national median, and residents cross have to use the crossing frequently, so the costs do add up for those in the local communities.

There is clear evidence of isolation across parts of South East Cornwall and wider Cornwall. Some communities fall within recognised measures of poor accessibility in both travel time and services. Digital connectivity adds to the pressure, as broadband and mobile coverage remain inconsistent, which limits remote working, access to online services and business development. That reinforces physical isolation rather than easing it.

Digital connectivity is increasingly important alongside physical transport. Research by the Department for Culture, Media and Sport highlights the negative impacts of poor broadband on farmers, including reduced productivity, compliance challenges, and limited market access, which is really important for South East Cornwall. High-speed broadband supports economic growth, productivity and educational outcomes.

We have the foundations for a modern, flexible economy in South East Cornwall. People want to live there, work there and build businesses there. The well-known “surf and code” model seen in places such as California and Portugal reflects a real opportunity to combine the quality of life in the coastal and rural areas of Devon and Cornwall with work, but that depends on sustained investment in physical connectivity and other types of connectivity, including digital.

Currently our public transport does not bridge the gap. Bus services are often infrequent, and ferry services are essential but shaped by the costs that I have mentioned. When disruption occurs, the system offers little flexibility. Bus services in South East Cornwall fell by around 50% between 2010 and 2023. The Conservatives stripped those in our rural and coastal communities of the ability to get around, and then systematically dismantled our public services too. Those pressures have gone on for far too long and communities like mine need support.

Cornwall’s rail connectivity depends on a single line through Dawlish. Recent storm damage again highlights the fragility of that route, following the collapse of the sea wall in 2014. Climate change is accelerating faster than our adaptation, and resilience must be built into long-term infrastructure planning. Phase 6 of the Dawlish resilience work and the reopening of the Tavistock line remain shared aspirations for Cornwall and Devon. What comes next must be credible, long-term and capable of carrying the confidence of south-west communities. Existing Department for Transport investment should be leveraged alongside local and regional funding to improve resilience and open new routes.

Anyone who has visited Cornwall will know and understand that our road network remains a challenge. Country lanes are often narrow, overgrown and dangerous. The A38, which remains the main route in South East Cornwall, has claimed too many lives—the recent safety upgrades are welcome, and I pay tribute to all involved in making them possible for our area. The transport constraints we face carry economic consequences. Businesses face higher operating costs and reduced labour pools. Tradespeople absorb toll charges that competitors elsewhere simply do not face.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. Member for South East Cornwall (Anna Gelderd) on securing this debate. We have a slightly similar issue in Northern Ireland with the connectivity between Northern Ireland and the Republic. If those crossing the border to go to work come to a toll, they have to pay that toll—it is the only way to get there. If people want to go to the airport or on a tourist trip, they have to pay the toll. Does she agree that information and an easy payment system must be in place to ensure that people from all areas, especially tourists, can access these roads without undue charges? We cannot control the charges, but we have to pay them.

[Anna Gelderd]

I agree with the hon. Member that the impacts on communities are difficult.

The situation is not a new one, and we continue to use historical funding models that reflect the priorities of their time. Over the years, there have been reviews, consultations and partial reforms, but no holistic restructure. Residents and businesses have continued to pay year after year while the underlying system remains unchanged. Elsewhere in the UK, similar situations have been resolved. Tolled crossings have been reduced, capped or removed. South East Cornwall now has a clear opportunity to act, firmly aligned with the national interest for growth across the UK.

The Tamar crossings are critical to our local economy and national defence. His Majesty’s Naval Base Devonport and supporting sites rely on a large mobile workforce and complex supply chains crossing the Tamar daily. Long-term Ministry of Defence investment depends on reliable connectivity between Cornwall, Plymouth and the wider region. Cornwall has deep ties to the armed forces. South East Cornwall has a high number of veterans and serving personnel, with almost 14% of the residents of Torpoint having served. Communities that contribute so directly to our national defence should not face barriers to their daily life. Local residents and businesses effectively support significant infrastructure, and Cornish waters are used for Navy testing and training. Twenty-three per cent of Babcock’s Devonport workforce live in South East Cornwall. As we look to the future, this connectivity must also be considered.

Women’s Safety: Walking, Wheeling, Cycling and Running

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 27th January 2026 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is again a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I thank the hon. Member for Lowestoft (Jess Asato) for setting the scene so well and giving us a chance to speak on the matter.

The situation in Northern Ireland for women’s safety is incredibly worrying, and of course it is equally concerning for the rest of the United Kingdom, as the hon. Lady and others have said. The stats speak for themselves back home, and I want to be here to represent others and have that conversation.

The hon. Member for Lowestoft mentioned smart glasses. I confess that until last Wednesday, when I was watching TV, I did not even know there was such a thing. They can contain a concealed camera, almost requiring a close-up inspection. I am not sure what can be done in relation to that, but if there is a problem, as there clearly is—there were many examples in that TV programme—maybe the Minister can give us an indication of what can be done.

There has been an increasingly negative perception of safety in public places, especially among women. One we always associate as most notable is the tragic and heart-rending murder of Sarah Everard, who was walking home in London when she was kidnapped, raped and murdered by a policeman—of all things in this world. The horror that lady must have felt is inconceivable, when she expected protection but got the very opposite.

The Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency has revealed that in Northern Ireland significantly more men report feeling safe than women—68% of men compared with only 27% of women—which is a devastatingly low figure. Shared public spaces are also widely used for the likes of running, walking and cycling. A separate survey by Queen’s University Belfast found that only 43% felt safe walking alone on a public street or on public transport. Official crime statistics show that sexual offences in Northern Ireland have risen significantly over the past decade and remain a serious concern tied to women’s safety in public places.

I want—we all want—to live in a society where individuals, and women in particular, do not fear being out in public. There are some fantastic helplines, such as Strut Safe, where a volunteer stays on the phone with a caller and chats until they get home. That is something that can really help. It is sad and unfortunate that such services must exist, but we are grateful that they are there and are taking extra steps to protect the public while they are in public. Many universities have those kinds of services. I know the Minister does not have responsibility for education, but perhaps she can tell us whether she has had discussions with an Education Minister to ensure that girls are safe in school and young women are at universities.

Policing and community safety partnerships back home, and others, have noted an increasing number of women looking to obtain a personal alarm for their own safety. I know the Police Service of Northern Ireland do that, so if ladies want an alarm, they can get one. It makes a high-pitched noise that would sometimes distract the person involved, which can be helpful. They can carry it out in public with them should they feel unsafe. That demand reflects the argument that women are simply afraid and that more must be done to ensure that fear is not there.

I have noticed that in my constituency, and maybe it is the same in others, that with the sports club we have, whether karate, judo or boxing, many young girls and women are taking up those sports simply so they can protect themselves. Let us remember, and I will try to be very careful with my words, that when a man approaches with intentions that are wrong, we know where he is vulnerable—kick him hard in a certain place and his fervour will leave him right away. Young girls and women are getting their protection in the karate, judo and boxing clubs in Newtownards so they can protect themselves, which has to be good news for the clubs in my constituency.

There is clear evidence of too many women in Northern Ireland and further afield feeling unsafe walking, running or cycling in public spaces. We must invest in better infrastructure, lighting and policing, alongside better community awareness and safety initiatives. I look to the Minister, as I always do. I know her intention to help us all in our request to make public spaces across the nation feel safe, accessible and welcoming for all women, whether in a group or alone.

Oral Answers to Questions

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 27th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Torsten Bell]

My hon. Friend is a powerful campaigner on this issue; week after week, he consistently raises the issue of living standards for people in Basingstoke. He is right to highlight the key role of energy bills in that. The Budget took levies off energy bills to save families £150 on average next year, as part of wider measures to directly cut inflation by 0.4 percentage points, further supporting living standards by making it easier for banks to cut mortgage rates and giving businesses the confidence to invest. Energy bills cut, ground rents cut—change promised, change delivered.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

What assessment has the Minister made of the recent trends in household living standards across the United Kingdom, including through discussions with the relevant Minister in Northern Ireland? What steps has his Department taken, in conjunction with regional Administrations, to ensure that the Northern Ireland Executive can support households facing rising costs? I know that the Minister gives lots of answers, so will he give us an answer on this one, please?

Horse and Rider Road Safety

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 14th January 2026 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Dowd. I thank the hon. Member for Newbury (Mr Dillon), who I spoke to beforehand about the issue. He is absolutely on the button with what he has requested.

I am the MP for a rural constituency, and I live on a farm in the midst of the unmatchable and beautiful countryside of Strangford, so the presence of horses on the country roads is not surprising. I see them all the time; my neighbours all have horses, and I know personally to slow down and give the horse a wide berth of 2 metres. There are riding schools and stables in the vicinity as well, so it is not simply the horse signage that tells people to be mindful in their road usage. For people who are not local, however, their knowledge is limited, and that is why it is essential that road users in the country are aware of the potential to come across a number of horses on the country roads.

I support the presentation Bill of the hon. Member for Newbury, and I hope that it can progress further. Some in the city may not be aware of the prevalence of horses on the roads, so their first trip to the country might bring about a whole new world. They might not understand that the need to slow down to pass a horse and give it a wide berth is not only useful—it is vital. Operation Gallop by the Police Service of Northern Ireland, NI Direct and the British Horse Society all promote shared responsibility, because horses are easily spooked. Instead of driving fast by a horse and rider, motorists must slow to 10 mph and pass 2 metres wide of the horse, avoiding noise and sudden movements. Riders should wear hi-vis clothes, use signals and follow road rules, keeping left and to single file if the road is busy. That can be the difference between life and death.

[Mark Sewards (Leeds South West and Morley) (Lab)]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Jim Shannon]

Yes, but I will not give way again.

[Mark Sewards]

Very briefly, a young woman from my constituency described the scenario that the hon. Gentleman talks about. She is insured and wears hi-vis clothes, but now faces regular intimidation and abuse, so she has to go out with a camera. Despite that, she still faces those problems. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the Government’s flagship road safety campaign is exactly the right way to go, but that we need to do more in this area to keep riders safe?

[Jim Shannon]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for that.

I will be very brief. As of late 2025, the British Horse Society said that a significant majority of equestrians—78%—have experienced an incident while using the roads, which is what the hon. Gentleman was referring to. Nationally, 81% of incidents occur because a driver passed a horse too closely or quickly.

Knowledge and an understanding of the consequences can and will address these concerns. I support the drive of the hon. Member for Newbury to put safety first on our countryside roads for our horses and riders throughout this United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Finance (No. 2) Bill

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Committee of the whole House
Tuesday 13th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Lucy Rigby]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that invitation. It is one that I will be taking up, as I would love to join her in that public house in her constituency.

Importantly, continuing to freeze alcohol duty would primarily support cheaper alcohol in the off-trade—for instance, alcohol sold in shops and supermarkets—and have only a small indirect impact on the hospitality sector. That is because, as hon. Members will know, alcohol duty is paid by producers, not by pubs, and 73% of alcohol consumed in the UK is purchased from shops, rather than in pubs, restaurants and bars. The Government’s decision to uprate alcohol duty in line with inflation is therefore not only prudent for the public finances; it also balances important considerations, and the contribution of alcohol producers, pubs and the wider hospitality sector, with the need to support public services such as the NHS.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I appreciate the Minister giving way. I have noticed that more and more of my constituents are drinking non-alcoholic beer, and that there the number of people taking alcohol is reducing. That sometimes puts pubs under particular pressure, but people can still go out socialising and have a meal and a non-alcoholic drink. Would it be possible to promote that through this Bill, because I believe we should be looking at that growing market?

Clause 1

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Monday 12th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Dan Tomlinson]

I thank the right hon. Member for giving me time to top up my glass of water—and for his intervention. The Government have been very clear in our approach since we took office. We needed to raise revenue to fund public services, and we have been consistent in our objectives in that regard. We also needed to get borrowing down, and borrowing is falling in every single year of this forecast because of the decisions we have taken. I believe it is the fastest reduction in borrowing in the G7, bringing back economic stability and allowing the Bank of England the space to cut interest rates, as it has already done six times since the general election.

The Finance (No. 2) Bill will deliver on the choices that the Government have made, and we will renew public services. We have taken the decision to lift hundreds of thousands of children out of poverty, to get more people into work and, crucially for our long-term growth prospects, to maintain the highest level of public investment for 40 years, all while keeping borrowing this year as a share of GDP to its lowest level in six years and doubling our headroom against our fiscal rules.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the Minister for what he is putting forward. The OBR has said that some £55.5 billion will be raised, but the money is not coming from millionaires. It is coming from lower and middle-income families, which means that some 4.8 million more individuals will be paying the higher rate and some 600,000 more individuals will move into the additional rate band. How, in all honesty, can we help those in the lower and the middle brackets? The millionaires can afford it; the others cannot.

[Dan Tomlinson]

One way we are seeking to support everyday working people and families across the country is by making the decisions—many of them have been opposed by the Opposition, I must say—to raise taxes on those with the very largest estates and the very highest wealth. In fact, over this Parliament, as a result of the decisions made in the Budget in 2025 and the Budget in 2024, we will be raising an additional £10 billion of revenue from wealth and from those with the greatest wealth, which enables us to minimise our ask of everyday families when it comes to the topic we will be debating later in this sitting.

Turning in detail to the clauses we are debating, clauses 1 to 3 are on income tax, which is the largest source of Government revenue and helps to fund the UK’s schools, hospitals and the other essential services we rely on. In the coming year, it is expected to raise £359 billion. Each year, the Government have to legislate to charge and to set the rates of income tax. The rates of income tax are not being changed by this Bill; we are confirming that they will remain the same.

Clause 1 imposes an income tax charge for the coming financial year. Clause 2 sets the main rates of income tax at 20%, 40% and 45%. These will apply to non-savings, non-dividend income taxpayers in England and Northern Ireland. Income tax rates in Scotland and Wales are set by their respective Parliaments. Clause 3 sets the default rates at the same levels as the main rates—namely 20%, 40% and 45%. These rates apply to the non-savings, non-dividend income of taxpayers who are not subject to the main rates of income tax, the Welsh rates of income tax or the Scottish rate of income tax. Income tax is a vital revenue stream for our public services, and clauses 1 to 3 ensure that it will continue to be so in the year ahead—2026-27.

--- Later in debate ---

Clauses 4 to 8 will, together, implement hikes in the rate of income tax on income from dividends, savings and property in the years to come.

[Jim Shannon]

A valid point that my constituents have brought to my attention is that if they pay the higher rate of tax, tax on the interest from savings rises to 40%. Those who scrimp and save and put their money away for a rainy day will be penalised. Does the shadow Minister agree that that is absolutely immoral and very wrong?

[Gareth Davies]

I agree. We are trying to create a savings culture. We are trying to get people to take responsibility, and to put their income away for a rainy day and for their retirement. As I will go on to say, the Opposition’s position is that the Bill does not achieve that; in fact, it does the very opposite.

As I was saying, clause 4 increases the ordinary and upper rates of income tax charged on dividend income by 2%, a fact the Minister seemed to miss out in his opening remarks. The income tax rate hike will apply from the tax year 2026-27. Clause 5 sets the savings rate of income tax for the tax year 2027-28 two percentage points higher than it is this year, and than the rate set in the Bill for 2026-27.

--- Later in debate ---

[Vikki Slade]

I will be honest and say that, not having been to university, I do not know the details of the different groups. My students are all very recent graduates, so they went in knowing that they would have enormous debt and recognising that they would be more than £50,000 in debt, with probably no prospect of ever paying it off. I do not think they went in realising that they would get such a bad deal when they were at university, with eight hours of contact time a week and PhD students doing their lectures, rather than actual lecturers, some of whom cannot even speak English and are here only for their visas. Students are having a really rough time, and this measure is just rubbing salt into the wound.

[Jim Shannon]

I have often said in this Chamber in the last three or four years that the Government should sponsor medical students—those working to be doctors or whatever the position may be in the medical service—and ensure that they do three or four years in the health service. Wales does that, and it works. I have a constituent from Newtownards—we will never get her back in Newtownards, because she has fallen in with a Welshman; she will stay there and marry him, and that is it—who had to stay for three years, but she got all her student fees paid. Is that not what Government should be doing to make it easier for young students and to retain them in the health service?

[Vikki Slade]

I always value the interventions of the hon. Member. As the aunt of a young GP, Bethan, who has more than £100,000-worth of debt, I think it is ridiculous that our young people are being saddled with this situation. I have constituents who have deliberately gone to study in Wales so that they are able to get that benefit. It is time for us to look collectively at analysing the cumulative impact of the issues faced by our young, aspirational adults, because we will see more of them deciding to go abroad, and we desperately need our home-grown talent to stay.

Thirdly, I turn, as most Members have done, to pensioners. The older age group will have been pleased to hear that they are due to be exempted from the tax threshold if their only income is the state pension, but two constituents—Colin from Wareham, who is a regular correspondent, and John from Lytchett—have written to suggest that the Chancellor may have inadvertently misled Martin Lewis. I will not use their other accusation, as I will get into a lot of trouble. One said that most pensioners are expected to survive on a weekly state pension that is four times lower than the average wage, and that mandating that they be taxed will plunge many older people into desperation and poverty. They have suggested that it is not quite accurate that the state pension alone will not be taxed—I am using my words very carefully—so can the Minister assure me and my constituents, like others, that from April, those with no income other than the state income and modest savings will pay no income tax, particularly because there appears to be nothing in the Bill about that?

Finally, given that millions of people with tiny private pensions and, in particular, many pensioners will be dragged into tax, will the Minister consider the Lib Dem proposal for a pensioners’ “red phone” to ensure that they do not spend hours hanging on the telephone?

--- Later in debate ---

[Carla Lockhart]

I rise to speak about the changes to agricultural property relief and business property relief in clause 62 and schedule 12. I do so having stood shoulder to shoulder with farmers from my constituency of Upper Bann, from across Northern Ireland and from across this entire United Kingdom; they have lobbied, protested and spoken with one voice in defence of their livelihoods and their family farms since the tax grab was announced. It has been my greatest honour to come alongside and fight this battle with them. It is because of their persistence that we have seen any movement at all from this Government.

While I acknowledge that the increase in the inheritance tax threshold to £2.5 million represents a concession, it is a hard-won one. It was not offered freely; it was forced by the strength and unity of the farming community and by the courage of the minority on the Back Benches of the Labour party. Even so, it remains wholly insufficient and fails to address the fundamental unfairness that remains embedded in the Bill.

Ultimately, we on the DUP Benches—indeed, Members rights across the Ulster Benches—want to see this policy scrapped in totality. That is why I support amendment 3 and the linked amendments 4 to 23, which would delay the commencement of these changes to 1 March 2027. Farming families planned succession responsibly and in good faith under the rules as they stood; changing those rules mid-stream is unjust and destabilising, and it undermines confidence across the entire sector.

[Jim Shannon]

I commend my hon. Friend for all that she has done in this campaign; she was very much to the fore. I also commend the Ulster Farmers’ Union on the stance that it took—it never gave in and stood its ground the whole way through, as did the NFU across Scotland, England and Wales. She has farmers in her constituency, as I do in mine, and some 25% of farmers who own farms in Northern Ireland will not benefit from the changes. Some of those farmers are my neighbours, and they have been farming for generations. Does my hon. Friend agree that, when it comes to this legislation, the Minister is duty-bound to meet the Ulster Farmers’ Union to discuss these matters?

Road Safety Strategy

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Thursday 8th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Lilian Greenwood]

I thank my hon. Friend for her words and for the incredible work she has done to advocate on behalf of those who want safer streets and pavements and to raise the particular case of John and Karen Rowlands. I would be very happy to see their response to the motoring offences consultation.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the Minister very much for the statement; there is much positivity in it. Anyone who has to declare a health issue on their driving licence will know that it becomes much more complex—I declare an interest as a type 2 diabetic. They need a full MOT and an eyesight test before they get their driving licence renewed, but that does not mean that they cannot drive; the point I am trying to make is that it has to be regulated. The current waiting time for medical tests and feedback for driving licence renewals to be processed is 16 weeks. I know two lorry drivers who had to wait six months before they got their licence due to their health changes, so they were not able to work. What plans are in place to address this issue and to speed up the process?

[Lilian Greenwood]

The Roads and Buses Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Wakefield and Rothwell (Simon Lightwood), who has responsibility for the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency, is sitting next to me. I recognise that there have been delays in dealing with some medical licensing. The DVLA is introducing a new IT system, which will certainly help to speed up the licensing investigations that the hon. Gentleman talks about.

Rural Fuel Duty Relief

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 7th January 2026 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

Thank you very much, Ms Furniss, for again inviting me to speak early. It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship. I also thank the hon. Member for North Devon (Ian Roome) for securing this debate on a very important issue.

When we look at the price of petrol at the pumps and consider that the price per barrel has dropped significantly, the question we all ask is when the dividend will come down to those who drive on the roads of the United Kingdom. Perhaps the Minister can put that question directly to the firms responsible.

This is an important issue, and it is clear that there are stipulations within the current legislation that do not extend to other rural parts of the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, I am here today to support the hon. Member for North Devon, who is renowned for being assiduous and committed on behalf of his constituents—well done to him.

There is a strong case for extending the provision of the rural fuel duty relief scheme to some rural parts of Northern Ireland that have similar problems to those referenced by the hon. Member for Argyll, Bute and South Lochaber (Brendan O’Hara). Just as in North Devon, a considerable number of areas of counties such as Fermanagh, Armagh and Down are sparsely populated. Furthermore, residents in these areas rely heavily on private vehicles because public transport is extremely limited. I am contacted weekly by constituents regarding rural bus services, so this issue is real and is felt throughout many areas in Northern Ireland.

Historically, we have witnessed a significant fuel price difference between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, sometimes as much as 15p to 25p per litre. There are times when rural Northern Ireland has significantly higher fuel prices, and families who live close to the border travel into the Republic of Ireland to get fuel as it saves them so much money. People in rural areas that do not have such access cannot do that.

I support local, and I always have. I live in a rural section of my constituency, too. I choose to support local businesses when buying fuel, rather than going to the likes of Asda where the fuel might be cheaper. Independent rural businesses have no choice but to charge more, given that they are in less populated areas. I believe there is a duty on those who can to support their local independents.

Fuel is a huge expense that many families and individuals are not able to avoid. The hon. Member for North Devon made a point about the 5p a litre rebate simply not stretching as it needs to. He clearly outlined that case, and the Minister will perhaps listen. It has not increased in line with inflation since 2010, losing around 35% of its actual value. There is no doubt that a review is needed to ensure that rural drivers across the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland can benefit.

I am conscious that other hon. Members wish to speak, so I will not go on too long. Lower fuel costs can achieve better access to education, healthcare and services for rural residents who should not be left behind. At a time when money is tight and so many feel the stretch, there is more to be talked about and more that we can do. Again, I urge the Minister to engage with his counterparts to protect rural drivers in Northern Ireland as well as on mainland UK. The same benefits should apply to all rural areas of this great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.