Amendment of the Law

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Monday 23rd March 2015 Commons Chamber

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

Like the Chancellor’s previous five Budgets, this one does nothing to recognise or address the problems faced by my constituents and many others across the country. It is a Budget that yet again demonstrates how out of touch this Government are.

The Chancellor talks of a national recovery and an economic plan that is working. However, the reality is that thousands of hard-working people in my constituency continue to experience low pay and in-work poverty. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation is right to say:

“There was little in today’s Budget to enable those on the lowest incomes to be part of an economic recovery.”

Indeed, about 18,000 of my constituents currently earn less than the living wage.

The Chancellor’s announcement of a 20p increase in the minimum wage will mean very little to my constituents. It is yet another example of a broken promise from a Chancellor who, over a year ago, promised to increase the minimum wage to £7 per hour. People in my constituency and across the country deserve better and it is clear that more needs to be done to help those on the lowest incomes. It was a Labour Government who introduced the minimum wage and it will be a Labour Government who go further and increase it to £8, because that is what people deserve.

[Adam Afriyie (Windsor) (Con)]

I have been listening very carefully to the hon. Gentleman’s words. Will the Labour party raise it to £8 even if it should be higher than that?

[Graeme Morrice]

I think that is a possibility, and I am glad the hon. Gentleman acknowledges we will have a Labour Government on 7 May.

Throughout the past five years, people have come to my surgery to tell me that their benefits have stopped or that they are struggling to pay their bills, and what is clear is that, month after month, people are worse off under the Tories, as the prices of food, heating and travel rise faster than wages. Given the continued struggle faced by my constituents and many others over the last five years, it raises the question: who is this Budget for? The answer is that this is a Budget made by the rich for the rich.

The bedroom tax continues and so do zero-hours contracts, and retail energy bills do not reflect the fall in wholesale costs. There can be no getting away from the fact that working people are £1,600 a year worse off after five years of the Tories. Indeed, the Institute for Fiscal Studies is right to say that

“the poorest have seen the biggest proportionate losses”.

The Budget offered nothing to help families with children, who have borne over 70% of the impact of this Tory Government’s changes to tax credits and benefits. The Chancellor said they “choose families” but it is clear from the Budget that they choose millionaires.

The Budget also offers nothing to help our young people. It speaks volumes that there was hardly any mention in the Chancellor’s Budget speech of any real commitment to help our young people and their prospects. Our young people are the key to the future success of our country, and our young people deserve the chance of a secure job with decent pay.

I know from speaking to young people in my constituency that many feel a sense of hopelessness about their situation. Indeed, nationally youth unemployment remains high, with 743,000 young people currently out of a job. In my constituency, youth unemployment remains above the national average, with 3.6% of young people in West Lothian unemployed. Even when our young people do get jobs, many of them are insecure zero-hours contract jobs. There was nothing in the Budget to address any of these problems, and that once again demonstrates how this Government have written off our young people.

Young people need a Government who will listen to their concerns and ensure they have a better future. They need a Labour Government who will introduce a jobs guarantee scheme for all young people out of work for a year and over 25-year-olds out of work for two years, and I have no doubt that this scheme will be of enormous benefit to all young people in my constituency.

My constituents cannot afford another five years of the Tories, but it is clear that there would be further pain to come if they were to form the next Government. Indeed, the Office for Budget Responsibility has warned that there is to be

“a sharp acceleration in the pace of implied real cuts”.

We need a Labour Government to ensure that that does not happen. We need a Labour Government with a plan for working people and their families and for our young people. We need a Labour Government who will stand up for the whole of my constituency and for the whole of our country.

Oral Answers to Questions

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Monday 3rd November 2014 Commons Chamber

[The Minister of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Mr Mark Harper)]

I am grateful for my hon. Friend’s question. We have introduced a range of improvements for claims from terminally ill people. We are already seeing claims at around the expected level of 10 days. The assessment providers treat these cases as a high priority: 99% are processed within two days and 100% within five days.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

T5. One of the greatest failings of this Government is the high level of in-work poverty and the significant cost of in-work benefits. Therefore—this is a similar question to that asked by my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North (Ann McKechin), who stole my thunder a tad—is it not time for the Secretary of State to be a real advocate of the living wage, to help address this problem?

[Mr Duncan Smith]

Under this Government, take-home pay rose last year by more than inflation for all but the richest 10%. Average annual pay growth is 3.7% for those who have stayed in work between 2012 and 2013, and disposable income last year was higher than in any year under the previous Government.

Bedroom Tax (Scotland)

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Thursday 8th May 2014 Westminster Hall

[Dr Whiteford]

I said that I would not take any more interventions, so I will not. [Interruption.] Well, I did say that earlier.

A defeat in the Commons would have forced the Government to rethink their approach, because it would have shown that even their own Back Benchers in the coalition recognised the manifest injustice of the bedroom tax, but that vote was lost by a margin of 26 votes, and 47 Labour MPs did not vote for their own motion. They included 10 Scottish Labour MPs, who apparently were in cosy pairing arrangements with their Tory counterparts. That was the best real chance we had at Westminster to sink the bedroom tax, and it was wasted.

I am well aware that there are often very legitimate reasons why Members of the House of Commons cannot attend votes. At times, all of us will have to deal with illness, bereavement, caring responsibilities or competing demands from our constituencies, but for matters of importance, most of us will move heaven and earth to be in the Lobby when we need to be. Those who missed that vote need to ask themselves whether what they were doing was really more important than voting down the bedroom tax.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

Will the hon. Lady give way?

[Dr Whiteford]

I am winding up my speech, so I will not give way. The bedroom tax and the other changes to our tax and benefits system that are fuelling poverty and hardship in communities across Scotland are the price that we pay for being governed by people we did not vote for. Scottish MPs overwhelmingly opposed the bedroom tax, but we have it anyway, and even now we cannot get rid of it; we can only seek to limit the damage that it is causing. The bedroom tax illustrates perfectly why Scotland needs decision-making powers on these issues. I am looking forward to the day when the people of Scotland have a Parliament with the normal powers of a normal state, a Parliament that is elected by us, responsive to us and accountable to us and that can consign the bedroom tax to history once and for all.

--- Later in debate ---

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

It is, as always, a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Bone. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow South West (Mr Davidson), the Chair of the Select Committee on Scottish Affairs, of which I, too, am a member, on securing this debate on one of the most important but depressing subjects that I have had to consider since my election to the House.

The bedroom tax—I will refer to it as a tax, because our evidence has shown that the vast majority of those who are affected have absolutely no option but to pay it, and are totally unable to change their circumstances to avoid it—is one of the worst pieces of legislation that I have ever encountered. I therefore fully endorse the conclusions of the Committee’s report. As a member of the Committee, I have heard overwhelming evidence from every corner of Scotland that the policy is completely failing our constituents, our housing providers and even each of the Government’s stated outcomes. It does not make the social housing system fairer or more efficient, and it will not save the Government money in the long run. The bedroom tax succeeds only in punishing those with the smallest stake in society at a time when they are being assaulted from multiple directions by the Government, who refuse to prioritise their day-to-day struggle.

Ironically, the policy came into effect in the same month that the Prime Minister announced tax cuts for the privileged few who earn in excess of £150,000 a year. Nothing that I heard in evidence to the Committee came close to justifying why, although ripping off some of the poorest and most vulnerable citizens is an absolute necessity, somehow it is economically and morally proper to pay for tax breaks for the super-rich.

When we took evidence in West Lothian, where my constituency is located, we were told by the local authority that more than 50% of tenants are now in arrears, and that 500 households have tried to downsize to avoid the bedroom tax, but that because of pressures on the housing stock, only a small number have been successfully rehoused. To put the problem into perspective, West Lothian council estimates that at the present rate of transfer, it could take between 10 and 15 years to allow all the tenants who want to downsize to do so. That does not take into account new applicants who join the waiting list over that period. Alison Kerr, chair of the West Lothian council tenants’ panel, told the Committee of the urgency of acting now, saying that the longer the bedroom tax was allowed to exist unmitigated, the greater the number of West Lothian tenants who would have to make the impossible choice between eating and heating.

Of course, it is not only the UK Government who are to blame for the debacle. The Scottish Government could have acted much sooner to mitigate fully the effects of the bedroom tax in Scotland. I find it strange that the Scottish Government have not once approached the Committee to challenge statements made in evidence that they have had the powers necessary to mitigate those effects from the start.

[Pete Wishart]

We have just committed to mitigating fully the impact of the bedroom tax. While the hon. Gentleman is going on his tour of Governments throughout the UK, what does he make of his Welsh Labour colleagues in the Welsh Government, who have done absolutely nothing to mitigate the impact of the bedroom tax in their jurisdiction?

[Graeme Morrice]

I am not qualified to respond on the situation in Wales. Today’s debate is about Scotland, so if the hon. Gentleman does not mind, I will continue to focus on that.

The point that I was making before the hon. Gentleman intervened was confirmed by the Under-Secretary of State for Scotland in oral evidence to the Committee on Tuesday, and by the Chief Secretary to the Treasury in the past. After months of posturing, the Scottish Government this week ended their ridiculous game of brinkmanship with the UK Government when an agreement was finally reached to lift the spending cap, allowing the bedroom tax to be effectively ended in Scotland. I think I speak for many when I say that that should have happened much earlier. It is thanks to the Labour Members of the Scottish Parliament that a solution has finally been arrived at, after a year of attempts by Scottish Labour to drag the SNP into accepting that action could be taken in Scotland to bin this iniquitous tax. Late action is better than no action, and it will come as a relief to many Scots that the bedroom tax can and, I hope, will be fully mitigated.

I find it incredible that the Scottish Government did not even contact the UK Government until recently to try to find a way to end the bedroom tax in Scotland, just over a year before it was introduced and more than two years since the law was first enacted. People can draw their own conclusions about the reason why, but political posturing and blaming others hardly demonstrates responsibility or maturity; moreover, it lets down those who need our help the most.

To return to the report, witness after witness from London to the Western Isles told the Committee that they wanted the tax to be scrapped. Many felt abandoned by both Governments, who have had the power but not, until the eleventh hour, the political will or inclination to do something about it. However, although I welcome yesterday’s announcement on Scotland, more must be done throughout the rest of the UK. We have heard in several testimonies that the fail-safes to protect the most vulnerable are inadequate and largely do not reach those most in need, to the despair of housing providers. We heard from those on the front line that, despite repeated contact, a sizeable number of affected tenants do not engage, or are unable to engage sufficiently, with housing suppliers in order even to apply for a discretionary housing payment.

When the Select Committee visited my Livingston constituency, Donald Forrest, head of finance and estates at West Lothian council, told us that, despite considerable efforts since April last year to contact and engage with 2,195 tenants who are affected by the bedroom tax, between 500 and 600 tenants had still not applied. Craig Martin, leader of Falkirk council, told the Select Committee that 50% of tenants applying for DHPs in his locality had some form of recognised mental health problem. Such responses were not untypical of the evidence we heard from a range of witnesses from across Scotland and beyond. If DHPs are not reaching those most in need, then simply expanding the scheme’s eligibility to catch everyone is no guarantee of protecting anyone. The simplest way to protect all tenants is to either alter the scheme drastically or scrap it altogether, which is the Select Committee’s preferred option.

Simply put, at the heart of the bedroom tax debate is the worst kind of politics, with Scottish social tenants finding themselves stuck between two Governments: one distracted by a referendum on separation, who acted only when forced to do so by the Scottish Labour party and grass-roots campaigners; and another who want to look tough on welfare and spending, despite every indicator telling them that they are failing. The Scottish local authority body, the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities, has released figures showing that this year alone the bedroom tax will actually cost an additional £60 million to implement in Scotland.

Even after yesterday’s announcement, my message to the decision makers in both the Scottish and UK Governments is simple: they must stop the bickering, stop the finger-pointing, stop using some of the most vulnerable people in society as political pawns and stand behind the Select Committee to sort out the problem using the power that the Scottish people have granted them. The Labour party in Scotland has forced the SNP Scottish Government to this point, and has offered bipartisan support to help to find the money in the Scottish budget to sort things out. I sincerely hope that, now that we have a clear course of action and offers of help from almost every side, we will be able to get on with our day job of helping our constituents.

Of course, whatever happens, in May next year, Labour will repeal the bedroom tax as one of its first acts of national Government.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Minister of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Esther McVey)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Bone. I thank the Liaison Committee for securing this debate and I welcome the attention that the Scottish Affairs Committee is giving to welfare reform generally and to housing benefit reform specifically. I appreciate the opportunity to put the Government’s position in this debate. The Committee produced both this report and the subsequent report without seeking any input from the Department or its Ministers.

It may be helpful to discuss why this policy was introduced in the first place. The issue is difficult and complex. It has taken up a lot of time on all sides of the House, as well as the Government’s time. However, people have to understand what we are looking to solve, because we were delivered a huge problem by the Labour party, now in Opposition: a housing bill spiralling out of control, going up from £13 billion in 2002-03 to £24 billion in 2012-13—as it would have been—and increasing. What were we going to do? This was unaffordable. How was it going to be affordable, not just now but in the future, for future generations? Who was going to pick up that debt and solve this issue, and get as fair a solution as possible?

Of course, we are listening to what is said about people today who will end up having to pay a certain amount of money for extra rooms in their houses, but what about the people in the private rented sector who are still getting paid housing benefit? They do not have the luxury of a spare room in their houses. The Labour party introduced this very same change in housing benefit—

[Graeme Morrice]

Will the Minister give way?

[Esther McVey]

I will not give way at the moment.

The Labour party introduced this same change in 2008 and, at the same time, it was talking about its implementation. So I am afraid it does not wash, now, when Labour are in Opposition—

--- Later in debate ---

[Graeme Morrice]

rose—

[Lindsay Roy]

rose—

--- Later in debate ---

[Esther McVey]

I am not just talking numbers; I am talking lives of people right across the country who are affected by this. We are looking to save £500 million per year. That is what is being rolled out and what is being saved, because at the moment people are moving into other homes. At the moment, that is the amount being saved.

[Graeme Morrice]

rose—

[Dr Whiteford]

Will the Minister give way?

--- Later in debate ---

[Esther McVey]

Thank you, Mr Bone.

As we look at the question, it comes into sharper focus. I need to remind all hon. Members, particularly those on the Opposition Benches, that Labour Members fully supported and voted for an overall welfare cap—[Interruption.] Some Scottish National party Members did not vote for it. My question for the Opposition and Committee members is this: if savings are not to come from housing benefit, which aspects of welfare spending and the welfare bill—potentially £500 million a year—are they going to cut? Will it be disability benefits or support to children, or will pensioners be affected? All this is rather complex, because I am afraid that the Opposition voted for an overall welfare cap.

[Graeme Morrice]

The right hon. Lady talks about the cost. Does she not accept that the evidence provided to the Committee by various witnesses from Scotland and beyond—all the housing providers, welfare rights organisations, tenants, local authorities and even the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities—says that the cap is costing everybody more money than it is saving? How does the Minister respond to that, and particularly to the COSLA figure, supported by all political parties in Scotland, that in Scotland it is costing an additional £60 million to administer?

[Esther McVey]

I do not agree with that. We are seeing people moving round. The debate never considers the people in overcrowded accommodation. There is an issue in Scotland in that regard, too, although the problem is not as big there as in the rest of Britain. What about people living in overcrowded accommodation? What are we to do with people who do not have the right-sized room for their children, whether disabled or otherwise? What about people on housing waiting lists? We are forgetting about all these other people who have issues, too.

[Graeme Morrice]

We have not.

[Esther McVey]

I am afraid that, in opposition, the Labour party has forgotten about those people. We are dealing with those people. I should like to state some facts about arrears, which were mentioned by the hon. Members for Glasgow South West (Mr Davidson), and for East Lothian (Fiona O'Donnell). The regular Scottish household survey found that arrears in December 2013 were lower than at the same point in both 2012 and 2011, and 55% of Scottish social landlords reported a fall in the percentage of their rent arrears between March and December 2013. These are the figures that we are looking at. The Chair of the Committee asked about support for disabled people. I have talked about that and the extra money in that regard.

The right hon. Member for East Ham (Stephen Timms) talked about the difference between a tax and a subsidy. He is a mathematician—he went to university with a friend of mine—so I know that he knows the difference between a subsidy and a tax. However, I wonder whether it is because the Opposition do not know the difference between the two that we are in incredible debt at the moment. They do not understand the ins and outs of money and how it is best spent; that is why they left us with a £150-billion-a-year deficit.

amendment of the law

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Tuesday 25th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Lindsay Roy (Glenrothes) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Burton (Andrew Griffiths) and to listen to his speech on small beer.

At a time when we hear that we are turning an economic corner—I welcome this immensely—after several challenging years of recession, this year’s Budget should have been one of optimism and hope for all, and in particular for those who have suffered the most under the Government’s austerity programme. Hard-working families have suffered a cost of living crisis and seen their incomes reduced by £1,600. The disabled, the disadvantaged and those with health issues that prevent them from working have all been badly affected financially.

I welcome the reduction in unemployment, but there are still thousands upon thousands of people who desperately want to work. They have not acquired the skills to take up the posts that are available. Despite their best efforts, they cannot find a job, an apprenticeship or training. It is ludicrous that so many people are willing to work but do not have the skills and expertise to do so. In my constituency, and in many others, jobs are advertised overseas and taken up by those from overseas who have an enhanced skill profile. That is primarily because of the lack of investment in high quality training and support here. These barriers must be removed as a matter of priority, with further investment in vocational training, but yet again the Government have missed a golden opportunity to invest in their people and pump-prime a further reduction in unemployment and benefit payments.

There were token increases in the amount of income exempt from tax, but the Government’s slogan “We’re all in this together” has been further discredited by their unjust refusal to increase tax on higher earners to 50% and their failure to clamp down on the many who avoid tax, thereby robbing the Exchequer of millions of pounds. Primarily, this has been a Budget for Tory vested interests in an effort to sustain support. In other words, these are the same old Tories, some of whose policies evoke blue language on the Opposition Benches. So much for the often quoted but meaningless Tory mantra, “Those with the broadest shoulders will bear the heaviest burden.” In effect, this is the politics of mirage and fantasy. The coalition think that if something is said often enough, people will believe it. On the Labour Benches, we emphatically do not. Thankfully, those who live in the real world are not so gullible and do not share the same self-delusion. They are only too aware of the opportunities missed: replacing the failing Work programme with the job guarantee scheme, an energy freeze, expansion of free child care for working parents and help for millions of workers by reducing basic income tax further.

Like all mainstream political parties, hard-working people support a cap on welfare spending and want effective measures to be taken against the small minority who are fit to work, but who have abused the welfare system and want to live permanently on benefits. However, hard-working people are also only too aware of the gross injustices forced on one section of our society in particular. The hallmark of a civilised society is how we treat our poor, disadvantaged and disabled. This Government have continuously presided over massive failures in policy development and implementation.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

Does my hon. Friend share my concern and horror at the escalation in the number of sanctions made by Jobcentre Plus which, on appeal, have been found to be erroneous?

[Lindsay Roy]

My hon. Friend makes a very important point. In my office, we deal with 12 such cases every week, concerning Atos and sanctions.

The forcible and inhumane imposition of the bedroom tax is a real concern for us. The Prime Minister should have sent the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions back to do his homework properly, and to plan a course of action on welfare benefits on a fair, consistent and evidence-based manner. The fact that he did not demonstrates a weakness to stand up to a dogmatic Minister who has taken a callous, uncaring and brass-neck approach to implementing hurriedly a range of flawed practices that have impacted unfairly on so many of our citizens.

The Chancellor has been culpable in that he has done us a major disservice, as his Budget did absolutely nothing to address the multiple and shambolic failings of the DWP. Dogmatic intransigence and gross inefficiencies have led thousands to suffer through the application of a target-setting culture, in many cases resulting in unjust sanctions and declarations of fitness to work, despite medical evidence to the contrary. Those injustices have left many honest and upright citizens, for the first time in their lives, being forced to access food banks and payday loans and to get into debt. The numbers have grown massively. From my own constituency, I will highlight three inconsistencies and injustices, but I am sure that they are mirrored many times over in other constituencies throughout the country.

The first involved a man who had a medically certified spinal injury and was therefore unable to lift weights. That was interpreted as job avoidance, despite the fact that he had participated in the required number of job applications. He was sanctioned for 13 weeks and had to resort to the local food bank for sustenance.

The second example involved a lady who had been waiting for months for an Atos appointment. Her employment and support allowance was stopped and she was advised to claim jobseekers’ allowance. She is still waiting for an appointment. It is no wonder that she has been waiting: an informed insider told my office last month that in Scotland and north-east England there are 24,000 Atos reports waiting to be processed. When questioned by me, the director of Atos in charge of quality assurance said he did not recognise that number, but we still await a figure. So much for DWP-Atos quality assurance and standards.

The third example concerns a lady who had suffered a close family bereavement. She explained her situation, but until there was prompt intervention by my office, she was ruthlessly sanctioned. The Government have received regular exhortations to abandon the inhumane and vile imposition of the bedroom tax, and to bring fairness, compassion and dignity to DWP-Atos assessments. They have singularly failed to do so.

The ongoing injustices I have highlighted make it clear that our disadvantaged, poor and disabled are still being treated unfairly. In my main jobcentre, there are only two computer access points. Those people are often dealt with callously, but they too have the right to be treated in a respectful and dignified manner, and the DWP must recognise that. Until this happens consistently, DWP Ministers should hang their heads in shame.

--- Later in debate ---

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

No other issue is more likely to define this parliamentary term and this coalition Government than welfare and the cost of living. The past four years have been very tough for a great number of people, as I am sure all hon. Members are aware. The living standards of the majority of our constituents have fallen and the value of real wages has dropped, while the cost of living has gone through the roof. Many have lost their jobs or their businesses, but as a result of the Government’s welfare changes—I will not dignify them by calling them reforms—it is toughest of all for those who rely on others and for those who struggle to support themselves even in the best of times.

Once again, the Budget was a missed opportunity to address that and other issues. Instead of taking a step back and examining what could be done to make a tangible difference to the lives of some of the most vulnerable people in our communities, the Chancellor and the Government have decided to draw electoral dividing lines. They could have announced measures to mitigate the worst excesses of their welfare changes, or to help young casualties of the financial crisis back to work, funded by a tax on bank bonuses that would be paid by the very people who nearly gambled away their future. The Chancellor could even have made good on his promise to raise the minimum wage to £7 an hour. Instead, he chose to court the UK Independence party vote with tougher platitudes on welfare and to pave the way for more cuts, while those on his Christmas card list enjoy a tax cut larger in value than the average worker’s wage.

The Chancellor boasted of new private sector jobs, but ignored the fact that many of those are low-paid, part-time, agency or zero-hours contracts, and that some people are living not month to month or even week to week, but literally day to day. The Government must take action now to end the scandal of employment abuse, by restricting zero-hours contracts and promoting the living wage.

Government Members brag of an increase in the personal allowance, but that will be completely swallowed up by inflation, stagnant wages, rising energy and food bills, and previous changes to VAT and in-work benefits. According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the actual worth of the increase to those on low incomes will be as little as £2 per week, with one in six workers earning too little to benefit at all. The Government are for ever lecturing that austerity measures are unavoidable and that the rich are paying more than anyone else—as if progressive taxation were created only in 2010.

While my constituents are saddled with the bedroom tax, the shambles of universal credit, and months of delays waiting for personal independence payments, millionaires get massive tax cuts and bankers continue to pocket their grotesque bonuses, now totalling £1.6 billion. If the Government were really on the side of working people they could have raised additional income to help my constituents, by cutting back pension tax relief for people earning more than £150,000 a year to 20%—the same as for basic rate taxpayers. House of Commons Library estimates state that that would raise between £900 million and £1.3 billion—half the amount that will be lost to the economy through the Government’s welfare changes, snatched from the poorest in society. Even the lower estimates of that revenue would cover the cost of Labour’s compulsory jobs guarantee for young people after its first year of implementation.

The Chancellor could have taken meaningful action to help working people, but the figures behind the Budget neatly illustrate the real legacy of this Government: 350,000 people going to food banks; 400,000 disabled people paying the bedroom tax; and millions of working people worse off by, on average, £1,600 a year. The Government believe that the rich will work harder only if they are made richer, and that the poor will only work at all if they are made poorer. The truth is that, sadly, there is precious little in this Budget for ordinary working people. Once again that shows that the nation is worse off under the Tories, with a Government who are out of touch and do not really care.

Oral Answers to Questions

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Monday 24th February 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Duncan Smith]

I rather hope that at some point the hon. Gentleman had a maths O-level, because his maths is so pathetic as to make it risible. He has all the numbers and all the amounts that are relevant to the development of all the equipment that will roll out the complete universal credit. [Interruption.] I am going to answer this question. In truth, the operational running costs of the pathfinder, which is what we are running at the moment, are some £6 million, which equates to £200 per claim. By the way, he needs a little correction. In case he had not noticed, we have already invited him and all his colleagues to come and visit us. I think they are down to visit us this week, so he needs to check his diary, or maybe his colleagues did not want him to come with them. I do not know.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

15. What assessment he has made of the effects of the migration of claimants from incapacity benefit to employment and support allowance.

[The Minister of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Mike Penning)]

At March 2013, as a result of incapacity benefit reassessment, over 650,000 people have been reassessed and are now either preparing or looking for work.

[Graeme Morrice]

Is the Minister aware that between October 2012 and September 2013, using his own Department’s figures, the ESA participant group performance was 6.6% against the DWP minimum target of 16.5%? Will he now accept that the Government’s Work programme experiment has been a complete waste of time and money, and will they now scrap it?

Remploy

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Tuesday 16th October 2012 Westminster Hall

[Esther McVey]

I have held numerous meetings on the matter. I have asked the very same questions that the hon. Gentleman has asked. I have felt reassured by the answers I have been given. Remploy announced and published the commercial process on 20 March and the company has been following that process. We are aware that some people and some bidders may be disappointed, but we are content that the commercial process has been followed. So I hope that gives the hon. Gentleman suitable comfort about what is going on.

A substantial package of help and support for employees has been put in place. An extra £8 million has gone into that package. People will get their own personal caseworker, who will give them tailor-made support and help them to move forward.

The hon. Member for Glasgow North East asked several questions. One was about the emergency tax code. That was brought to my attention last month and immediately my team and I worked with Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs to get it sorted so that the Remploy staff and their caseworkers knew what would happen and they would have their money back as soon as possible, so special measures were put in place absolutely immediately. I also checked that the staff would have money and would not be short. They would all have had their redundancy pay packages, so they would have money to live on—it would be fine—but this was put through as a special concession.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

I am grateful to the Minister for giving way. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North East (Mr Bain) on securing this very important debate on a subject about which I have received many representations from constituents and others. On the issue of support for the work force and for those who are losing their jobs, will the Minister confirm how many people from Remploy who have lost their jobs have found alternative employment to date?

[Esther McVey]

So far to date, 35 staff immediately found work. But we are content that with the support, the packages and the monitoring that we are hoping to provide for everyone, we will get that number up as soon as possible.

I actually got figures that I again hope will put the hon. Gentleman’s mind at ease. In Scotland, there were 111 people—that does not seem quite right. I apologise; I will look again. I will go back to the hon. Member for Glasgow North East and say that in his constituency a total of 14,600 people are disabled, and 43 of them work at the Remploy site. However, in the last year, under the Remploy employment services, 534 people had got into work. So, if we look at those figures, we can see that incredible support has gone in there to help find work for people similar to the staff working in Remploy.

I will continue with the Springburn site. Remploy communicated via its website in September that it had selected a preferred bidder for the site and that that preferred bidder is now entering a period of due diligence, which will hopefully end in Remploy’s successful exit from the business. A final decision on Springburn will be made as soon as the commercial due diligence process is complete, which we understand will be some time at the end of October.

Going forward, for Springburn and Chesterfield to secure future health care business as part of the commercial process, the Scottish Government would have the opportunity, under their devolved powers, to support medical contracts and help to secure the continuing viability of those sites. Again, that is possibly something that hon. Members can work on together.

[Graeme Morrice]

The Minister mentioned the Scottish Government. Have the UK Government had any consultation with the Scottish Government on this issue?

[Esther McVey]

We have indeed, and I will be in Edinburgh on Monday. We will have continued dialogue on that subject. I also hope to meet the factory workers in Edinburgh and while I am there I would like to see as many staff as possible—those who do not have their job now and those who do. There is an open invitation for people to come and meet me, and I will be in the factory.

The hon. Member for Glasgow North East also raised the issue of TUPE. Any purchaser of a Remploy site will have to offer a pension scheme in which transferring employees can accrue future rights. If TUPE regulations apply to a transfer, purchasers will have to match employees’ contributions up to 6% of pensionable pay, in line with pension legislation. We understand that for the Springburn site TUPE regulations will apply to the transfer.

I hope that I have answered as many questions as possible.

--- Later in debate ---

[Graeme Morrice]

Inspiration.

[Esther McVey]

Absolutely. It is not just inspiration, but the support of a good team. The independent panel has considered the comments of Scottish and Welsh representatives. I think a report will be coming out on that. The hon. Member for Aberdeen North (Mr Doran) and I met yesterday, and I hope that he now has a meeting with the CEO of Remploy. Straight away, I asked what we could do in the Aberdeen factory. All the points he raised with me about the assets, the factory and site ownership were dealt with this morning. I do not have the answers, but we are on to that. My phone lines are open. I am always here. If anybody wants to know anything more, I will be available to answer their questions.

Oral Answers to Questions

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Monday 18th July 2011 Commons Chamber

[Maria Miller]

I do not think that the qualifying period will particularly adversely affect individuals with fluctuating conditions, because this is about distinguishing between long-term and short-term disabilities. To qualify for PIP, a person will satisfy a six-month qualifying period, and be expected to meet the overall qualifying period of 12 months. That adopts the common definition set out in the Equalities Act 2010, for consistency.

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

19. What steps he is taking in respect of women affected by proposed changes to the state pension age.

[The Minister of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Steve Webb)]

While the Government remain committed to treating men and women equally in state pensions sooner, and to equalising at age 66 sooner, as my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions said on Second Reading of the Pensions Bill:

“I recognise the need to implement the change fairly and manage the transition smoothly…I say to my colleagues that I am willing to work to get the transition right, and we will.”—[Official Report, 20 June 2011; Vol. 530, c. 50.]

[Graeme Morrice]

I thank the Minister for his answer, but 1,300 women in my constituency will have to wait up to two years to receive their state pension following the changes made by this coalition Government. Indeed, I have received a huge amount of mail on this issue, in which constituents have described the Government’s plans as unfair, unbelievable and cockeyed, among other things. Notwithstanding transitional relief, will the Secretary of State think again and give those affected enough notice to plan adequately for their retirement?

[Steve Webb]

Clearly, there is a balance to be struck between catching up with the very dramatic improvements in life expectancy, which are moving ahead faster and faster, and recognising the need for fairness and notice. We are trying to strike that balance. We recognise that we need to refine the Bill’s proposals to do so, and we will come back with proposals.

Employment (Livingston)

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Tuesday 28th June 2011 Commons Chamber

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

I believe that both you and I have drawn the short straw tonight, Mr Speaker, but I am delighted to be able to initiate the debate, and I am very pleased that it concerns employment in my constituency.

One of the key issues that motivated me—along with many other Labour Members—to become more actively engaged in politics was the corrosive effect of mass unemployment, which reached 22% in my local authority area of West Lothian in the mid-1980s. Action to create job opportunities, especially for young people, in the communities I grew up in and went on to serve as a councillor, a council leader and now an MP, has always been central to my political outlook and activity.

But before I move on to specifics on the future jobs fund and employment in my constituency, it is important to set this debate within the current national context. Youth unemployment in the UK is alarmingly high, with unemployment among 18 to 24-year-olds higher than at any time since 1992. West Lothian also has a higher proportion, at 7.4%, of youth unemployment than the Scottish average of 6.5%.

The House explored the effects of those record levels of youth unemployment in a debate last week, so I will not dwell for long on the details now. However, I was amazed to read in the Library briefing for that debate about the results of a recent poll conducted for The Independent on Sunday. It found that eight out 10 people think it is harder for young people to get a job now than it was 20 years ago under the previous Conservative Government. It also reported that two thirds of the public think that the coalition’s economic policy threatens to

“leave a generation of young people jobless”

and that there is not enough being done to help youngsters into work. That is a damning public verdict on the coalition’s failure to get a grip on this vital issue. It is now clear that jobs are one of the biggest costs of the Government’s cutting too far and too fast.

As we came out of recession, Labour’s No. 1 priority was creating jobs, and by spring 2010 we were turning the corner and unemployment was coming down. Putting young people on the dole is not only a waste of money but a waste of their potential. We believe that getting people back into work is the best way to reduce the deficit. Yet the Government’s poorly targeted spending cuts have led them to axe programmes such as the future jobs fund, resulting in higher unemployment and more people claiming benefits. This, in turn, is making it harder to get the deficit down.

I will now turn to my main points in this evening’s debate—the future jobs fund and employment in Livingston constituency. During my time as the leader of West Lothian council I made economic regeneration and job creation top priorities. As part of that work, I oversaw the establishment of Access2employment, a council service to extend essential employability support to people who need help to get back into work. The Access2employment team delivers employability support to all residents of West Lothian, but with a priority focus on specific groups who have been identified as disadvantaged. They have very strict and challenging targets, which to date have been consistently achieved or exceeded.

On average, the team will work with 1,500 residents of West Lothian each year and will move at least 50% of them into work or training. There are three dedicated locations where the service can be accessed, including two in my constituency at Craigshill and Broxburn. The team also has lead responsibility for PACE—partnership action for continuous employment—in West Lothian, a partnership of key organisations which provide an immediate response for organisations when redundancies occur.

Support is tailored around the individual so that they are equipped with the employability skills that meet the needs of employers, recognising that one size does not fit all. The service has really come into its own during the difficult economic period, experiencing significant increases in the number of clients it works with over the last few years. In October 2009, the Department for Work and Pensions awarded West Lothian council a future jobs fund contract to create more than 200 jobs for young people by March 2011.

Access2employment has led the delivery of that contract and 211 people aged 18 to 24 have now been found employment opportunities, achieving the FJF target. The fund has supported those young people to gain the confidence and skills boost that they needed to find jobs.

One of those who found employment through the future jobs fund in Livingston was Aileen Ross, who was employed by the West Lothian chamber of commerce. She said of her own experience:

“I feel as though the Future Jobs Fund position gave me the chance I needed, to not just get myself back into work but change my career path in a positive direction. On the whole my experience over the last few months with the future jobs fund has been a positive one and I am very grateful for the opportunity I was given.”

Amber Lees was the 211th, and last, employee under the contract. She is now employed by The Pitstop community facility in Addiewell, a former mining community in my constituency, as a community assistant. She said:

“I really enjoy working at The Pitstop and know that I would not have been able to find a job like this without the future jobs fund.”

Margaret Pow, the manager of The Pitstop, which has been highly supportive of the delivery of the FJF contract, commented:

“The Pitstop would not be able to operate in the way it does without the hard work and dedication of the future jobs funded staff we have here.”

There are dozens of similar success stories, with young people in my constituency and across West Lothian who had struggled to find work after leaving school having now, through the FJF and the expert assistance of Access2employment, found work.

Most crucially, the overall success rate in West Lothian has been remarkable, with about 65% of the young people who completed the programme moving into jobs or training—some 15% more than the national average. The added value provided by Access2employment, and its long-established expertise and contacts, has clearly been vital in achieving such significant success. The council’s FJF will end completely in September, but where does the scrapping of the FJF leave Aileen, Amber and thousands more like them?

It is clear that the Government moved to axe the FJF at an indecently hasty pace, before all the evidence on its outcomes was available. The Select Committee on Work and Pensions report on youth unemployment and the FJF, published in December last year, concluded:

“While we accept the Government’s need to make savings to address the public spending deficit, it is our view that insufficient information was available to allow the Department to make a decision to terminate the FJF if this decision was based on its relative cost-effectiveness.”

In fact, there is an increasing amount of evidence to suggest that the FJF has generally been successful and has produced positive results for those who have participated in it. Indeed, a new qualitative study backing the success of the FJF was published last month, albeit with little fanfare, by the Department for Work and Pensions itself.

“Customer Experience of the Future Jobs Fund”, a DWP in-house research report, found that the quality of jobs on the FJF was often high, that Jobcentre Plus generally managed it well, and that the programme had been a huge help in securing jobs for the young people who have been through it. The report states:

“A widespread view amongst respondents who had not found work was that their six month post would help to secure another job in the future. Some of the respondents who had been unemployed for many months plus prior to starting FJF described how their frustration and despair had changed into a real sense of hope for their prospects.”

It goes on to conclude:

“Overall, the evidence from this study suggests that FJF has been successful in up-skilling and preparing customers for work, particularly in terms of increased confidence and belief in capabilities.”

It also states:

“for many participants their reported experiences had been to such a high standard, that they could not think of any improvements to the scheme.”

That hardly sounds like a description of an ineffective scheme, as the Government tried to claim the FJF was a year ago when they announced that they were shutting the programme down.

Support for the FJF has also come from the Scottish Council for Voluntary Organisations, which led the Third Sector Consortium in Scotland, one of the largest third sector providers of the FJF in the UK. Its “Future Jobs: Future Communities” report showed that the FJF helped to support vulnerable people, increase recycling, involve more children in sport and support financial inclusion projects. The report highlighted many specific examples of successful placements in the voluntary sector, including three at Cyrenians Farm, a social enterprise, based in Kirknewton in my constituency.

Martin Sime, chief executive of the SCVO, said the FJF was an example of successful public service delivery. In evidence to the Select Committee inquiry last year, the SCVO also stated:

“We are disappointed that the Coalition Government has chosen to end the FJF early, particularly as this decision was taken so swiftly and without being informed by thorough analysis or evaluation of the outcomes achieved by the programme, which we believe to be favourable when compared to mainstream employment initiatives designed for this client group.”

What of the Government’s alternative, the Work programme? It has been dogged by criticism from all quarters, including from the head of a leading welfare-to-work charity, who also happens to be a Conservative peer. Baroness Stedman-Scott of the Tomorrow’s People charity last week publicly expressed strong concerns about how the Work programme is being implemented, and not least about how voluntary sector providers have been treated. She was voicing the widespread concerns of work charities, many of which have lost out to commercial providers in the bidding process for Work programme contracts.

Earlier this month, Tomorrow’s People and the Centre for Public Service Partnerships published a report that suggested that the Work programme will fail if commercial providers do not help jobless people with the worst social disadvantage. Neil Lee, senior economist at the Work Foundation, has supported this concern. He said:

“As the Work Programme is based on payment-by-results, contractors carry the initial risk. There is therefore the danger that private contractors will focus on investing in places where they are more likely to get people into work to secure a return on investment.”

Perhaps the most disturbing concern has been raised by the Employment Related Services Association, which represents most of the organisations awarded prime contracts to run the Work programme. It has claimed that the welfare-to-work industry could shrink by up to a third in the years ahead, with up to 10,000 jobs at risk. That is because the Government’s own predictions suggest that fewer people will be referred to the Work programme than were referred to similar schemes under the Labour Government.

The ERSA’s chief executive, Kirsty McHugh, said that although she and her members support the Work programme and want it to succeed, there is “huge concern” about its implementation. She said:

“The big unknown is quite how many customers are going to be going through the Work Programme. If, as we think it will, that number turns out to be quite low, our estimate is that the workforce employed to deal with those customers will shrink by 25 to 33%.”

That is breaking new ground even for a Tory Government: a jobs programme that is putting those responsible for running it out of work before it has even begun. On a serious note, that highlights the Government’s lack of ambition in tackling youth unemployment.

Labour believes that a repeat of last year’s bankers’ bonus tax, which brought in £3.5 billion, could, on a cautious estimate, raise £2 billion, which should be used to help create 100,000 jobs, build 25,000 affordable homes, rescue construction apprenticeships and boost investment in businesses. The coalition Government’s decision not to repeat last year’s bonus tax means that even with the increase in the levy announced earlier this year, the banks are still getting a tax cut this year as youth unemployment increases.

In Scotland, Labour adopted an incremental and evidence-based approach to the issue before last month’s Scottish Parliament elections. We consulted with relevant organisations on a £40 million Scottish future jobs fund, which would have built on the strengths of the UK Future Jobs Fund and sought to learn from examples of best practice such as those displayed in my local authority area, West Lothian. That approach, which involves working with experts and local communities, contrasts starkly with that of the coalition Government. At a national level, instead of consulting those who know best how to get young people into work—the people on the ground, such as the dedicated staff at Access2employment—the Government have shut down a programme that is now proving its value and that could easily have been adapted and further improved. Thousands of young people in Livingston, the rest of West Lothian and up and down the country will wonder why the Government have pulled the rug out from under them in this way just when they are in the greatest need of extra support.

In conclusion, I would like the Minister, who I know has drawn the short straw this evening in having to respond to the debate at this late hour, to tell us why the Government acted in such a precipitous way in axing the future jobs fund before all the evidence was available to make an informed decision. Furthermore, what will the Government do now to ensure that the best aspects of the future jobs fund, as so effectively evidenced in my constituency, in the rest of West Lothian and across the length and breadth of the country, are not lost as the Work programme is rolled out, so that young people in Livingston constituency can continue to benefit from expert support in helping them to find work? I thank you, Mr Speaker, and the two Members who have remained in the House.

[The Minister of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Chris Grayling)]

The hon. Member for Livingston (Graeme Morrice) has, as he rightly said, drawn the short straw this evening, and I am sure that he would have chosen a slightly earlier hour to debate what are certainly important issues. However, I think that, quite appositely, we have finished this evening with a bit of a fairy story, because much of what the hon. Gentleman said was, although well-meaning I am sure, complete nonsense. Let me explain why. Having listened to his remarks for the past few minutes, one would not believe that youth unemployment today is actually 25,000 lower than it was at the general election, that the number of young people on jobseeker’s allowance in his constituency has fallen since the general election or that the trends in the labour market have seen an increase in employment in Scotland. One would not believe that across the country as a whole there are 500,000 more people in employment than there were a year ago and that, very gratifyingly at what are difficult times for the public sector, the private sector is creating jobs at a rate that is significantly faster than the loss of jobs in the public sector. I simply do not recognise the bleak picture that he portrays.

I fully accept that with the challenging youth unemployment in the hon. Gentleman’s constituency and across the country we still have a lot of work to do. That remains a big problem and a big challenge for us. Of course, the figures are somewhat distorted by the bizarre situation that the overall headline youth unemployment figure includes almost 300,000 young people who are in full-time education and who happen to be looking for a part-time job alongside their studies. I do not classify those people as unemployed and I do not think that most reasonable people would. However, the reality is that we still have more than 600,000 young people across the country—many in his constituency, some in mine and some in the constituencies of all hon. Members—who are struggling to get into work in what remains a challenging labour market. I accept that there is a job to be done. The progress that has been made is a welcome step in the right direction, but it is only a small step on a long journey to tackling a real problem.

I disagree with the hon. Gentleman’s comments about the future jobs fund. I know that Labour Members believe strongly that that policy was a significant strategy for dealing with youth unemployment, but I disagree. I do not deny that a number of young people benefited from what were six-month placements—it is important to get the jargon right. “Future jobs fund” was not an honest and accurate title for the programme. They are not jobs, but six-month placements almost entirely in the public, voluntary and community sectors. Because of rules relating to European state aid, it was not possible in almost all cases to provide jobs in the private sector. At a time when it is the private sector that is creating job opportunities, that was a big flaw in the future jobs fund.

The other big flaw was cost: it was massively expensive. It cost four times as much to achieve a job outcome as did the Labour party’s own new deal for young people. It was a hugely expensive programme that did not deliver results significantly out of line with previous programmes at a cost that was comparable to previous programmes. At a time when the Government were dealing with a massive deficit—a huge challenge—we had to take some hard decisions, and those hard decisions were about value for money. Early on, we took a straightforward decision that I stand by to this day and which I believe was absolutely the right one: to focus our attention on apprenticeships. I accept that in Scotland, in the hon. Gentleman’s constituency, responsibility for apprenticeships has been devolved to the Scottish Administration. I admired his bravery in referring to the Labour party’s plans prior to the Scottish parliamentary elections, because I am not sure that they were entirely welcomed by the electorate north of the border.

[Graeme Morrice]

It is probably true to say that the Scottish Labour party was not quite successful in last month’s Scottish parliamentary elections, but that was not because of our policies on jobs, employment, or apprenticeships; most people recognised that those were our top priority. There were other reasons why we did not quite win. I do not think that it was because of our position on getting young people back into employment.

[Chris Grayling]

Of course the hon. Gentleman knows more about Scottish political affairs than I do. Looking at the issues from south of the border, I simply observe that it is quite clear that the Labour manifesto for those elections did not capture the attention of those north of the border in the way that he and his colleagues might have wished it to. However, it is certainly the policy of the Administration in Edinburgh to pursue an apprenticeship route. It is very much the view of the Government that apprenticeships offer a much better option for young people. They offer a pathway to much longer-term skill building, and to a real job that can last a number of years. We all hope that in most cases it will carry on beyond the apprenticeship period and become long-term employment—in an organisation in the private sector, in most cases, where there is a real chance of growth and opportunity. Sadly, right now, for reasons that we all know and understand, the same growth and opportunity is not shared in the public sector.

That was a very conscious decision, and I was pleased when, earlier this week, my colleague the Minister for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning, in the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, published figures on the Government’s progress on apprenticeships and set out a quite remarkable increase in the take-up of apprenticeships over the past 12 months. When we add to that the additional apprenticeship places that were announced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Budget, we find that the package of apprenticeships that we are offering, together with the package of apprenticeships that will be set up in Scotland and Wales, will offer young people across the United Kingdom a better option than the future jobs fund.

[Graeme Morrice]

I am grateful to the Minister for allowing me to intervene a second time. Certainly, I would welcome any increase in the number of apprenticeships for young people. Of course, the Government are building on the strengths of the modern apprenticeship scheme introduced by the Labour Government in this place and the Labour Administration in the Scottish Parliament. What does the Minister say in response to my comments about the criticisms made of the Government’s Work programme by a series of people, including Baroness Stedman-Scott, who was particularly critical of the scheme?

[Chris Grayling]

I shall go on to talk about the Work programme in a moment, but first let me touch briefly on one other important part of our strategy: the work experience scheme that is being organised through Jobcentre Plus. We believe that one of the key barriers to employment for young people is that age-old problem—they cannot get a job unless they have experience, but they cannot get the experience unless they have a job. We discovered very soon after taking office that under the previous Government, any young person who did a period of work experience would lose their benefits. We have changed that; young people can now do up to eight weeks’ work experience while continuing to claim jobseeker’s allowance. That allows them to get into a company, demonstrate their potential, and get to know the employer and vice versa. We believe that in many cases that will be a bridge into an apprenticeship or full-time employment.

There are already many thousands of young people going into work experience placements under a scheme that we launched about three months ago. We have commitments from employers to tens of thousands of placements over the next 12 months. We believe that that scheme can be a simple, quick vehicle that opens up opportunities for apprenticeships and other employment for young people, and allows them effectively to demonstrate to an employer what they can do, and break down that initial barrier. An employer may say, “Actually, I like this young person; they are doing something for my organisation, and they can make a difference.” That is the second part of our strategy.

As the hon. Member for Livingston rightly said, for those who have been unemployed for a longer period, or who come from a more challenged background, we have the Work programme. I am afraid that I simply do not recognise the pessimistic view that he portrays of the programme.

It is undoubtedly the case that there are some issues for voluntary sector organisations in the negotiations with prime contractors, sorting out the best possible deals for themselves. I have been very clear, and I am very clear again tonight on the record, that as far as I am concerned we have recruited a good team led by prime contractors and backed up by teams of organisations—specialist, community, voluntary sector, smaller private sector and public sector, such as local colleges—to deliver the Work programme across the country. We expect those teams to remain intact.

I have no doubt that there will be some to-ings and fro-ings in the negotiations between prime contractors and subcontractors over the next few weeks, but it will not be acceptable for prime contractors to treat their subcontractors as what has been called “bid candy” and to drop them. Any prime contractor that does that can expect to lose its contract. So I do not recognise that there is a deep-rooted problem. Yes, of course there are some to-ings and fro-ings in negotiations; that always happens in a big contractual changeover.

The hon. Gentleman talked about a lack of referrals to the Work programme. I can tell him that already many tens of thousands of people are on the Work programme and are starting to receive support from the providers. One of the bits of feedback that we are getting from providers is how pleased they are that we have delivered the volumes that we promised at the time we promised, in stark contrast to the flexible new deal programme under the previous Government, which was a disaster when it started. The people who were promised to providers did not materialise. Providers found that they did not have the people they had expected. That is not happening under the Work programme. The feedback that we are getting is that providers are pleased with the volumes of people who are waiting for support.

This is the most ambitious back-to-work support programme that this country has ever seen. In terms of numbers, it is bigger than any previous programme. I do not accept any figures that say otherwise. It is available to every single person who is claiming employment and support allowance, and it is available to every single person on jobseeker’s allowance who crosses the threshold of 12 months for an adult jobseeker, nine months for a young person, and three months for somebody who comes from a challenged background. Every single one of the people in those categories has access to the Work programme on a scale that has not been seen before in a previous programme.

This radical new approach—payment by results—says to provider organisations large and small, from big multinational companies down to small community projects, all working as a team, “You deliver the support that will work best for the people you are helping, get them back into the workplace, help them stay in work for a period of time that can be as long as two years and three months, and we will pay you on the basis of your success.” I am confident that that will unleash best practice around the industry. These organisations can succeed only if they are excellent at what they do.

The voluntary sector organisations that have real skills have a first-rate opportunity because if they are the best at helping these people into work, they will succeed in the Work programme because their skills will be very much in demand. We have in total 500 voluntary sector organisations across the country which have all signed up to the Work programme. As part of the tendering process, they have signed pieces of paper to say that they are happy with what is on the table. They will now deliver support and expertise to the prime contractors to help the long-term unemployed get back into the workplace in the hon. Gentleman’s constituency, in my constituency and in the constituency of every hon. Member throughout the country.

As of this Thursday, every single part of the country will have been covered by the Work programme on time, as planned. The contracting process has taken place in a very short time by public standards and in many parts of the country is already starting to help people into work. The package of support includes the work experience scheme, our real focus on expanding the number of apprenticeships, the intensive personalised support through the Work programme, and a greater devolution of flexibility and responsibility to the front line in Jobcentre Plus to tailor support in areas where those individual staff are working to the realities of those areas. To be able to look at a constituency like the hon. Gentleman’s and say, “For the shorter-term jobseekers who have not yet accessed the Work programme, what are the extra things we need to do in our area to help our own client base—

Amendment of the Law

Graeme Morrice Excerpts

Tuesday 29th March 2011 Commons Chamber

[Graeme Morrice (Livingston) (Lab)]

Thank you for calling me to speak, Madam Deputy Speaker—although I am from Scotland, I can get your title right.

The Budget has been billed as the Budget for growth and jobs, yet many right hon. and hon. Labour Members have already demonstrated ably why it has failed to live up to its billing on growth. It is also crystal clear that it is not a Budget for jobs either. Unemployment continues to rise, reaching a higher level than at any point under the previous Labour Government, yet the Chancellor’s Budget did next to nothing to address that serious issue.

The Government, like all previous Tory Administrations, basically believe that rising unemployment is a price worth paying. When they say that we are all in it together, we know that what they really mean is that the vulnerable, the unemployed and the poor are all in it together as they will bear the brunt of the Government’s reckless policies.

Labour’s priority in responding to the recession was to keep people in work. The previous Labour Government were determined to prevent the same devastation to families and communities that the Tories presided over in the 1980s and early 1990s, when unemployment rose to more than 3 million. Labour’s strategy was working and unemployment was falling, but now, less than a year into the life of this Government, unemployment is rising again, reaching its highest level for 17 years. That should have put jobs at the forefront of the Chancellor’s plans last week, but the evidence from his statement proves otherwise.

The £20 million funding allocated next year to support initiatives aimed at creating jobs is a pitiful amount in the grand scheme of things and the centrepiece of the Government’s plans for promoting the creation of new jobs, the establishment of 21 enterprise zones in England—not applicable in Scotland—simply takes us back to the failed past of the Thatcher and Major years. Indeed, entrepreneur William Chase, founder of the Chase distillery and Tyrrells crisps, described the plan for enterprise zones as a “criminal waste of cash”. He said:

“The Thatcher government wasted huge amounts of cash on enterprise zones in the eighties. They didn’t work then and I don’t see any reason why they should work now.”

According to a recent Centre for Cities report, which my hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale (Simon Danczuk) mentioned earlier, the cost to the public purse of each additional job created in an enterprise zone during the 10 years of the programme was estimated at £17,000 at 1994-95 prices or £26,000 at 2010-11 prices, yet Labour’s future jobs fund cost only £6,500 per job created and the new deal for young people just £3,500 per job.

[Stephen Lloyd]

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that recent research showed that 50% of people who had been placed through the future jobs fund were unfortunately back on benefits seven months afterwards? Does he agree that that shows that it might not have been money well spent?

[Graeme Morrice]

And 50% of those people continued in full-time employment.

The Centre for Cities report also said that most jobs had simply been displaced from elsewhere and so they may bring short-lived prosperity to one area at the expense of another. That point was ably made earlier by my hon. Friends the Members for Wolverhampton North East (Emma Reynolds), for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson) and for Newcastle upon Tyne North (Catherine McKinnell). Given the Government’s professed enthusiasm for efficiency it seems bizarre that they should pursue such an inefficient means of creating new jobs, but when it comes to unemployment the Tories continue to be stuck in a time warp. They believe that the Thatcherite policies of the 1980s are the solution to today’s job crisis, but we know they are no more the solution now than they were then, when millions were left on the unemployment scrap heap.

The most alarming aspect of unemployment today is the UK’s high level of youth unemployment. As Members will know, the number of unemployed 16 to 24-year-olds increased by 30,000 in the last quarter to reach nearly a million—some 20% of all young people—which is the highest figure since comparable records began in 1992. The Government have been pretending that this is somehow not their problem and that they are not responsible for that record high, but let us look at what they have done since taking office last year. They have axed Labour’s future jobs fund—a criminally short-sighted decision—they have axed the education maintenance allowance, thereby disincentivising young people to stay in further education and improve their skills, and they have axed other employment schemes that were aimed at supporting into the workplace young people who have been out of work for more than six months. Let there be no doubt that this Tory Government and their Lib-Dem pals are the ones who are responsible for the record levels of our young people out of work.

Youth unemployment in my constituency stands at nearly 1,000, which is certainly not the worst figure in the country by any means, but every unemployed young person is one too many. I know from speaking to young people in my area that many feel a sense of hopelessness about their situation. They feel that little is being done to support them, that no one in Government cares about their plight and that their future is bleak. Once again, a whole generation of young people is being cut adrift by the dogmatic policies of the Members on the Government Benches.

The Government’s work experience placements will not improve young people’s employment prospects in the same way that six months of real work would. The Department for Work and Pensions has already said that

“the target group for work experience will be a very small proportion of young claimants aged 18-21”

and that it is not about guaranteeing young people a permanent job. The extra 12,500 apprenticeships a year announced in the Budget are woefully inadequate given that nearly a million young people are out of work and need help.

The Federation of Small Businesses has said that the Chancellor’s Budget did not go far enough to incentivise job creation, so action on job creation is another clear dividing line between the Government and the Opposition. The Government stick with their reckless cuts and do nothing to address the record level of unemployment, particularly youth unemployment, that they are presiding over.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Dawn Primarolo)]

Order.