Aerospace Industry: Northern Ireland
Claire Hanna Excerpts(1 day, 13 hours ago)
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Claire Hanna (Belfast South and Mid Down) (SDLP)
The hon. Gentleman rightly speaks about the potential changes. He will recall that a trade union-led campaign saved Harland & Wolff in 2019. I am sure that, like me, he was down at the yard many times to support the campaign. It was the unions that had the tenacity to keep it open and the vision to see potential green jobs down the line. Does he agree it is important that the trade unions are kept involved in any discussions about the future of the site?
Jim Shannon
The hon. Lady makes a pertinent point, and I absolutely agree about the importance of unions. The last sentence of my speech will underline the important role played by the unions.
The operations are being sold as a going concern, which is encouraging. However, my going concern is to ensure that it does not result in jobs being lost, but results in an even stronger aerospace industry in Northern Ireland. That is why I am pressing for Government involvement and support to ensure that happens.
Spirit announced on 1 July that it had signed a definitive merger agreement under which Boeing will acquire Spirit. Spirit has also entered into a binding term sheet with Airbus, under which Airbus will assume ownership of certain Airbus programmes carried out by Spirit. That includes the A220 programme at our Belfast site.
Arms Export Licences: Israel
Claire Hanna Excerpts(7 months, 2 weeks ago)
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Zarah Sultana
Yes, I agree. In the past, we have shown that we can take leadership, and I mentioned the example of when David Cameron stopped arms sales, although we resumed them afterwards. On this occasion, we can see that clear violations of international law are taking place, and we cannot continue arms sales.
I will make a bit of progress. What makes the Government’s refusal to suspend arms sales even more horrifying is that Israeli officials have been quite open about their intent in Gaza. At the beginning of the assault, an Israeli military spokesperson said that “the emphasis” of bombing was on
“damage and not on accuracy”.
Another official promised to turn Gaza into a “city of tents”, while the former head of the Israeli National Security Council said that the aim was to make Gaza
“a place where no human being can exist.”
The National Security Minister said that the only thing that should enter Gaza is
“not a gram of humanitarian aid”
but
“hundreds of tons of explosives”.
More recently, an Israeli Minister said that the war would be “Gaza’s Nakba”, which is a reference to the 1948 catastrophe in which hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forcibly expelled from their homes and never allowed to return. Given that stated intent, and actions to match it, UN experts have warned of a “genocide in the making”. Let us be clear: if this is a genocide in the making, British-made weapons are almost certainly part of making that genocide happen.
None of that is to deny or downplay Hamas’s appalling attack on 7 October, when 1,200 people—the majority civilians—were killed. I condemn that attack once again, as I have done repeatedly in the Chamber, and call again for the release of all hostages. As I have also said before, echoing the words of the UN Secretary-General, those crimes do not excuse what we have witnessed since.
Unlike those awful crimes, Israel’s assault on Gaza has been carried out with the Government’s unequivocal support and with British-made weapons. Disgracefully, selling arms for war crimes is not new for British Governments. Following Israel’s Operation Protective Edge in 2014, which human rights organisations said violated international law, the Conservative-led coalition Government undertook an investigation into arms sales to Israel, finding that those arms could have been used by the Israeli military in Gaza. That resulted in the Government committing to suspend sales if Israel resumed its military assault.
Claire Hanna (Belfast South) (SDLP)
I thank the hon. Lady for her powerful speech, which is setting out the scale of this emergency. She is correct to say that, almost two years ago, a UK Minister said that UK export controls
“help ensure that controlled items are not used…in…serious violations of international humanitarian law.”
Does she agree that the consolidated list is meaningless if arms continue to be exported to Israel in this context?