Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 19th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

This is the Chancellor’s fifth Budget, the aim of which is to turn the focus of the Government towards the election, and given the events of recent days, that election must be the leadership election, which is drawing ever closer within the Conservative party. As Government Members return to their constituencies to prepare for Opposition next May, they will have many weeks and months to decide how they can explain to voters why this Government is the first since the 1870s to leave households worse off at the end of a Parliament than at the beginning. Rather than their taking to the airwaves to produce ideas to tackle the country’s growing trade deficit, or our deep problems with productivity, the principal topic of debate among Conservative Ministers is the surfeit of Etonians around the Cabinet table. Nothing demonstrates how out of touch and ill-equipped they are to comprehend, much less end, the historic cost of living crisis that has enveloped the country. We should make no mistake: this was a Budget by the few, of the few, and for the few.

Like a stage magician asking his audience to suspend their disbelief at his latest rope trick, the Chancellor attempted to persuade the country that the money that has disappeared from people’s bank accounts and pockets over the past four years was all an illusion, and it is still there after all. The partial use of information cannot conceal the real-life experiences of millions of ordinary people across the country. In my constituency, the median wage fell in real terms by 5% in the year to last April, and median incomes across the United Kingdom will not reach pre-crisis levels until 2018, according to the Resolution Foundation.

[Neil Parish]

It is the hon. Gentleman who is under an illusion, because he does not seem to remember the £150 billion deficit that we have managed to halve. Is it morally right that our children and grandchildren should labour under more and more debt? Do we not have to deal with that, as this Government have done?

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[Mr Bain]

I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman’s intervention, but I recall—it clearly was not an illusion—the promises made by the Chancellor and the Prime Minister that the deficit would be cleared under their successful economic plan in five years of this Parliament. The Chancellor told us today that we had to wait an extra four years to achieve that. The illusion is that the Chancellor and the Prime Minister should ever think that they could clear the deficit, given the fiscal policies that they have followed since 2010 and all the harm that that has caused to living standards.

According to OBR forecasts in June 2010, we should have had growth of 9.1% between then and the end of last year, but we have seen less than half of that—a paltry 3.8%. The Budget, like its four predecessors, has failed properly to address the key factors driving the longest slump in real wages since the 1870s. First, there has been a failure by the banking system to provide liquidity to businesses on the scale required to boost growth in the real economy. Secondly, there has been extraordinarily weak business investment by the standards of previous recoveries. Thirdly, there has been poor export performance, with continuing balance of payments deficits, despite sterling having devalued by a quarter since 2008. Fourthly, there has been declining productivity in seven of the past nine quarters, and fifthly, connected to that, there has been a surge in under-employment, affecting more than 1 million people, who cannot get the hours at work they need to compensate for the collapse in wages in real terms.

The Budget should have begun the work of shaping an economy in which we permanently earn our way to higher living standards. Instead, ordinary people are forced to dip deeper into their savings to pay the bills, or depend on house price inflation, which is set to rise to 9% by next year, to fuel rises in consumer spending.

[Alison Seabeck (Plymouth, Moor View) (Lab)]

I apologise for arriving rather late for this debate. Does my hon. Friend share my concern that the figures used by the Chancellor to highlight what he described as a narrowing of inequalities were based around 2011, before all these dramatic changes, particularly to people’s benefits, had been made? I think that “disingenuous” is a permitted parliamentary word, so does he agree that that was disingenuous?

[Mr Bain]

My hon. Friend makes an important point, because there is no data available to the Government post-2012. To argue that the policies that they have followed over the whole four years have reduced inequality is not a fair comparison for the Chancellor to make.

Last year Britain had the fifth lowest level of investment as a proportion of GDP anywhere in the EU. Between 2010 and 2012, business investment was a meagre 3.7%, compared with the nearly 20% forecast by the OBR in June 2010. While investment lags at nearly a fifth below pre-crisis levels, by contrast, surpluses accumulated by large corporations are up by a staggering 7% over that period. The Government have failed to get investment into the real economy to promote the kinds of jobs that are needed to increase living standards.

It is also worth touching on the OBR’s verdict at this stage in the debate. The Chancellor said that the Budget would rebalance the economy, but the OBR says that net trade will contribute nothing to growth over the next five years. Our export share is to fall in each successive year to 2018. Despite the Chancellor’s welcome doubling of the investment allowance today, the OBR has said that that will not raise levels of investment in the economy and will have a negligible impact on growth. It is a damning verdict on the entirety of the Chancellor’s Budget.

The Budget should have begun to meet the challenge of the changes we need to see in the banks to make them serve society, not the other way around—a challenge left unmet by the Chancellor today. It contains no plans to create a further two challenger banks to break the monopoly of existing players in the retail banking sector; no intention to create a proper infrastructure bank to boost finance to businesses engaged in large capital investment projects; and no plans to create a system of regional lending banks to supply credit on a long-term basis to viable small companies in the way that the Sparkassen have done to great effect, in good times and in bad, in the post-war era in Germany.

Today’s Budget fails the test of fairness on many counts. We know that one of the biggest causes of the rise in family incomes over the past four decades has been the rising employment rate among women. Key to that is increasing the supply of affordable child care. The Budget does nothing to increase the supply of child care places. According to the Family and Childcare Trust, the costs of a nursery place for 25 hours a week for a child under the age of two has risen in Scotland by 26% since 2010, and for a child over the age of two it has risen by 31%. Where were the policies today to increase the supply of child care places? They were entirely absent from the Chancellor’s speech. Most of the benefits of the tax relief he proposed will go to couples in the top half of the income scale, while families with average incomes, such as those in my constituency, will get less than £10 extra a week. Barriers to work will remain for many women, and the long-term potential for economic growth and higher living standards will be left unrealised by the Budget.

The Budget also fails the tests of increasing supply in new housing and beginning the task of rebalancing our jobs market by creating new construction jobs to replace the 214,000 that have been lost during the downturn. It fails the test of justice for our young people by not having a jobs guarantee to remove the scourge of long-term unemployment. I met a young constituent in Stobhill in my constituency last Saturday night. His whole family—parents and grandparents—told me of the hurt they felt about his 18-month search for a job, which has been in vain. It is a moral scourge that affects not only the young person involved, but their family and the wider community. In my constituency there are 179 other young people like him, and there are tens of thousands more across the country. The Budget fails to improve work incentives for the lowest paid by reintroducing a 10p starting rate of tax. It fails to reveal how the Chancellor will make good his promise to reach a minimum wage of £7 an hour for the working poor by next October.

In conclusion, this should have been a Budget that reduced inequality, invested in new child care places, invested in science and innovation, dealt with our rising skills gap and reshaped our jobs market. It is clear that if Britain wants such a Budget, it cannot come from this coalition; it can come only from a change of Government, which is long overdue and set for next May.

Currency in Scotland after 2014

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 12th February 2014 Westminster Hall

[Ian Murray]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. A currency union requires some kind of political co-ordination to ensure that the stabilisers make the currency work. What better political stability could we have than being the United Kingdom, with a strong Scottish Parliament as part of that overall economic and political framework?

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

I apologise for missing the start of the debate; I have just come from a debate on a statutory instrument that affects my constituency. My hon. Friend is making a powerful contribution. According to the International Monetary Fund, none of the 64 largest economies in the world operates without a central bank. Does he agree that if Scotland were forced into the position, which was denounced by the SNP’s fiscal commission, of using the pound without a central bank, the consequences for business and ordinary people throughout Scotland would be devastating?

[Ian Murray]

I could not have put it better myself. I look back to 2008, when hundreds of billions of pounds were poured into Scottish banks to keep the economy afloat, and to keep my constituents, many thousands of whom work in such banks in Edinburgh, in jobs. Without such action, the whole financial structure would have collapsed.

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[Anas Sarwar]

The hon. Gentleman fails to realise in making that criticism of how the Bank of England has operated and the effect on Scotland and Wales that the nationalists’ currency union plans after independence would have exactly the same effect. Decisions about the interests of the people of Scotland would still be taken in this place; the choice is whether we should have a voice here at the same time. The hon. Gentleman is undermining that voice.

[Mr Bain]

Scotland’s First Minister wants to frame the debate as him against the elite, but perhaps I can share the views that a voter in my constituency expressed to me in Edgefauld road in Springburn on Saturday afternoon. She said, “If you get the details about the currency wrong, it is ordinary working people like me who suffer the biggest hit.” Is not that right? Is not that what happened in Ireland when living standards declined by 20% between 2007 and 2011, and is not my hon. Friend right to campaign in favour of the pound?

[Anas Sarwar]

I could not have put it better. Yes, this has an impact on business and big institutions, but the price will always be paid by the poorest and most vulnerable people. I and my Labour colleagues stand shoulder to shoulder with those people throughout the United Kingdom. The nationalists will throw everything into this debate—every assertion, opinion, myth, allegation, contention and baseless claim—so that they can win on 18 September. They do not have any recognition of reality; they are much more the Walter Mittys of Scottish politics. The only thing that they have been clear on is the willingness to hand over control of monetary policy to another country; in the words of the Governor of the Bank of England, they would “cede sovereignty”.

It is important to look at the first letter sent in May 1997 by the then Chancellor, my right hon. Friend the Member for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath (Mr Brown), when he made the Bank of England independent. In paragraphs four and five of that letter, the point is made that

“The Bank is there to fulfil the objectives of the UK Government, as set out by the UK Government and not as determined by the Bank.”

So the Bank is there to support the economic policy of the UK, and after Scottish independence, it will be there to support the economic policy of the rest of the UK, not that of the Scottish Government. The Bank of England would go by the political will of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—whether the current Chancellor or the future Chancellor, the current shadow Chancellor, my right hon. Friend the Member for Morley and Outwood (Ed Balls). The Bank will follow that remit and not the remit of the current Scottish Government or, indeed, a future Scottish Government.

What does that mean for Scots? If someone has a mortgage, their interest rate will be controlled by the central bank of a foreign country, with no input or influence from Scots, no accountability and no say on inflationary targets or the cost of money supply. Likewise, if someone has a car loan, a credit card or an hire purchase agreement for a new suite or a new washing machine, all those things will be controlled by a foreign Government, with Scots having no say or influence, and with no accountability.

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[Cathy Jamieson]

My hon. Friend makes a valuable contribution, as always. I recognise that this is of huge importance to young people in Scotland. Obviously, young people aged 16 and 17 are, for the first time, have the vote in an important election. Of course, there are many young people here today in Parliament, including some members of the Scottish Youth Parliament, who are here to lobby on votes for 16-year-olds. I am struck by the intelligent way that young people have approached this debate. When it comes to the independence cause, they have not simply rushed to the barricades, as the SNP may, at one stage, have thought they would. They have thoughtfully debated, considered and put forward the arguments, and will come to their own conclusions, as indeed the rest of the people in Scotland will.

I have to say to the SNP that it is becoming rather tiresome to hear, every time anything is said that is not in agreement with the First Minister or his team, that we are somehow scaremongering. It is right and proper to scrutinise the proposals, including the White Paper and all the policies. [Interruption.] Indeed, the hon. Member for Dundee East (Stewart Hosie) is agreeing with me. He is an intelligent and articulate man who takes a close interest in all Treasury, banking and financial services sector issues; I gently say to him that it is rather odd that despite that, he continues to trot out the SNP line the whole time, without giving that degree of scrutiny to the proposals made by his political party.

On that point, Professor John Kay, former economic adviser to the First Minister and professor of economics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, said:

“If I represented the Scottish government in the extensive negotiations required by the creation of an independent state, I would try to secure a monetary union with England, and expect to fail…So Scotland might be driven towards the option of an independent Scottish currency.”

He also said:

“Alex Salmond has said I think rather stupidly that there is no plan B. The trouble with having no plan B is you don’t have any negotiating power if you don’t have a Plan B. So there has to be a Plan B. And Plan B has to be an independent currency.”

We are not getting that honesty in the debate, as far as the people of Scotland are concerned. That is important.

[Mr Bain]

My hon. Friend is correct to talk about scrutiny, but of course the Institute for Fiscal Studies and the National Institute for Economic and Social Research have scrutinised the White Paper and concluded that under any of the possible currency options, the pressure on fiscal policy would mean that taxes would have to rise or spending would have to fall. Would not that create more pressure on public services and the social security system in Scotland?

[Cathy Jamieson]

Again, my hon. Friend makes an important point. Perhaps the Minister will shed light on whether there has been any discussion on these issues. The SNP’s current argument seems to be that, in an independent Scotland, it will not take any of the difficult decisions that go along with that. It is not entirely clear yet what will happen to all the benefits and pensions arrangements, and all the rest of it, for some time into the distance. The idea that it will be all right on the night is simply not good enough, as was said earlier.

People have lined up to criticise the SNP’s scenario, including Brian Quinn, former executive director of the Bank of England, Owen Kelly of Scottish Financial Enterprise, Iain McMillan, director of CBI Scotland, the chair of political economy at the university of Glasgow, and the chief European financial economist, who is from a key financial institution. All those people—I do not have time to quote them—have criticised it.

I was told, although I did not hear it personally and will look closely at the transcript, that the Deputy First Minister implied, on “Good Morning Scotland”, that if an independent Scotland did not get its own way on the currency union, it would simply default or walk away from a debt. My hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran said that she never thought that she would see a referendum in her lifetime. In all the years I was in the Scottish Parliament, during some of which time I served as a Minister, I never thought I would hear a Deputy First Minister of Scotland shirk responsibility and say that they would walk away from a debt and put Scotland’s economy at risk. I hope that that report from this morning is not entirely accurate. If it is, I hope that the Deputy First Minister now regrets those remarks and looks again at them.

Fairness and Inequality

William Bain Excerpts

Tuesday 11th February 2014 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Crabb]

I have just given the House the numbers of people who are benefiting from the steps that we are taking to increase the personal allowance. With that measure and the other steps that we are taking, such as strengthening the minimum wage, we are providing real practical tools to ensure that those on the lowest incomes start to see the benefit of the economic recovery.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

The Minister omitted to mention that 279,000 people in this country go to work every day but do not even receive the minimum wage. I want to take him to the point he made about making work pay. What would he say to a low-income worker in Wales, England, Northern Ireland or Scotland who will see the work allowance of universal credit frozen this year, next year and the year after, taking £600 million away from low-paid workers?

[Stephen Crabb]

In Wales, when universal credit is rolled out fully, 200,000 households will see their entitlements increase. Alongside that are all of the incentives brought in to encourage work and more hours of work, so that people are not penalised for choosing to work rather than stay at home on benefit.

The hon. Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr started his contribution by referring to Hwyel Dda and the position of women in society in Wales in the 15th century, so I want to take a moment to look at the role of women in our society, which I expect will be raised more as we get further into the debate. There are more women at work than ever before. Nearly 14 million women are in employment—an increase of more than half a million since May 2010. Let us compare that with the record of the previous Government, who oversaw a rise in female unemployment of 30%. We recognise that for some women the work that is available might be part time or reduced hours, and we should not be tempted to fall into lazy thinking that women always prefer to work part time. A great many do not; a great many women want to work full time.

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[Mr Weir]

The Scottish Government have invested much more in fuel poverty measures: more is now being spent than was spent in the last year in which Labour was in power, and much more is being spent there than is spent down here. As I have said, we have reduced fuel poverty at a time when it is rising in the UK as a whole, but we need to do more. We need to transfer fuel poverty measures from energy bills, which need to be reduced, and put money into a direct programme to increase the fuel efficiency of many houses in Scotland—particularly hard-to-heat houses of solid wall construction—which will help people.

[Mr Bain]

Perhaps there is surprising consensus between us on energy bills, because I support an energy price freeze. Will the hon. Gentleman tell us whether he and his party do so?

[Mr Weir]

I am getting a bit tired of hearing that from the Labour party. I have explained our position on the energy price freeze time and again. The freeze will not work. There has already been a massive increase in bills prior to its coming in, and there is likely to be another after it comes in. We had a debate in the Chamber last week about inequalities in the system of billing by energy companies. Those inequalities will be frozen in place by an energy freeze, making things even worse for Scottish consumers. A freeze will also hit the investment needed to ensure that we have jobs for the future and can bring down energy prices through moving to renewables.

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[Mr Bain]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Jacob Rees-Mogg]

Of course I will give way to a Member who represents a seat with “North East” in its title.

[Mr Bain]

What would be the hon. Gentleman’s answer to those well-known leftists in the International Monetary Fund who have published detailed research indicating that when the gap between rich and poor gets too large in an economy, it diminishes growth and therefore living standards for everyone?

[Jacob Rees-Mogg]

The IMF is not full of well-known leftists, but it does seem to be run, by and large, by the French, who have a very different understanding of economics, an absolutely rotten economy, and are the last people from whom I would take lessons. We will not in this Chamber go into the behaviour of the previous managing director—it would shock the viewers of the Parliament channel if they were to consider how Monsieur Strauss-Kahn had behaved. Anyway, I will not be told what to do by people who cannot behave.

I want to come back to the economic benefits of the spending and saving of the wealthy. That is what provides the employment and investment that leads to economic growth, and leads to the rising of living standards for the poorest in society. That is not done by the state. The state can indeed pass money around—it can reallocate money from pot A to pot B—but that does not increase the fundamental size of the pot. It merely reallocates what is already there, whereas the expenditure, saving and investment of individuals in the private sector grows the total amount that is available and therefore leads to cascading wealth.

This is where I must come on to the specific point in the motion calling on the Government

“to halt its further spending and welfare cuts”.

The spending cuts have been essential. The Government and the Chancellor of the Exchequer have been a model to other countries in how they have behaved. In a cross-partisan moment, I thank the Liberal Democrats for the role they have played. It must have been particularly difficult for them to take these tough decisions, having not been in government for so many generations and facing up to more serious responsibilities than parties in opposition sometimes have to deal with. I think they deserve a huge amount of credit for the support they have given to the Conservatives. Lots of economists, some of them quoted by the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar, were saying that it was the wrong thing to do. Even the IMF had to eat its words a year after saying that austerity was not the right thing to do. The IMF was wrong and the Government were right. Why was that?

First, when the Government came into office there was a risk that there would be a funding crisis. There was a risk that the Government would simply not be able to raise the money in the gilt market that they needed to pay for the services that the British people wished to receive. That was the first problem. The second problem was that Government expenditure and very high debt crowd out private sector activity. If the Government had not reduced spending, businesses would not have been able to have access to the capital they needed to begin the recovery. The third problem was that by taking money out of the economy, there was a general depression of economic activity as individuals and their families had less to spend throughout the economic spectrum. It was being taken out of productive capacity and used unproductively merely on a money merry-go-round of the state.

This is, again, where I like the fact that the coalition has raised the basic threshold of income tax. I share the ambition of my hon. Friend the Member for Solihull (Lorely Burt) that this should be increased. It is absolutely barmy to tax people on low incomes and then give them their own money back in benefits. Not only do we want to get it to £10,000, we want to get it to the point where people on the minimum wage are neither paying national insurance nor income tax.

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[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to speak in this debate.

I agree with some of the analysis that the hon. Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr (Jonathan Edwards) presented in his opening speech. He was right to talk about the industrial policy successes that have been seen in Germany over the past few decades. Such successes are greatly needed in this country. I want to strike just one discordant note by reminding him of the record of the previous Government in reducing child poverty in the UK by 1.1 million and in cutting pensioner poverty by two thirds.

I turn to the speech of the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil). At one point, I thought that he might set a record in Parliament by exceeding the four hours and 45 minutes that Gladstone took to deliver his Budget in 1853. However, the hon. Gentleman curtailed his remarks to below an hour. He had some interesting things to say. Again, I will pick out the points of agreement. He was right to point to the work of the many esteemed economists who have said that the share of growth that goes to people in the lower half of the income scale has been insufficient over the past 30 years.

It was revealing that there was a philosophical difference between the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar and the hon. Member for Angus (Mr Weir) in their approach to markets. The hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar pointed out that markets should serve the public interest, but the hon. Member for Angus did not seem to think that the reforms to the energy market that Labour Members want to see, which would give people a welcome freeze in energy prices to tackle the cost of living crisis that is hurting households across Scotland, were required. It was interesting to see that philosophical dissonance among the Scottish nationalist parliamentarians, who are usually a steely monolith.

The hon. Member for North East Somerset (Jacob Rees-Mogg), who is sadly no longer in his place, spoke about what has caused the reduction in the wage share. If he were in his place, I would direct him to the excellent report issued by the Resolution Foundation today, which demonstrates that 72% of the falling wage share over the past two decades has been down to growing wage inequality. The hon. Gentleman and his hon. Friends should reflect on that.

There was a fine speech by my hon. Friend the Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth (Debbie Abrahams), who reflected many of the points that were made in the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission report that was published last year. Prolonged periods of income inequality lead to massive and dramatic health and educational inequalities. I see that in my constituency and across many parts of the United Kingdom.

As my right hon. Friend the Member for Doncaster North (Edward Miliband) set out in his Hugo Young lecture last night, the economic model that has persisted over the past 30 years is not fit to generate the sustainable growth shared properly across the whole of society that will be needed in the next 30 years. Oxfam showed only last week that the 85 richest people in the world have the same wealth as the 3.5 billion people who make up the poorest half of the world’s population. We need growth that serves the interests of people across the United Kingdom and the world. It is also important to put on record that there is absolutely no tension between tackling poverty and inequality in these islands, and our responsibilities to the poorest and most disadvantaged in other parts of the world.

The fundamental point of this debate is that when we look at the condition of our country, we see that people are working harder. The numbers of hours worked are higher than they were before the crisis hit in 2008, but people have a lot less to show for it. We know from the Institute for Fiscal Studies that, taking into account tax and benefit changes, on average people are £891 a year worse off under this Government. In 2015 this will be the first Government in decades who have to go back to the electorate, unable to answer the question about whether, during their time in office, they made people better off than they were before.

The reason our economy is not working for ordinary people and the recovery—welcome though it is—is not yet sustained and secured, and is different from those of the ‘80s and ‘90s, is that we have not seen the promised rise in business investment. Productivity has fallen in seven of the past nine quarters under this Government, and in 2012 this country saw the biggest fall in productivity in the EU, and the second biggest in the G20. We can begin to detect the reasons for that slump in productivity because people’s wages—even people in part-time employment—have steadily fallen in the past four years. That failure to have a wage, investment, and trade and export-led recovery poses severe questions about the durability of the economic model that the Government are following.

Under that flawed model, more than 13 million people are in poverty on these islands—more than half in working households—and two in every three children are growing up in poverty in a household where at least one adult is in work. Given that, it is no surprise that three out of four people are severely concerned about what rising inequality means for every person across our country.

Today, Shelter published data that demonstrate the impact that the lack of housing supply—a responsibility in my constituency of both this Government and the Scottish Government—is having on inequality. House prices are now 87 times what they were half a century ago, while wages have lagged way behind. Rising house prices in the past year have not been matched by the adequate supply of housing from either Government that is necessary to deal with the cost of living crisis.

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation pointed out last week that in Scotland poverty among workless households has reached 54%. In my constituency, and in many like it in west and central Scotland and parts of eastern Scotland, between 600 and 700 people who are under 25 or who have not worked for two years or longer would benefit from the right to work. They want to be in work but cannot find it, and it is incumbent on both Governments to ease those people’s personal cost of living crisis by implementing policies that will give them a proper jobs guarantee. That is critical in securing greater equality for the constituents I represent, who are on an average wage of £342 a week—5% less in real terms compared with 2012.

We have also seen the hollowing out of our jobs market, and a lack of jobs in the construction and manufacturing sectors. We have seen a welcome increase in jobs in business and the financial services, but nothing has replaced the jobs lost in construction in 2008 and 2009. It is incumbent on Government at every single tier to ensure that this hole in our labour market is repaired.

The banking sector also needs to be reformed, as the hon. Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr pointed out. We have not seen the degree of lending to small businesses in this country that we have seen in Germany, and that speaks to a structural flaw in our banking system. There are insufficient banks to provide the necessary competition. We do not have a proper and fully fledged investment bank to support firms that want to invest in infrastructure. The UK Green Investment Bank does not have the borrowing powers it needs to drive investment in the renewables sector.

Only a Labour Government, in the Scottish Parliament and in this Parliament, can get to grips with the root causes of this unbalanced recovery: the lack of a sectorally and regionally balanced industrial policy, weak business investment, skill shortages, poor exports, a worsening productivity crisis and the lowest number of new starts in housing since the 1920s. We need to earn and make our way to a real recovery in Britain with a long-term plan to raise living standards for all.

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[Dr Whiteford]

Had the hon. Lady been here for the earlier part of the debate, she would have heard some back-and-forth chat about tax rates and such like. I will not rehearse those arguments. For Labour, there still seems to be a zero sum game in which rich and poor have to share out a very small cake. The fundamental point that my hon. Friend the Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr made earlier was that if we want to tackle inequality, we need to grow the economy. Once we have done that, we will be in a much better position to tackle inequality and poverty alike.

[Mr Bain]

Will the hon. Lady give way?

[Dr Whiteford]

I will not give way. I want to make some progress; I have a lot to get through in a limited amount of time.

The extremes of income inequality that we see today had their genesis in the late 1970s. The hon. Member for Dumfries and Galloway (Mr Brown) challenged the motion’s wording about the upward trend of inequality in the UK. I am prepared to grant him that, in the early years of the Labour Government after 1997, there was a stem in the rising tide of inequality, but if we look at the long-term historical perspective we find that it is clear that from 2003 onwards inequality started to rise again. We can argue the piece about that, and I would not take away from the Labour party things it managed to achieve in government that were beneficial to people, but I question the lack of responsibility we have seen from Members on both sides of the House. They have tried to blame each other for not only the financial collapse, but how we have been dealing with the aftermath. It is incumbent on us all to take responsibility for the situation in which we find ourselves and work out how we can build a more prosperous future for everyone, in which the rewards of our prosperity are shared more evenly.

Today, the richest 10% of the population across the developed world have incomes nine times greater than those of the poorest 10%, but in the UK the margins are even more stark, with the richest 10% having incomes 12 times greater than the incomes of the poorest 10%. Can we really say that a person’s contribution is worth 12 times that of another person? I find that a difficult piece of maths to do; I certainly do not think I work 12 times harder than people who are earning a lot less than me in my constituency, as I know they work very hard in difficult and often demanding jobs.

According to the OECD, the UK is now placed 28th out of 34 in its inequality league, as measured by the Gini coefficient. Of course that is not the only way in which to measure inequality, and some commentators who use a wider range of measures consider the UK’s inequalities to be even more stark. For example, Professor Dorling of Oxford university considers the UK to be the fourth most unequal country in the developed world, despite being one of the wealthiest. Those of us who aspire to live in a fairer, more equitable society will have been shocked by the research published by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in December, to which reference has been made. It showed not just that 13 million people in the UK are living in poverty, but, for the first time, that more than half of those people live in working families.

We used to hear the mantra that work is the route out of poverty. For people who are able to secure better-paid, full-time jobs that is undoubtedly true, but the reality of modern Britain is that now most poor people are working, but that work no longer guarantees a life above the breadline. About 5 million people in the UK are paid below what would be considered a living wage, and millions of working people find they have to depend on the benefits system to top up their income to adequate levels. My hon. Friend the Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil) made the point that the report published yesterday by the Living Wage Commission showed that 21% of the work force are being paid below a living wage, which is a 9% increase in the past 12 months. People cannot get out of low-paid work. One of the most important points in the report, which echoes comments made by the hon. Members for North East Somerset (Jacob Rees-Mogg) and for Strangford (Jim Shannon), and my hon. Friend the Member for Moray (Angus Robertson), was that once people are in a low-paid job, it is extremely difficult for them to get out of it. Only 18% of those people manage to get out of minimum wage work in the course of their working lives; a decade later those people are still stuck in those jobs. So work is a route out of poverty only for those people who have well-paid jobs.

A number of hon. Members, the first being the Minister, mentioned food banks. We have seen a huge increase in their use over the past two years, which is a shocking development in a wealthy country. We know that that increase has been driven by changes to the benefits system, particularly by delays in benefits payments and the increased use of sanctions. It has also been driven by the rising cost of living. One thing that has shocked me most in my constituency is the number of working people who are now dependent on food aid parcels. Half a million people in the UK now depend on food aid, and instead of squabbling about whose fault it is and whose Government the levels rose most under, we should be trying to tackle the problem and ensure that people have enough to eat.

Ours is a mature democracy with a well-developed welfare state, but the tax and benefits system remains the main lever through which Governments mitigate poverty and inequality. The recent reforms of the past couple of years have been overwhelmingly regressive and have exacerbated hardship. The promise from the Chancellor in recent weeks that £60 billion of further cuts are on the way shows that there will be no respite for disadvantaged people in modern Britain. Of all the regressive measures we have seen in the past few years, perhaps the changes to housing benefit best illustrate both the willingness of the Government to squeeze the incomes of the poorest households and the London-centric drivers of policy making. The under-occupancy penalty, or the bedroom tax as it is better known, is punishing disadvantaged people in our society who live in social housing and need help with their rent. It is squeezing the incomes of those who are already most hard pressed financially and driving the most extreme forms of inequality. In Scotland, around 80% of those affected by the bedroom tax are also affected by disability, which highlights that link between poverty and disability. Disabled people are still disadvantaged in the workplace and often find it hard to make ends meet. The proportion of disabled people in the UK as a whole is slightly smaller than it is in Scotland, but it still represents two-thirds of the households affected by the bedroom tax.

We also have a structural mismatch between the available housing stock and the needs of tenants. Some 23% of the housing stock is one-bedroom accommodation, yet 60% of tenants need a one-bedroom house. Even if it was in anyone’s interest to play musical chairs with housing allocations, there are simply not enough one-bedroom homes to go round. Provision of one-bedroom lets in the private sector also falls well short of demand and, in any case, costs the public purse considerably more than renting from social landlords. As well as pushing low-income households into debt, the policy is costing more than it saves, and the Government’s persistence in pursuing the policy is foolhardy in the extreme.

I know that the Scottish Government have already made extensive efforts to mitigate the impact of the bedroom tax by increasing the budget for discretionary housing payments to the legal limit. In answer to the strange and bizarre interventions by the hon. Member for Airdrie and Shotts (Pamela Nash), there are legal constraints on how much the Scottish Government can top up those payments.

Payday Loan Companies

William Bain Excerpts

Monday 20th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich West (Mr Bailey) on securing this important debate and on his continued chairmanship of the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield Central (Paul Blomfield) for promoting the charter on payday lending, whose terms I strongly endorse, and I hope that the Government will respond positively and speedily to the important recommendations in our Select Committee’s report on advertising and marketing as well as on access to real-time data on a person’s suitability to a specific loan. The Committee has also called upon the Financial Conduct Authority to extend this practice of access to real-time data, concluding that if it is not properly established by this July, the FCA should make it obligatory for all regulated lenders seeking to provide payday loans or similar financial services products. I hope that the Minister in replying to this debate will say that is precisely what the Government’s approach will be. On roll-over loans, which can see an individual’s effective interest rate on debt escalate rapidly, a limit of one roll-over for each payday loan would prevent much unnecessary hardship for our constituents across the country.

In this debate we have heard a great deal from Members, representing the views of their constituents, on the purpose of markets. The views of my constituents are that where markets do not serve the public interest and serve only the purpose of maximising profits for a very few, we in this House are right to call for them to be reset and rebalanced in order to provide greater fairness for consumers, and in this case greater justice for those on the lowest incomes. Sadly, however, the Government’s recent proposals may be too late for many people in Scotland who are facing escalating charges from using payday lenders. It is clear that the cost of living crisis is biting hard in areas like mine, where 16.5% of all people in work earn less than the living wage, including nearly 3 in 10 of all part-time workers. The mean wage, at just £342 a week, fell in cash terms by nearly 2% in the year to last April, while at the same time prices were rising at a rate of 2.7%, meaning ordinary workers in my constituency were nearly 5% worse off in the year to last April.

As prices have outpaced wages for such an extended period it is no wonder that people have had no choice but to run down their savings or seek recourse to credit to try to maintain what they can of their previous living standards. This means that they are increasingly likely to seek payday lending from a proliferating range of shop-front lenders in Springburn, Dennistoun and other areas in my constituency, but they also seek lending online or increasingly by following up adverts that they have watched on television. My hon. Friend the Member for Cumbernauld, Kilsyth and Kirkintilloch East (Gregg McClymont) was on to the very important point that the under-employment in our economy, with nearly 1.5 million people trapped in part-time work but seeking further hours, is driving the sense of weak productivity, and the response to the growing crisis people are facing with rising personal debt is a very poor one.

Scotland has the highest volume of payday lending in the UK according to research published by StepChange last November. Last June, some 10.3% of total client debt in Scotland was the result of payday lending, compared with 9.4% in England, 8.4% in Wales and 7% in Northern Ireland. The research also shows huge increases in arrears in priority debt areas such as rent, mortgage, gas and electricity, particularly in the preceding six months. Moreover, payday borrowers in Scotland had the highest value of council tax arrears in 2012—nearly double the UK average at £1,312.

StepChange presented its data in terms of the Scottish Parliament constituency boundaries rather than UK Parliament boundaries, but the picture it painted of the payday lending problem in the two constituencies which make up Glasgow North East is equally depressing. In areas with some of the highest material deprivation in Scotland, we see people falling into severe payday debt interest rate problems, with 37% of people in Maryhill and Springburn having council tax arrears averaging £1,504, and half—50%—of all StepChange clients in Maryhill and Springburn with rent arrears averaging £620. That is the scale of the crisis that is being faced in some of the poorest parts of this land.

To deal with the crisis, the Government should be encouraging the FCA to use the powers it has at its disposal now to implement a total cap on the costs of lending, to ensure that the consumer credit market serves the consumer, rather than the other way round. We also know that our credit unions are experiencing the sharp end of this cost of living crisis. People are using them to save for the things they need—such as a washing machine, when theirs breaks down—when their pay and savings can no longer stretch to them.

Nearly a fifth of the payday lending industry’s profits come from just 5% of loans, which are rolled over four or even more times. Most people would think it fair if those companies faced a higher levy on their profits, so that a much-needed doubling of Government support for our credit union sector could be provided. I urge the Government to do all they can to implement the Select Committee’s findings, but that would simply be a first step to ensuring that, together, across the House, we could lift millions of vulnerable people from the life of misery that deeper levels of personal debt caused by unscrupulous and irresponsible payday lending are putting them into.

National Minimum Wage

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 15th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Vince Cable]

I welcome the hon. Gentleman’s support and I know that it is shared among his colleagues. This is a historical issue: it has now been laid to rest. I will talk a little more about the mandate of the Low Pay Commission and the fact that successive Secretaries of State, including me, have respected its judgment, which is non-political, non-partisan and represents both the union and employer standpoint.

Let me talk about the wider economic consequences. The shadow Secretary of State talked with a real sense of righteous indignation about things that are, frankly, blindingly obvious. We have had a massive financial crisis, the biggest in our history—certainly in modern times. As a result, the country is poorer. That is a matter of fact. It is not a polemical point: the country is poorer, and that has been translated into lower earnings. That is simple economic reality and nobody is disputing that.

In the wake of the economic crisis in 2008-09, we now know that British GDP fell by 7.5%. That was more than after the great crash in 1929 and worse than in any other western country. I am not going into the business of who did what when; I am just recording a matter of fact. Recession inevitably followed the financial disaster and real earnings have been affected. The shadow Secretary of State is right on simple matters of fact: real earnings fell by 7% and the minimum wage fell by 5%. That is a matter of fact. What I find so very difficult to understand is that the Opposition Front Benchers—it is not just her; her colleagues are the same—have seen the greatest economic disaster in modern economic history and apparently not noticed it, and they have not taken any account of the inevitable economic consequences. What matters is that the Government of the day seek to mitigate those effects.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Does the Secretary of State accept that while he has been in office, the real-terms value of the adult national minimum wage has declined by 50p an hour since May 2010? It is his responsibility to review the remit of the Low Pay Commission. Why is he acting so slowly on this, given that 28% of part-time workers in his constituency are earning less than the living wage? Does that not show the failure he is presiding over on poverty pay across the whole country?

[Vince Cable]

I do not know about the numbers, but certainly the minimum wage, in real terms, has declined by 5%, as a result of my predecessor on two occasions and me on three occasions following the advice of the Low Pay Commission.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Nothing speaks more to how the economy simply does not work at the moment for ordinary people in this country than this Government’s record of dither and inaction on low pay. It should be genuinely shaming for every Member of this House that the United Kingdom had the fifth worst levels of poverty pay in the OECD in 2013. We should also remember today the tireless work of living wage campaigners, trade unions and those enlightened employers across the United Kingdom who accept that our country has no future as a low-skill, poverty-wage economy and who have achieved fairer deals for workers from the financial services sector through to local government.

Now the Government must meet their share of the responsibilities by using the procurement system more effectively to secure the living wage for workers through Government contracts wherever that is possible, because although the burden of poverty pay falls most heavily on the working poor, who are now using food banks in record numbers, it is paid for by every single taxpayer in this country. They are subsidising, through the tax and benefit systems, unacceptable levels of low wages paid by bad employers. That also damages the interests of good employers.

Over the past three decades, the share of growth finding its way into the pay packets of ordinary workers on the lower half of the income scale has slumped to just 12p in every £1 of GDP growth generated. Having denied for months that there is a cost of living crisis in our country, the Business Secretary and the Government now ring their hands, for ever pledging change in the future but failing to take the action needed now to enforce the minimum wage properly, to reverse its real-terms fall in value under this Government, or to produce any long-term plan to restore the broken link between growth, productivity and wage growth, which is vital to generating a lasting uplift in living standards for millions of people across our country.

The Chancellor has been sending out mixed messages over the past few weeks ahead of his Budget. He has briefed some newspapers that a significant uplift in the minimum wage is on the way, but other newspapers have received a different story. Whatever he announces on 19 March will be weighed against the fact that under his stewardship since May 2010 the real-terms value of the adult minimum wage has fallen by 50p an hour. He is also launching a £600 million stealth raid on work incentives for the low-paid through the freeze in the work allowance of universal credit for the next three years. A single parent with children will be up to £230 a year worse off as a result of that sneaky change buried deep in the documents that accompanied the autumn statement.

Business investment is flatlining, exports are poor, productivity is weak, the squeeze on wages is extending into 2015, and people are working longer hours than they did in 2008 but have a lot less to show for it. This is not a Government who can say that they have a credible long-term plan to boost the living standards of ordinary working people in Britain.

The Government should be enforcing the minimum wage better. The hon. Member for East Dunbartonshire (Jo Swinson) said that bad employers would be named and shamed, but we have seen nothing of that so far. The Office for National Statistics told me at the end of last month that nearly 300,000 people across our country are being paid less than the minimum wage, including 17,000 in Scotland, yet we have seen only two prosecutions over the past four years, and the average fine for each breach was only £1,500.

[Mel Stride]

Does the hon. Gentleman not welcome, as I do, the fact that we are moving from a fine of up to £5,000 per company to a fine of up to £20,000 per employee who does not receive the minimum wage? If 50 employees in a company were affected, presumably the fine could be as much as £1 million.

[Mr Bain]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his intervention, but that would simply mean that the maximum fine was only 40% of the maximum fine for fly-tipping in this country. Is he genuinely saying that there should not be an equivalence between the maximum fine for fly-tipping and the maximum fine for failing to pay the national minimum wage? I urge him to think again.

[Mr MacNeil]

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that minimum wages must have some link with productivity? Productivity is like a cake, with workers and CEOs each getting a slice, and that is what is making the difference to equality in this country.

[Mr Bain]

Unusually, I find myself in agreement with the hon. Gentleman; I will try not to make this a bad habit. He is right that industrial policy has a big part to play.

We need to be creating better-skilled jobs to replace those lost over the course of 30 years. We also need a transformation in skills in the workplace, because evidence from this country and from the OECD shows that an uplift in skills gives people the ability to progress in a job, to get new jobs, and to see a lasting increase in their wage levels across their career. That is what we need to be doing across our country in our industrial policy.

The scale of the crisis is being felt in every part of the United Kingdom. A written answer that I received from the Cabinet Office last Thursday, at column 250W of Hansard, shows that according to the most recent survey of wages and hours worked, conducted last April, over 16% of my constituents were paid less than the hourly rate for the living wage. Startlingly, in Chingford and Woodford Green, the constituency of the Work and Pensions Secretary, work is not paying under this Government, because 43% of workers are earning less than the living wage, including two in every three male part-time workers. That shows the scale of what is happening even in the constituencies of members of the Cabinet such as the Work and Pensions Secretary.

The case is clear: there has to be an increase in the minimum wage. We can work towards the living wage through Make Work Pay contracts, but the Government should be fulfilling their responsibilities in saying to the Low Pay Commission that low-wage Britain needs a pay rise, and needs it now.

Autumn Statement

William Bain Excerpts

Thursday 5th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

The shadow Chancellor is one of the many people whom I want to keep in his job.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Hard-working people in my constituency are an average of £1,600 a year worse off because prices have risen faster than wages in all but one of the months in which the Chancellor has been in office. Can he confirm that this afternoon the Office for Budget Responsibility downgraded its March forecasts for average earnings next year, the year after, and in every year of its forecasting period? Did not the autumn statement simply fail to get to grips with Britain’s cost-of-living crisis?

[Mr Osborne]

The OBR forecast shows average earnings going up.

National Infrastructure Plan

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

I wholeheartedly agree with my hon. Friend and I pay tribute to him, because he has made a fantastic contribution to making the argument for the project to Ministers, which has led to its inclusion in the infrastructure plan. He is right: road improvements are not just about dealing with congestion for motorists, but about unlocking growth opportunities for the whole country, and I think that is precisely what the A50 investment will do.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Given the pitiful rate of housing construction in Scotland presided over by the Scottish Government, Scotland faces a shortfall of 160,000 properties by 2035, but is the Chief Secretary able to point to a single announcement in his statement that would help contribute to alleviating a housing crisis across the United Kingdom?

[Danny Alexander]

Housing is not, of course, directly part of the national infrastructure plan—it never has been—but I can say a word about it. A number of the infrastructure projects will directly unlock housing developments. For example, the investment in the A14 will unlock sites for 10,000 or more new homes in that part of England. That is precisely the sort of project we need to see more of.

Our Help to Buy scheme, which is enabling people who cannot afford large deposits to get a mortgage and to get on the housing ladder, is helping people in the hon. Gentleman’s constituency and mine, as well as across England and Wales, to access the housing market. That, in turn, will help to stimulate house construction in Scotland as well as in other parts of the UK.

Living Standards

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 4th September 2013 Commons Chamber

[Rachel Reeves]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention; she is absolutely right. The Resolution Foundation produced an excellent report, published this morning, warning about low pay becoming entrenched. It does not just affect workers at the start of their careers; low pay this year results in low pay the next year and the year after that, which is particularly worrying.

Zero-hours contracts often mean that workers are vulnerable. As my hon. Friend the Member for Wigan (Lisa Nandy) said, they are unable to plan for the future and unsure of their ability to pay the rent or the bills each month. Let it be remembered that no Tory MPs or Liberal Democrats, apart from the Minister responding, could be bothered to turn up to debate that issue.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Westminster North (Ms Buck) mentioned, we learnt today that 4.8 million people are now earning less than the living wage. Figures I commissioned from the House of Commons Library show that almost 60% of new jobs created since the spring of 2010 have been in low-paid sectors. This is the economy that the Tory-led Government are building: low-paid, part-time and insecure, making life tougher for families.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Three in 10 of my constituents who are in work earn less than the living wage. Two weeks ago I spoke with a constituent from Robroyston. He had been a construction worker before the crisis started but is now in insecure, part-time work and facing child care bills of £200 a week. Is it not the case that under this Government the economy is just not generating the number of good-paying jobs that allow families to meet the cost of living?

[Rachel Reeves]

Two thirds of children growing up in poverty have parents who are in work. I think that goes to the heart of the issue of low pay and its impact on families. It is no wonder that payday lenders are among the fastest growing businesses on the high street. Some of them charge interest rates as high as 7,000%. Families, desperate to pay the rent and provide for their children, are being dragged into debt because they are not being paid enough.

The use of food banks—I am not sure whether the Minister has visited one—continues to rise. In my constituency the main food bank is struggling to find larger premises because demand has outstripped all expectations. St Bartholomew’s church in Armley in my constituency is now distributing food parcels to many desperate families. Its work, and that of St George’s Crypt, is a wonderful example of the active citizenship and community spirit in Leeds, but food banks are damning evidence of the Government’s record on living standards.

Investing in Britain’s Future

William Bain Excerpts

Thursday 27th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

I very much agree with my hon. Friend’s point. As the Member of Parliament for Inverness, I am all too aware of the importance of air connectivity for remote areas of the country. This fund will help to ensure that for all parts of the UK there is support available when those projects can be justified.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

Given that the Chancellor has had to admit that the spending round did not bring forward a single penny of new public capital investment for 2015-16, can the Chief Secretary tell the House when we will have the judgment of the Office for Budget Responsibility as to whether his statement today will make any difference whatsoever to growth this year, next year or the year after?

[Danny Alexander]

The OBR will publish a new growth forecast at the time of the autumn statement. At the Budget this year we allocated an additional £3 billion of capital in 2015-16 and for the remaining years of the decade, and the announcements today are partly about how we will use that money.

Spending Review

William Bain Excerpts

Wednesday 26th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

As I said, the economic plan is taking Britain from rescue to recovery. I do not know if the hon. Lady knows any more about what the Labour party’s economic policy is. We did not hear from the shadow Chancellor the simple fact that he wants to borrow more. He has abandoned his argument but tragically he has stuck with the policy.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

The £50 billion figure cited by the Chancellor for capital investment for 2015-16 is gross. Will he say whether net capital investment in 2015-16 will be higher or lower than the year before?

[Mr Osborne]

As I said, we are maintaining capital investment in the way that I set out in the statement.