Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

Vince Cable Excerpts

Thursday 21st March 2013 Commons Chamber

[The Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills (Vince Cable)]

I am delighted to speak in support of the Budget and thank the shadow Chancellor for 35 minutes of pantomime. More worryingly for me, I occasionally read in the newspapers that we agree with each other; I am not sure whether he regards that as a bigger slander than I do. I have been trying to find out what it is that I am supposed to agree with and to understand what actually is his plan B. A quick search revealed seven different variants of plan B. In fact, that is almost certainly an understatement, because the shadow Chancellor has had more positions on the economy than there are positions in the “Kama Sutra”.

Let me run through some of the variations that we have heard from the shadow Chancellor over the past couple of years. He started with the big stimulus to the economy that was going to come from the bankers’ bonus tax, which would have imposed a £2 billion tax on a tax base—a bonus pool—of £1.6 billion. He had not realised that, since his time in charge of the City, the bonus pool had shrunk from £14 billion.

The shadow Chancellor then moved on to the five-point plan, which was mostly pretty sensible. It included apprenticeships, which we are already doing on a much bigger scale. He also wanted, I think, £200 million for the regional growth fund. Well, we have given it billions, not hundreds of millions. He then moved on to the reallocation of the money from the 4G auction sale, but it had already been allocated—I have already spent quite a lot of it.

We have now moved on to trying to understand what plan B actually means today. As far as I can fit it together, it consists of several elements, including a big stimulus from a value added tax cut, stopping Government spending cuts and, somehow out of the alchemy, reducing borrowing. I have tried to work out how this plan was created and am struck by its similarity to the economic strategy being developed by Nigel Farage, although I may be doing the UK Independence party a disservice.

The shadow Chancellor and I have a serious interest in economics. Before we discuss how to deal with this crisis, we have to try to understand how it originated. I think that most serious economists, whether they are in the Keynesian tradition or not, would acknowledge that this is not a cyclical recession. It is what is now called a balance sheet recession, and in order to understand how that happened we need to understand why the balance sheet got so big in the first place and why private sector deleveraging is now happening on such a massive and damaging scale.

This is an uncomfortable set of questions for the shadow Chancellor because, among other things, he has to explain the following. Why was it that in the 50 quarters of growth without inflation, nobody noticed the massive asset bubble in residential and commercial property, which has since burst? He has to explain why households in the UK, which have become heavily over-leveraged, managed in that period to acquire the highest level of personal debt in relation to income of any country in the developed world. He has to explain why a medium-sized bank in Scotland was encouraged and actively supported by his Government in trying to become the biggest bank in the world on the basis of dodgy acquisitions and gambling in its casino operations. He also has to explain why, when his former boss commissioned an excellent study on the banking system in 2000, which explained why there was a cartel operating that was squeezing the life out of small business, his Government did absolutely nothing about it.

We have a major economic crisis caused by balance sheet deleveraging, arising out of a major financial crisis. One would have thought that those on the left would want to talk about a crisis of financial capitalism, but they do not want to talk about it at all. In fact, the shadow Chancellor has a striking resemblance to the lead character in “Fawlty Towers”. Colleagues may remember the episode in which he goes around with great indignation, wanting to have an animated conversation about Germany, but nobody wants to talk about the war. The shadow Chancellor wants to talk about the economic crisis, but not the financial collapse that he presided over.

[Mr Angus Brendan MacNeil (Na h-Eileanan an Iar) (SNP)]

The right hon. Gentleman has talked about an asset bubble. What is the Chancellor’s mortgage scheme, other than the hope of an asset bubble to get him out of trouble? What growth or capacity would that add to the economy? The problems of this economy will not be answered by yet another asset bubble. What are the Government trying to do? All that their scheme will do is create another asset bubble.

[Vince Cable]

There are two elements to the Chancellor’s housing package. The first is the development of the FirstBuy scheme, which will provide £3.5 billion for shared ownership. That has been widely welcomed because it will increase the demand for housing and get the housing market going. The other, more ambitious scheme is a form of insurance for mortgages, which has been very successfully applied in Canada, for example, where it prevented a collapse of the market of the kind that occurred here and introduced greater stability. The Chancellor is now consulting on how that scheme should be designed, which is absolutely right.

[Helen Goodman (Bishop Auckland) (Lab)]

The Secretary of State needs to be a champion of the mansion tax, which would be a very sensible thing to do at the moment. Why is he supporting this scheme, which will support the purchase of houses up to the value of £600,000?

[Vince Cable]

I remain a champion of the mansion tax and will continue to champion it with my colleagues on the Liberal Democrat Benches. The Chancellor is going to consult on how this major reform to the housing market will be implemented. We recognise that there are many complex products in the mortgage market. For example, many parents support their children’s housing acquisitions. Those kinds of transactions have to be properly analysed before the scheme is launched.

[Mr David Hanson (Delyn) (Lab)]

I will be going back to my constituency tonight and would like to give the Budget a fair wind if I could. Will the Secretary of State therefore confirm that the scheme will not apply to second homes or to people who can afford to provide such a subsidy themselves?

[Vince Cable]

As I said a few moments ago, there are two schemes. The first, which is the development of a scheme that is already operating, most emphatically does not apply to second homes. The major mortgage guarantee scheme is complex and the Chancellor will consult on how to draw the boundaries around eligible mortgages.

[Ed Balls]

Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

[Vince Cable]

Let me just finish this point.

[Ed Balls]

Will he give way?

[Vince Cable]

I will in a moment. Let me just deal with the question of the millionaires who benefit. I remember the 13 years that I spent on the Opposition Benches, asking about taxes. Let us remember the situation. We had a 40p top tax rate, we had an 18% capital gains tax, which was widely used for tax avoidance in the private equity industry and elsewhere, and non-dom tax reliefs were completely uncapped. When we challenged that situation, we were told repeatedly by this shadow Chancellor and others, “No, you can’t do that. You’ll frighten away all the bankers who are generating wealth in the City of London.”

Of course we need a more equitable tax system. That is why the Liberal Democrats continue to argue for a mansion tax. But we have a higher rate of income tax at the top than prevailed in any year of the Labour Government.

[Ed Balls]

The Business Secretary is a member of the Cabinet and a student of these matters, and he cares a lot about how the economy works. Can he tell us, because he will have been part of the discussions, whether the new mortgage scheme applies to second homes and buy-to-let. Yes or no? He is the Business Secretary; can he answer the question?

[Vince Cable]

The scheme has not yet been designed in detail. It was typical of the Labour party that it frequently launched into half-baked schemes without thinking about the detail. This is a major change and it will be planned carefully.

[Ed Balls]

To be absolutely clear, in two weeks’ time millionaires are getting an income tax cut and the new scheme that was introduced yesterday could allow them to use that tax cut to get a taxpayer subsidy for a second home or a buy-to-let, but the Business Secretary cannot tell us—yes or no—whether that will be the case. Is that not an absolute shambles? Is it not set to be totally unfair? It is a spare home subsidy.

[Vince Cable]

The right hon. Gentleman does not know, and I do not yet know, what the final outcome of this massive scheme will be. To be lectured with righteous indignation by the people who created a massive property bubble that destroyed this country’s economy and wiped out enormous gains in people’s living standards is the most gross hypocrisy.

Let me turn to some of the other issues that the shadow Chancellor raised.

[Guy Opperman (Hexham) (Con)]

The shadow Chancellor took us on an interesting history tour of former Chancellors. Does the Business Secretary recall who it was who advocated light-touch banking regulation, sold our gold and uttered the famous phrase, “No more boom and bust”?

[Vince Cable]

Yes, I think we do. That bears repetition and the hon. Gentleman has done it very well.

[Mr Reid]

Was my right hon. Friend as disappointed as I was that the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil) intervened and did not thank the Government for the 18p cut in fuel duty that this Government have given his constituents, thanks to campaigns by myself and other Government Members?

[Vince Cable]

My colleague is absolutely right. He reminds us of two things that the Government have done. One is the freezing of petrol duty. The other is the allowance for remote communities, which he ably represents, as does the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil).

[Mr MacNeil]

Does the Secretary of State agree that the rural fuel derogation should be increased? A 5p cut is not enough; we really need a 10p cut. I am sure that the hon. Member for Argyll and Bute (Mr Reid) would agree with me.

[Vince Cable]

I am sure that we would have free petrol in a perfect world.

Let me deal with some of the points of economic substance that have been raised. The first was about job creation. It is true that in the last set of figures there was a very small increase in unemployment. However, that happened against the context of the last three months, in which 130,000 new jobs were created, vacancies rose and redundancies fell. In this Parliament, we have created 1.25 million new private sector jobs. It is difficult to understand why, if the economy is performing as badly as the shadow Chancellor claims, a large number of new private sector companies are creating jobs in that way. There are regions of the country, such as the west midlands, that in the boom periods saw a decline in private sector employment. That is now being comprehensively reversed.

The question put by my hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth North (Penny Mordaunt) is apposite: why does the Labour party think that 600,000 jobs are being predicted by the OBR in the coming year? We got the ludicrous answer that it has something to do with immigration, but immigration is about the supply of labour, not the demand. Where is the demand coming from, other than a favourable business environment that encourages small companies to establish and grow jobs?

[Mr Russell Brown (Dumfries and Galloway) (Lab)]

We have listened long and hard to the Government about the number of private sector jobs that have been created—it went from 1 million, to 1.2 million, fell back to 1 million for some reason, and yesterday we heard an announcement of 1.25 million new jobs. Will the Secretary of State put in the Library a complete breakdown of those jobs that states where they are located—not just percentage-wise but numbers-wise—which sectors they are in, and the hours that people are working, so that we know exactly what is happening?

[Vince Cable]

I understand that some of those details were placed in the Library yesterday, and the hon. Gentleman is free to consult them. I hope he is not trying to deny that the phenomenon is taking place.

[Julie Hilling (Bolton West) (Lab)]

It is not clear how many unpaid, workfare jobs are counted among the jobs created. Clearly, they are not jobs created if people are working for nothing. How many of the jobs are like that?

[Vince Cable]

These are proper jobs, as defined by the Office for National Statistics. I honestly do not know why Opposition Members are trying to deny a genuine piece of good news that affects their constituents.

[Sheila Gilmore (Edinburgh East) (Lab)]

I thought that perhaps the Secretary of State would like to hear the answer to the question, which is actually in the report by the Office for Budget Responsibility. Of jobs described as jobs created over the past year, 14% are unpaid work experience or work placements.

[Vince Cable]

I do not understand why the Opposition should be hostile to work experience. All our evidence suggests that people who enjoy work experience go on to stable employment. It is an extraordinary state of denial when we have a successful process of job creation that the Opposition do not want to acknowledge exists.

[Ed Balls]

To clear up the Business Secretary’s confusion a few moments ago—I am not sure whether he or the Chancellor have seen this document, but it might be helpful to them—the Treasury has published a document, “Help to Buy: mortgage guarantee”, which makes it clear that the scheme does not apply to buy-to-let properties. A person cannot take out a mortgage for a buy-to-let property; it must be residential. As far as we can see from the document, however, the scheme absolutely does allow second homes. It is a spare homes subsidy. I do not know whether the Business Secretary has seen the document, but perhaps he would like to comment.

[Vince Cable]

I am glad the right hon. Gentleman felt able to withdraw his earlier allegation that this was about buy-to-let mortgages.

[Ed Balls]

For absolute clarity, I asked the Chancellor and the Business Secretary whether the scheme applied to buy-to-let properties, and whether it would allow second homes. Neither of them knew. The Business Secretary said that it had not been decided, but in fact the document has been published and states that the scheme does not apply to buy-to-let properties, but it does allow second homes. The accusation stands. Is that true? It is not in the document; are they going to amend it?

--- Later in debate ---

[Ed Balls]

The document is very clear. Buy-to-let is ruled out but second homes are allowed. That is a fact.

[Vince Cable]

I think the shadow Chancellor is digging himself into a certain amount of trouble. He refers to a document as fact, but it is actually a consultation document. Rather more sensibly, the shadow Business Secretary yesterday applauded the new housing initiatives. We will proceed with the consultation, and if the shadow Chancellor has any technical criticisms of the tenure arrangements, he can make them in the consultation process and we will listen constructively.

[Mr Chuka Umunna (Streatham) (Lab)]

With the greatest respect to the Business Secretary, he mentioned what I said yesterday, but I said that not knowing that people who want second homes can take advantage of the scheme. He did not know that either.

[Vince Cable]

The Opposition Front Bench is getting a little silly. Let us leave it to the consultation and see what comes out. I am sure that those imaginary horrors will not be realised.

The second criticism from the Opposition was about the level of borrowing. I was not clear whether the shadow Chancellor regards high levels of borrowing as a good or bad thing—a rather basic question. Is the Labour party in favour of more borrowing, or less? The Institute for Fiscal Studies made a thorough comparison between what is likely to happen under the Government’s fiscal plans and what would have happened under the so-called Darling plan. It was a bit perfunctory, but it gave us a framework and concluded that in 2016-17 the level of borrowing under the Labour trajectory would have been £76 billion, but £24 billion under the coalition’s policy. That is after the revisions that have taken place.

As someone brought up in the Keynesian tradition, I think it rather creditable that the Chancellor has responded to a slow-down in the economy by allowing counter-cyclical stabilisers to apply. I am amazed that those on the Opposition Front Bench find that a source of criticism, when it is good, common-sense, practical economics.

[Penny Mordaunt]

The shadow Chancellor’s speech not only did a grave disservice to the Chancellor, but to Philip Snowden. I declare an interest as my late mother was Jennifer Snowden so I am related to the first Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer. As a consequence I have his biography which states:

“He was raised in an atmosphere which regarded borrowing as an evil and free trade as an essential ingredient of prosperity.”

Does the Business Secretary think that I should loan my copy to Opposition Members?

[Vince Cable]

We seem to have forgotten, but I think Philip Snowden was the first Labour Chancellor—[Interruption.] Indeed, there have been many others.

[Mr Brooks Newmark (Braintree) (Con)]

My right hon. Friend mentioned a study by the Institute for Fiscal Studies, but the IFS also noted that under the shadow Chancellor’s plan B, the extra cost of borrowing would be another £200 billion. That surely cannot be good for UK plc.

[Vince Cable]

The hon. Gentleman has obviously found another version of plan B that I did not discover in my search, but I am sure he is right.

Let us consider what has caused this slow-down, which the shadow Chancellor blames on Government policy. The OBR was clear and explicit and stated that the downward revision in our forecast for 2012 is largely accounted for by a reduction in the contribution of net trade. We are operating in a difficult international context—particularly in the eurozone, which accounts for half our exports—and that largely explains the slow-down that has occurred, and the consequential impact on Government debt and borrowing.

We are giving overriding priority to developing British trade in those markets that have been neglected for many years. Over the past two years, led by the Prime Minister, I and other Ministers have gone back time and again to people in the big emerging economies to promote exports and inward investment. That is why our exports to Brazil and India have increased by more than half, and by approximately 100% to China and 130% to Russia. That diversification of our export base is fundamental to getting us out of this crisis. That is what we are doing, and we are succeeding.

[Tom Blenkinsop (Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) (Lab)]

I welcome the Secretary of State’s comments, but they appear pretty poor words for companies such as Alcan in Northumberland that is going to shut —the Budget did not come soon enough to provide tax breaks for energy-intensive industries. Furthermore, the steel industry in England and Scotland has been losing out to foreign, imported steel in bridge contracts, as my hon. Friend the Member for Scunthorpe (Nic Dakin) mentioned today in business questions.

[Vince Cable]

That is a serious point and I am sympathetic to it. My colleagues and I have spent a lot of time talking to the EEF, the CBI and other employers groups about the higher costs of energy and how we compensate for it. A compensation package has been through consultation and is being implemented—the cash will be disbursed soon—for the higher cost of the carbon price floor and the EU emissions trading scheme. I fully understand the hon. Gentleman’s concern—he is absolutely right—and we are addressing it.

[Tom Blenkinsop]

Further to that point, places such as Wilton, which has the largest chemical industry in the country—

[Tom Blenkinsop]

As my hon. Friend reminds me, it is the largest in Europe. Wilton has lost out on the carbon capture and storage programme, which would have added 20 or 30 years’ longevity to the capital on site. The north-east is pushing more than any other region in providing exports for the country, and yet the Secretary of State is not providing the financial support for the infrastructure that was provided by the Labour Government.

[Vince Cable]

A CCS competition is taking place. As the Chancellor pointed out in his Budget, there is a recognition of the problems of energy-intensive industries in the north-east, Scunthorpe and south Wales. They will be given an extra year of support as a result of yesterday’s announcement.

[Richard Fuller]

I commend my right hon. Friend’s comments on exports—I have seen for myself UK exports to the Nigerian market. Does he agree that getting traditionally reluctant small and medium-sized business to export is key? Does he also agree that the employment allowance will enable some of our small businesses to take on those additional employees to attack those new markets?

[Vince Cable]

The hon. Gentleman is right on both counts. I was recently in Nigeria supporting that effort. If we are to have momentum, it must come through small and medium-sized companies. Frankly, the export effort in many emerging markets was neglected for most of the past decade—the relationships are not there and must be built up. He is also right that the employment allowance, which will help 400,000 micro-companies, is a big step forward and a big incentive to them to take on that extra member of staff.

In my concluding section, I shall address some of the big strategic choices made in the Budget. We can argue about temporary changes, but it is important that the country has a sense of direction. First, the industrial strategy gives a sense of direction; secondly, the changes in money and banking policy are fundamental after the crisis; and thirdly, the tax agenda creates a greater level of fairness.

On the industrial strategy, I was teased earlier about the “compelling vision” for the British economy, but we clearly need a vision of the economy that goes beyond one Parliament and Government, and that stretches decades ahead. That is why we have made the commitment to long-term planning and working in partnership with business in those sectors of the economy that need such a framework. We have produced agreements with the aerospace industry, and will do so with the automotive and biological sciences industries, and with the supply chains in renewable and non-renewable energy, which were desperately hollowed out in the years when manufacturing was neglected under the previous Government. We are trying to rebuild those supply chains.

A Back-Bench colleague made the point that we have an extra 70,000 jobs in manufacturing after 1 million were lost in the decade of the Labour Government. Of course, the industrial strategy is not just about manufacturing; it is about key service sectors such as education and higher education, and professional and financial services, which are equally important in driving exports.

[Andrew Gwynne (Denton and Reddish) (Lab)]

In the right hon. Gentleman’s three years as Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, he has mastered being an apologist for the Conservative-led Government. May I politely remind him that he was elected in 2010 as a Liberal Democrat on the Liberal Democrat manifesto, in which, on page 15, he says:

“If spending is cut too soon, it would undermine the much-needed recovery”?

He was right then, but does he still believe he was right?

[Vince Cable]

I recommend that the hon. Gentleman look at the OBR’s figures to see what has happened to Government consumption in the past three years. In 2010, it grew by 0.5%; in 2011, it grew by 2.6%; and last year, it grew by 0.6%. It is true that aspects of Government spending have been cut in a way that has been damaging. The Chancellor has acknowledged, as I have, that capital spending cuts were a mistake. That was the one bit of fiscal consolidation that the Labour Government launched, and it has had damaging consequences, which is why we are now reversing it.

[Helen Goodman]

That is not how things look from the perspective of the north-east. The Government destroyed regional development agencies. Of the capital spending the Government have introduced, only 0.5% has gone to the north-east. Why?

[Vince Cable]

Job creation in the north-east is growing more rapidly than it is in many other parts of the country. It is precisely because the north-east has a higher share of exports in its regional gross domestic product than any other region that it is benefiting from the shift that is now taking place to manufacturing.

[Mr Umunna]

The Secretary of State says that the Government have made a mistake with their capital spending cuts and that they are reversing them— presumably, he refers to the extra £3 billion. However, why are he and his colleagues reversing the mistake only from 2015, when the economy needs the support now?

[Vince Cable]

I answered the hon. Gentleman’s point in Business, Innovation and Skills questions. Some of the increases in capital spending have already taken place. There was a significant increase in the capital outlay on universities, which my colleague the Minister for Universities and Science is seeing through at the moment in the establishment of R and D centres. After the fiasco of further education college building under the previous Government, the current Government are, in a systematic way, restoring the infrastructure of the FE sector.

[George Freeman]

This week, AstraZeneca announced a global restructuring, in which it committed its advanced manufacturing facility to Macclesfield in Cheshire, and moved its global R and D to Cambridge, with £300 million investment and 2,000 employees. The Government have moved quickly to set up a taskforce to help with the changeover of the old site to an incubator. AstraZeneca has congratulated the Government on their life sciences strategy. May I congratulate the Secretary of State and Lord Heseltine, whose birthday is today, on the leadership that the Conservative and Liberal coalition is giving on a modern industrial policy for new businesses?

[Vince Cable]

I accept the hon. Gentleman’s congratulations. Life sciences are a key area. It is a difficult sector, because the business model of pharmaceutical companies is changing—they are taking much of their R and D to spin-off companies rather than having it at their headquarters. That has been painful, but my colleague the Chancellor of the Exchequer intervened to help to make the process in his constituency less painful than it otherwise would have been. However, the decision of that large company to have its headquarters and R and D centre in the UK in East Anglia is a vote of confidence in Britain.

I want to make one more point on the industrial strategy. Apart from supporting successful sectors, we must reinforce those elements of the economy that drive long-term growth—meaning, basically, innovation and skills. That is why I and the Under-Secretary of State for Skills who is responsible for apprenticeships are driving enormous growth in apprenticeships, particularly in key areas such as advanced manufacturing skills. It is also why we must invest significantly in innovation. We have therefore established the chain of catapults, and we have the excellent proposal that my colleague the Chancellor made yesterday for the small business research initiative for small business innovation.

[Jack Dromey (Birmingham, Erdington) (Lab)]

The Secretary of State is right that it was a mistake to cut investment in affordable house building. The £4 billion cut in 2010 brought about a collapse in affordable house building. Housing starts were down 11% last year, 70,000 more construction workers are on the dole, and there has been an 8% contraction in construction. If capital investment is key to getting house building and the economy moving, why did the Government not accept the proposal of my right hon. Friend the shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer for investment to build 100,000 affordable homes, which would have added 1% to GDP, put 100,000 construction workers back to work, and got the economy moving?

[Vince Cable]

Why did the Labour party not do that when it was in government? Why was its first proposal for stabilising the budget to cut capital spending, including on affordable housing? If the hon. Gentleman had read the Budget, he would have discovered that, in addition to the housing policies that will affect private mortgages, it included a significant increase in support for affordable housing in the social sector.

The second long-term change relates to money and banking. One of the big features of the post-crisis economies has been the way in which Governments have had to pursue fiscal consolidation—because of the inheritance they received, and ours was worse than most—alongside supportive monetary policy. I made my maiden speech in 1997 in support of the then Chancellor when he made the Bank of England operationally independent. That was an important and good reform. But we have realised over the years that the world has changed. Inflation took no account of the massive asset bubbles that grew up, and the regime was not prepared for the collapse of the financial system and the difficulties we have had rectifying it. That is why it is right that, following on from the very successful, improvised monetary policies that we have experienced, the Chancellor is now consulting on a changed regime, which will be more flexible and take account of the level of unemployment, the level of nominal GDP and other variables that are crucial to long-term growth.

[Jim Sheridan (Paisley and Renfrewshire North) (Lab)]

In the past, the Secretary of State has rightly criticised the banks and bankers for their contribution to the serious financial difficulties we are in. Can he therefore clarify whether he agrees with the Chancellor that bankers’ bonuses should be capped?

[Vince Cable]

There already are regulations that affect bankers’ bonuses, which we introduced long before the European Parliament and which firmly cap the amount of bonuses that can be paid out in cash, as opposed to stock, which is not redeemable in the short run. That reform has already been made in order to stabilise the banking system.

I agree that the banking crisis did enormous damage. As someone who has probably spent more time thinking and writing about it than most people in the House, I acknowledge that I have underestimated the damage that was done by the collapse of the banking system, especially the crippled, semi-state owned banks—to such an extent that even if we now ordered those banks to lend more, they would be institutionally incapable of doing so. What we have realised is that there are two problems. The first is the problem that has arisen from the banking collapse itself and the de-leveraging that followed it. The other is the fact that over a decade ago the bankers stripped out their capacity for local relationship banking. Effectively, they looted their banks and denuded them of the capacity to engage in sensible business lending. Of course, that was anticipated in the Cruickshank report, which the Labour Government ignored, but it has done serious damage that makes it difficult to revive conventional business lending. We are trying a series of initiatives to do that.

On Friday, a new tranche of money will be made available for non-bank lending. Today, we had the advanced manufacturing supply chain initiative, which is helping to fund our supply chains. I put in the Library this morning a written ministerial reply on the business bank, which gives a time profile for how that new institution will support challenger banks and new forms of wholesale financing in the banking sector. The Chancellor’s speech yesterday included a positive initiative on equity capital and helping to relieve some of the burdens on companies going to the alternative investment market on the equity side.

[Andrew Selous (South West Bedfordshire) (Con)]

The Secretary of State is right about the loss of relationship banking: we need to put that right. However, will he acknowledge that businesses can fund themselves in two ways? One is to go to the bank and the other is to raise share capital. What the Chancellor did yesterday on AIM shares and ISDX shares—getting rid of stamp duty—is incredibly useful, but does the Secretary of State agree that business owners need education in how to seek out share capital to grow their businesses? That is key.

[Vince Cable]

My hon. Friend is right. There are a series of bottlenecks in raising risk capital. At the top end, the problem is accessing equity markets, and at the bottom end the problem is in raising angel finance, which is something else that we are trying to support. As it happens, the business bank will have a role not just in lending, but in developing equity markets for small-scale companies.

[Andrea Leadsom]

I was delighted that recently the Financial Secretary announced a consultation on a new independent payments regulator. Does my right hon. Friend agree that if we are to solve the problem of the lack of bank lending to SMEs, we need a raft of new challenger banks? The best way to achieve that would be full account number portability, which would encourage new entrants into the market.

[Vince Cable]

My hon. Friend is right, and the details of the Treasury’s proposals on that point are emerging quickly. For the first time in a lifetime, we are now getting serious challenger banks in the UK, such as Aldermore, Metro, Shawbrook and others, which are an important addition. I hope that the Co-op, the Nationwide and other mutuals that are trying to get into this market will also contribute.

[Sheila Gilmore]

Is not the real problem the collapse in demand in the economy, partly caused by the stripping out of the public sector, why people are not borrowing, why banks are not lending and why companies are sitting on big assets that they are not spending?

[Vince Cable]

There is a demand in the economy. When the Government come forward with proposals to stimulate demand, as they did in the housing sector, the Opposition jump up and criticise them.

[Jim Sheridan]

If press reports are to be believed, a banker is about to receive a £17.5 million bonus. If that is correct, what has the cap been set at?

--- Later in debate ---

[Vince Cable]

I deprecate that and I am surprised that the new chief executive of Barclays, who seemed to have turned over a new leaf, has allowed that to happen on his watch. But of course it is a private bank. It is subject to regulation and the high-paid executives will be properly taxed at a higher rate than ever happened under the Labour Government.

While we achieve long-term change, develop an industrial strategy and change the monetary and credit landscape, people have to have a sense of fairness, which is why some of the basic changes, including taxation reforms, are being made. I reminded the shadow Chancellor a few minutes ago of my 13 years in opposition, pointing to the tax regime that applied under the Labour Government, with lower income tax, lower capital gains tax and more generous treatment of non-dom investors than is occurring under this Government. The Opposition complain about a millionaires’ tax break, but they should remember that in office they created a tax haven for billionaires. That is the legacy that we have had to deal with, and we are dealing with it at the top end of the income and wealth scale, as well as at the bottom with our ambitious proposals to lift low earners out of tax. In 2006, when I was shadow Chancellor, I remember explaining these proposals for the first time, and they were ridiculed by Labour as impractical, unaffordable and a fantasy land. In government, we have now delivered them, and some 2.5 million low-paid workers, many of them women, will pay no income tax when these changes are introduced. That is a major change in the direction of providing incentives and fairness, and I am proud to be associated with that and the other reforms that we are putting through in this Budget.

[Several hon. Members]

rose—