Gaza: UN Human Rights Council Vote

Tom Brake Excerpts

Monday 21st May 2018 Commons Chamber

[Alistair Burt]

It was indeed, and the hon. Lady’s questions are always relevant and to the point. Discussions are still taking place among members of the international community to define exactly what the terms will be. I said earlier that I had spoken to the Israeli ambassador last week, and representations have been made in Israel as well. I have indicated what we believe ought to happen in terms of there being an independent element to any investigation carried out by Israel, and we would like to see that delivered. There will be further consultations on this, as the hon. Lady would expect.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

As I understand it, one Israeli soldier has been injured, and 104 Palestinians have been killed, of whom 14 were children, and 12,500 have been injured, more than 2,000 by live ammunition. Has Israel’s response been proportionate?

[Alistair Burt]

Other allegations include 50 or so Hamas operatives being involved and improvised explosive devices being placed at the border fence. There has been a whole series of allegations about what has happened. That is why it is essential to get to the truth. We have already expressed our concern about the amount of live fire, and we stand by that.

Yemen

Tom Brake Excerpts

Tuesday 24th April 2018 Commons Chamber

[Harriett Baldwin]

My hon. Friend raises a very important point. The UK welcomes the approval by the Yemeni authorities in Aden allowing the import of oral cholera vaccines, which should allow 400,000 doses to be administered in southern Yemen. Discussions on vaccinations in the rest of the country are continuing. The partnership with UNICEF in Yemen is allowing UK aid to be spent on vital immunisations against other outbreaks, including diphtheria, as well as helping to train staff on the ground on how to deal with new cases.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

First, I join calls from the Opposition Benches for arms sales to Saudi Arabia to be suspended, and echo the condolences to those killed in the wedding party.

The Ministry of Defence has previously confirmed that British forces are in the Saudi-led coalition operations room to provide training and advice

“on best practice targeting techniques to help ensure continued compliance with International Humanitarian Law.”

What went wrong? Was this latest strike in compliance with international humanitarian law, and what are its humanitarian consequences?

[Harriett Baldwin]

Of course, we welcome the fact that the Saudi-led coalition has acknowledged that a full investigation needs to take place to answer the questions that the right hon. Gentleman has asked. We urge that that investigation happen as quickly as possible. It does need to be published so that lessons can be learned.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Sri Lanka

Tom Brake Excerpts

Tuesday 20th March 2018 Westminster Hall

[Paul Scully (Sutton and Cheam) (Con)]

I beg to move,

That this House has considered the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission in Sri Lanka.

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Paisley. I am delighted to be joined by fellow members of the all-party parliamentary group for Tamils. The turnout represents the depth of feeling, particularly among the Tamil diaspora, in our constituencies. Yesterday, I led a debate in this Chamber on cystic fibrosis, which was the first time I have seen it with standing room only. The fact that there are fewer Members here for this debate does not negate its importance. Every Member in this Chamber represents many thousands of members of the Tamil diaspora, who remain concerned about what is happening in Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Government’s slow progress in meeting the terms of UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1, which the Sri Lankan Government co-sponsored.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. He is right that there is all-party agreement on this issue. Does he agree that one of critical things we need from the Sri Lankan Government is a commitment to the timescales by which they will have delivered the commitments they have made?

[Paul Scully]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that intervention. I absolutely agree. One of the things we need to say today is that we are nearly three years into this. Resolution 30/1 has been extended for a further two years, and we are halfway through that intervention. None of us wants to reach an impasse in a year’s time and go back to the UNHRC in Geneva to say, “Okay, guys, what has happened? Nothing.”

When the all-party group spoke to the Minister a little while ago, we said that if we get to this stage and still not much is happening, alarm bells will ring. I remember asking the Minister what the alarm bells meant. The hon. Member for Ilford North (Wes Streeting) and I went to the UNHRC, and there seemed to be a sense that there is not a lot it can do, which is slightly concerning.

--- Later in debate ---

[Tom Brake]

The hon. Gentleman is generous to give way again. Does he agree with me that the Sri Lankan Government have nothing to fear from this? An office for missing persons, for example, or a truth and reconciliation commission, would look at what happened on both sides, which would be of benefit to everybody in Sri Lanka, not only to one group or another.

[Paul Scully]

The right hon. Gentleman makes an absolutely valid point. That is true: implementation is a way of moving forward for both sides, and it needs to move forward.

Under the European Union’s generalised scheme of preferences, Sri Lanka has just received back GSP-plus or most favoured trading status, much to the frustration of our all-party parliamentary group. We all want Sri Lanka to succeed—of course we do: we want the economy to be developed for the sake of all the people of Sri Lanka, Tamils and Sinhalese alike—but none the less the fear is that the pace is too quick and that we are releasing all our levers of influence before having any sense of meaningful progress. Moving things on through a time-bound plan, we believe, is the way forward.

When we were in Geneva, we met representatives of the missions of Germany, Macedonia, Canada, India and the EU mission itself. They all seemed incredibly supportive of keeping the heat on Sri Lanka to ensure that it adheres to the resolution that it co-sponsored. But when we asked what would actually happen when we got to next year, the answer was really a bit of a shrug of the shoulders: they could come up with another resolution, or the UN Security Council might be another way to do something, although that is a very different arm of the UN—a very different instrument. Going down that route would get us into a whole other dynamic of geopolitics. We are talking about human rights, not necessarily security: two separate issues.

What other avenue does the UNHRC have? I fear that there is not one, so we have to look at the validity and purpose of the HRC. It needs to be seen to be effective, because otherwise the institution itself is undermined. That might result in situations in which people feel that they can do what they want. Again, to return to somewhere such as Burma, if it can do something without any punishment, any repercussions or a forward view, why not do what it wants to do? What is needed is for the international community to be able to act, and to be able to act effectively.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Minister for Asia and the Pacific (Mark Field)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Sutton and Cheam (Paul Scully) on securing this debate. I pay tribute to his passionate commitment to Sri Lanka, which predates his arrival in this House, although since then he has been an energetic leader as the chairman of the all-party parliamentary group for Tamils and on a range of issues in Burma too, as discussed.

Needless to say, I am also grateful for the attention and commitment of the other Members present: the right hon. Members for Enfield North (Joan Ryan) and for Carshalton and Wallington (Tom Brake), and the hon. Members for Ilford North (Wes Streeting) and for Strangford (Jim Shannon). I will try to respond to all the points made.

Let me offer my condolences to the families and friends of those who were killed in the recent intercommunal violence in Sri Lanka. Right hon. and hon. Members will know that that violence was not Sinhalese-Tamil, but Sinhalese against other communities, and it came in the immediate aftermath of highly contested local elections. Inciting violence in the name of religion or ethnicity clearly has no place in any civilised society. We support the Sri Lankan Government’s swift action to bring the violence to an end, but equally we implore the authorities properly to respect human rights in doing so.

We welcome the ending of the state of emergency that was announced yesterday morning, but we urge the Sri Lankan Government to ensure that there is an independent judicial holding of the perpetrators of that violence to account. Those events are yet another reminder of the continued importance of rebuilding trust and mutual respect between the communities and of the potentially tragic cost when that does not happen. The establishment of a truth-seeking commission is and always was an essential part of that process. I would like to update the House on Sri Lanka’s progress on reconciliation and on the UK’s action bilaterally and within the international community to support that process.

Sri Lanka’s co-sponsorship of Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 as long ago as October 2015 was a truly historic moment. It was, at least verbally, a strong commitment to address the legacy of its long-running and devastating civil war, a commitment subsequently extended by two years last year in resolution 34/1. In co-sponsoring those resolutions, Sri Lanka pledged to establish a commission for truth, justice, reconciliation and non-recurrence, to sit alongside other mechanisms as part of a comprehensive truth and justice process. The UK, understandably and rightly, enthusiastically supported those resolutions. It is right to say that the Sir Lankan diaspora in this country—disproportionately Tamil as it is, for obvious reasons, rather than Sinhalese—on all sides was very much in favour and made that plain to the UK Government.

We remain absolutely committed to the full implementation of those resolutions as the single best way to secure the lasting reconciliation and peaceful future that are in the interests of all Sri Lankans, and which they so richly deserve. There has been some small recent progress, but in all candour I must tell the House that it has been slower than we would have anticipated or liked. An office of missing persons is close to being operational and has appointed seven commissioners. The Sri Lankan Government have passed a law to prevent and criminalise enforced disappearances. I understand that a draft law to establish an office of reparations has been approved by the Sri Lankan Cabinet. I also understand that draft legislation for a truth-seeking commission—an important part of this whole process—has been prepared, drawing upon the work of a country-wide consultation taskforce.

[Tom Brake]

The Minister may be about to come on to this, but in the UK’s pressure on the Sri Lankan Government, what have the UK Government been saying about when they want the truth and reconciliation commission to be established?

[Mark Field]

I will come on to that, but when I visited Sri Lanka last year, that was the No. 1 priority—to discuss exactly what progress was being made, what the stepping stones were and, in legislative terms, what the difficulties or delays were. That is very much in mind, and obviously it is in the mind of our high commissioner in Colombo in his regular interactions with members of the Sri Lankan Government.

The legislation is under review, given the consultation that has just taken place, and is not yet publicly available. We hope to have progress on that shortly. I very much hope that it can proceed without further delay, together with work to establish the planned judicial mechanism, on which there has also been regrettably little progress.

This week marks the first anniversary of resolution 34/01. The UK will lead a statement at the Human Rights Council in Geneva tomorrow on behalf of the core co-sponsors: Macedonia, Montenegro, the United States and the UK. The statement will review Sri Lanka’s progress against its commitments following the update report to be presented tomorrow by the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

It would probably not be appropriate for me to pre-empt the final wording of the co-sponsors’ statement here, but I expect that it will reflect our assessment that: first, Sri Lanka is safer and freer now than it was in 2015; secondly, it continues to engage constructively at times with the international community; and thirdly, it has the opportunity to advance towards long-term, sustainable reconciliation. However, the statement will also make it clear that the pace of progress has been disappointingly slow and that much remains to be done, including on the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms, of which the truth and reconciliation commission is an important part.

I will touch on the point on the GSP-plus, which the right hon. Member for Enfield North made. I recognise the concerns that she raised and would like to make it absolutely clear that, although there has been progress and we have allowed some recognition of the efforts that Sri Lanka has made so far, I would not want the Sri Lankan Government to be under any illusion that being allowed to go for the GSP-plus somehow gets them off the hook. We feel that is an entirely acceptable position.

British Nationals Imprisoned Abroad

Tom Brake Excerpts

Tuesday 13th March 2018 Westminster Hall

[Preet Kaur Gill]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention on behalf of Nazanin, whose case has been in the public arena for some time. Her husband is present in the Public Gallery for this debate. I shall also touch on her case, which is also extremely important.

On 21 November, in response to a parliamentary question by the hon. Member for West Dunbartonshire (Martin Docherty-Hughes), the then FCO Minister, the hon. Member for Penrith and The Border (Rory Stewart), described Jagtar’s treatment as “unconstitutional” and warned of “extreme action” against the Indian authorities. For a large part of his detention, Jagtar has been in police as opposed to judicial custody. In police custody, apart from the severe-degree torture, he has been abused and mistreated. Sleep deprivation techniques, constant verbal abuse, solitary confinement, use of handcuffs 24 hours a day, and misinformation about his family and the British authorities have been used to exploit and demoralise Jagtar mentally.

In December 2017, Redress called on the UN special rapporteur on torture to intervene in Jagtar’s case, and on the Indian Government to ensure that he is protected from further torture. Redress also called for Jagtar to be provided with an immediate independent medical examination—which he has been denied, despite repeated requests by his lawyer—and for the allegations of torture to be investigated according to international law. The next hearing for such a medical will be held sometime in March, almost four months after the alleged torture took place. Again, will the Minister please update us on the steps taken to secure an independent medical examination and any necessary medical treatment following the allegations of torture?

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

I think the hon. Lady touched on this briefly, and might be about to do so in more detail, but does she agree with me and with Redress that if the Government provided a higher level of consular assistance, as well as some consistency and clarity about the circumstances in which they will provide it, that would help in the cases not only of those such as Nazanin and Jagtar, but those seriously injured abroad, which is another significant issue? For example, my constituent Robbie Hughes suffered a serious attack while abroad.

[Preet Kaur Gill]

We are signed up to the VCCR so, as the right hon. Gentleman was absolutely correct to say, we need to ensure that we use our position in the light of that to raise similar issues for injured individuals.

Jagtar’s case is extremely serious, but it has become farcical and a trial by media. He has been brought to court more than 30 times over the past four months, and he has been taken in and out of judicial and police custody. He is now being held in judicial custody until 3 April. I understand that the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has expressed concerns in writing that confidential police investigation videos of Jagtar, taken when he was under duress, have inappropriately been released to Indian TV stations by the Indian authorities. Has the Foreign and Commonwealth Office complained to the Indian authorities about Jagtar facing trial by media, which means that, if charged, he would never get a fair trial?

The British High Commission has never been able to meet Jagtar in private. Requests for private access to him have been repeatedly denied. I will go into more detail about the importance of private visits by consular officials in cases such as Jagtar’s. The VCCR states that nationals should be “free to communicate” and have access to consular officers. In cases of torture, often the authorities will be present in the room or will find other ways of monitoring and controlling interactions between consular officers and the individual. The International Committee of the Red Cross, which conducts prison visits throughout the world to ensure humane treatment, recognises that private interviews are the only way to make it possible to hear an individual’s point of view. In addition, the United Nations Committee Against Torture has called on states to

“insist on unrestricted consular access to its nationals who are in detention abroad, with facility for unmonitored meetings and, if required…appropriate medical expertise”.

In short, private visits are essential to ensure the safety of victims of torture.

Consular assistance is an important humanitarian safeguard and provides a crucial link with the outside world. Sometimes it is the only link. The UK has said that it is a priority to meet Jagtar in private, but it is unacceptable that after 130 days it has not been able to do so. As I conclude my remarks about Jagtar, I ask the Minister whether the Foreign Secretary will meet Jagtar’s family, who are concerned about the priority being given to this case.

Taliban and IS/Daesh Attacks: Afghanistan

Tom Brake Excerpts

Monday 29th January 2018 Commons Chamber

[Mark Field]

While I agree that there is clearly some of that taking place from outside groups, my right hon. Friend will recognise that a lot of it is subject to close intelligence that I would not wish to comment on at this stage. He is right to say that we are doing our level best to try to ensure that any assistance to terrorist groups from outsiders is kept to a minimum. However, he will also recognise that, as I have said, there are now, I am afraid, global networks of terrorist groups. The Taliban have received co-operation not just from the Pakistan side but from other sides of the Afghanistan border, and Daesh or so-called Islamic State are a global network and can utilise help from beyond the Afghan borders.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

I join the Minister and others in condemning these senseless attacks, particularly the attack on Save the Children, which has been active in Afghanistan for 42 years. Will he take this opportunity to confirm that the UK will maintain its spending on overseas aid and will not allow it to be diverted to military activities?

[Mark Field]

As the right hon. Gentleman is well aware—not least because it was his party that, as part of the coalition Government, put this into statute—there are already strict rules about where overseas aid can be utilised through the OECD, and our own legislation makes the whole issue of official development assistance even more complicated. However, I hope that he will recognise that where projects can involve UK aid through the Department for International Development alongside the military, it makes sense to do so. There are strict rules in UK and international legislation that prevent vast sums of money being transferred away from aid, but the reality of the situation, as we all know, is that the proper resurrection of a state such as Afghanistan requires development work on a tremendous scale, much of which will require making the country more secure, and that means co-operation with the military.

Paradise Golf Resort, Morocco

Tom Brake Excerpts

Wednesday 17th January 2018 Commons Chamber

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

Tonight’s debate is going to be a double act, because the hon. Member for Birmingham, Selly Oak (Steve McCabe) is also going to make a short speech. I would like to thank constituents—I have no doubt that he will want to do the same—in my case, Dave Lansley and the core team of people affected by the Atlantic Paradise golf and beach resort scandal, for the support that they have given us by informing us about the issue.

Back in 2007, roughly 800 people across Europe invested in the project, which was to be a luxury development south of Tangiers in Morocco. They invested, in some cases, their life savings in what they thought was going to be a dream retirement home in Morocco. In return for their investment, they have received precisely nothing. Work on the development stopped completely in 2009.

The fundamental issue is whether the Moroccan Government were behind the project—I think the core group would argue that they very much were, because Ministers expressed support for it and the Government handed over land for the purposes of the development—or whether we accept the Moroccan Government’s position, which is that it was a private investment and nothing to do with the Government. We certainly do not accept that, especially as, for example, the Moroccan Government and officials were publicising the scheme at a trade fair for Moroccan property in Paris. We argue that the scheme was strongly supported by the Moroccan Government.

[Mr Iain Duncan Smith (Chingford and Woodford Green) (Con)]

I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on securing this Adjournment debate, which I fully support. My constituent Dr Shawarna Lasker is in exactly the same position as his constituents and I have written to the ambassador. I agree that the Moroccan Government have to stop hiding and pretending that they are working behind the scenes. Clearly, nothing is happening and individuals who invested for good reasons, and good reasons alone, are being let down.

[Tom Brake]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman very much for that intervention, which highlights the fact that there are issues on which he and I agree, albeit not many. There is agreement across the House that our Government should have a role in trying to resolve this issue, although I accept that that role is limited.

Let me give some details of the chronology. Deposits were paid by investors, on the basis of the project having Moroccan Government backing, to a developer who was selected by the Government. Unfortunately, the sales agents behind the scheme then disappeared; allegedly, they have been involved in a number of Spanish property scams under a company called Palmera Properties. Construction began in 2007 and was due to be completed in 2010, but as I mentioned, work stopped completely in 2009. At that point, the developer blamed a water company, Amendis, for the delays.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. I and others present have constituents who have been defrauded. Does he agree that it is past time that our Government stepped up on behalf of the 800 investors who have been defrauded, and used all diplomatic pressure available to achieve a fair solution for those 800 people?

[Tom Brake]

I could not agree more. I gave advance notice of my remarks, so I hope that the Minister will tell us this evening what our Government are able to do to assist the British investors who have been affected by the scandal.

The developer claimed that Amendis had not supplied the water connection, but subsequently it was shown that, in fact, the developer had not paid the invoices from that water company, so the services were not supplied. The scheme was financed by the Banque Centrale Populaire, which was part-owned by the Moroccan state, who provided some guarantees but then withdrew them without the investors’ consent. A critical point is that the Moroccan Government signed an investment agreement in 2015, which stated that the development

“golf course is almost completed, and the residential component is finished”,

but that is a complete fabrication. That is why I think there is a Government connection that requires the Moroccan Government to take responsibility.

In February 2016, the project was in a derelict state. At that point, the Moroccan Government handed over the land to the development company. Given that a requirement was placed on the Moroccan Government to track the progress of the project and make sure that certain milestones were hit, I wonder why they handed over money when it was clear that there had been no activity on the project for seven years. After the developer was arrested, a Government-owned construction company was appointed to complete the project. Certain reassurances were given by the Moroccan embassy here in London that additional money—130 million dirhams—would be provided to the developer, but that money was then withdrawn.

On 26 January 2017, the developer was found guilty in a penal case and sentenced to 20 months’ imprisonment but was released before completing the full sentence in May 2017. Then, on 10 October 2017, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office raised the issue in a meeting with the Moroccan Ministry of Tourism. I hope that the Minister can say whether there have been any developments since then in terms of such contact. The most recent development is that a meeting will take place with the judge involved in the case on 30 January. The core team has asked if someone from the FCO can attend, and again it looks as though the Minister might be able to clarify whether that will be the case. I and the hon. Member for Birmingham, Selly Oak want a formal UK Government representative there.

This scandal raises many issues about the Moroccan Government’s involvement and contractual responsibilities. Clearly, if nothing else, they have a moral responsibility, given the many references to their supporting this project, and they need to respond to that. There are indications that they are at least willing to engage in a dialogue, in that both I and the hon. Gentleman have been into the embassy and spoken to staff there, who are well apprised of the issue, but that does not mean that the matter is resolved. I am sure that the embassy would like it to be resolved, if for no other reason than to stop the very loud protest outside the embassy, which deafens the staff inside the building. There is some incentive, therefore, for them to resolve this.

I acknowledge that the Minister’s direct capacity or ability is restricted in this matter, but I hope that he can first confirm whether there is a role for the FCO in terms of providing advice about whether it is sensible to invest in certain countries—it provides advice, obviously, on whether a country is safe—and secondly whether the FCO will be sending a representative to help the core team and their advocates when they appear in front of the judge. Finally, as highlighted in a couple of interventions, we want reassurances from the Minister, whom I am sure will be well informed on the issue, that the UK Government will not let this drop but will take every opportunity they have to raise it, whether with the Moroccan Ministry of Tourism or the Moroccan Foreign Minister. I saw the Foreign Secretary here earlier. I thought he might be responding to the debate, so as to put lots of oomph behind it, but I am sure he will find out about this as well.

I welcome the opportunity I have had to raise this matter, and I hope that it will be appropriate if I leave my remaining time to the hon. Member for Birmingham, Selly Oak so that he might make a contribution before the Minister responds.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Minister for the Middle East (Alistair Burt)]

I am grateful to the right hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington (Tom Brake) and, indeed, to the hon. Member for Birmingham, Selly Oak (Steve McCabe) for speaking in the debate and to all the other Members who are present. It is clear that a number of Members have a significant interest in the issue, including those who have intervened—my right hon. Friend the Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Mr Duncan Smith) and the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon)—and others who cannot be present. I am aware that others have an interest as well, not least you, Madam Deputy Speaker, who have made representations on this matter on behalf of your constituents in Epping Forest. I thank colleagues for their contributions and will try to respond to the points raised.

First, let me say that, having been involved in this area for some years, I have known of not dissimilar issues where Governments have taken no interest whatever in what has happened and play no part once a problem has arisen. This is not one of those cases, and I will go on to say what the Moroccan Government have sought to do in relation to this, whatever might be the exact legal position on their responsibility, which is not a matter for the UK Government. However, this is not one of those cases where a Government have shown no interest at all in the problems related to a development and the absolute pain suffered by constituents that Members have described. On Government support for that concern, I say, absolutely, these are people who expected to make a good investment, in most cases at an important stage in their life, and they have been left in a very difficult position.

Diplomatic relations between the UK and Morocco date back 800 years and we enjoy a warm bilateral relationship, with engagement at all levels, from regular working-level contact to constructive ministerial discussions in both Rabat and London. That is not immaterial; it enables us to raise matters on behalf of constituents, as we do. We share similar views on many regional issues and we enjoy good security and trade relations. We are committed to strengthening this close relationship.

For the past few years, we have been working particularly closely with Morocco to strengthen governance and human rights and to support security and counter-terrorism work. This financial year alone, we have funded projects worth over £4 million.

Our relationship is not just confined to our Governments. More than 600,000 British tourists visit Morocco every year, making Morocco one of the UK’s favourite tourist destinations, and no doubt time spent as a tourist can lead to thinking of making an investment in a friendly country. We appreciate Morocco’s co-operation with us on all matters, including security and first response to ensure the safety of those who visit as tourists and want a relationship with that country.

Morocco is also increasingly attractive as an investment destination. Our bilateral trade in goods and services is worth around £1.8 billion and we are ambitious for the future. Next month, we are hosting an event to promote opportunities in the aeronautics sector, and in April we will be hosting another on financial services. This builds on the links established some years ago by the London Stock Exchange Group with its counterparts in Casablanca. There are other events in the pipeline.

Morocco faces some significant socio-economic challenges, in particular disparities between different regions. After the upheavals that began across the region in 2010 and 2011, Morocco took steps to reform, introducing a new constitutional settlement.

Clearly, UK companies investing overseas has benefits for the UK economy, which is why the Department for International Trade provides support for UK companies looking to make such investments. We expect other countries to treat British businesses operating abroad as we treat their investors in the UK and to provide a stable regulatory framework, so that investors can invest with confidence. As has been said, this is to the benefit of those countries with whom we invest, to make sure there is certainty in the outcome to attract further investment.

We recognise that there are times when things go wrong, and the Department for International Trade works closely with the National Crime Agency as part of this Government’s anti-corruption efforts. All suspected cases of corruption should be reported to the NCA.

The Paradise Golf and Beach Resort and Atlantic Golf View development project appears to be one such investment opportunity that went badly. It was launched in 2006 and marketed as a luxurious five-star tourist resort. Promotional material showed luxury villas set in beautiful gardens with views over the Atlantic. It was originally due to be completed by 2009, but this did not materialise. It was subsequently promoted in 2010 as part of Morocco’s Vision 2020 tourism development plan. We believe that there were some 800 investors from around the world, and that about 300 were British nationals. We understand that £35 million was deposited, of which only £12 million is accounted for.

Last January, the scheme’s developer, Larbi Tadlaoui, was jailed for fraud on the orders of the public prosecutor in Tangier. He was sentenced to 20 months in prison and ordered to reimburse investors, with interest. Further charges and hearings are pending. Unfortunately, many of the investors were British. Indeed, we understand that the scheme has attracted as many as 300 British investors since its launch in 2006. This is an extremely troubling situation for the individuals involved. They invested in good faith, attracted by promises of good returns, and now fear that they have lost money as a result of the failure of the scheme. I, and the United Kingdom Government, have every sympathy with their situation and appreciate their desire to resolve the matter as soon as possible. Unfortunately, however, we have to recognise that buying property is a risky business and that this kind of thing can happen anywhere—including here in the UK. I must make it clear that property fraud of this kind is not uncommon in Morocco and in the region generally, as our website makes clear.

The British Government do not offer advice to people seeking to buy property overseas. However, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office website does provide guidance of a practical nature on what to consider when purchasing property overseas. Our general guide offers people top tips on what to consider before they buy: getting things in writing, checking that the seller owns the title deeds, seeking independent legal advice and that sort of thing. It also warns of the particular risks of buying property off-plan and what people might do if things go wrong. In addition to this general guide, we also provide guidance relating to buying property in specific countries, including Morocco. The Morocco guidance sets out quite clearly that there are considerable risks of fraud. It states that

“the list of pitfalls is large, and is almost impossible to number”,

before going on to describe the most common areas where fraud occurs. Our guidance goes on to say that neither the British Government nor our embassies and high commissions overseas have any jurisdiction or authority to become involved in private legal matters. This includes those connected to property and financial disputes. However, that does not mean we have washed our hands of this issue.

We are unable to intervene in individual cases, as colleagues will know, but we have regularly raised this dispute with the Moroccan authorities to try to achieve a satisfactory resolution for British investors. The Moroccan Ministry of Tourism has taken charge of the issue, and as the right hon. Gentleman mentioned, I discussed the dispute with the Minister of Tourism and Aviation Security, His Excellency Mr Mohamed Sajid, when he visited London last October. Mr Sajid noted that this was a private commercial and legal matter but indicated that he wanted a rapid resolution to the dispute, both to revive the scheme and to ensure that investors were treated fairly. We welcome this intention, for the reassurance it brings not only to investors affected in this case but to others investing in Morocco more broadly.

For completeness and to reassure the right hon. Gentleman and others who have attended the debate that we have taken the matter seriously, I can tell them that our deputy head of mission discussed it with the Secretary General of the Wali of Tangiers in March last year; that our former ambassador discussed it with the Moroccan Foreign Minister in April; that our chargé d’affaires discussed it with the Minister of Tourism and Aviation Security in July; and that our current ambassador discussed it with the Wali of Tangiers in August and September and with the Minister of Tourism and the Secretary of State for Tourism in October and November respectively. Most recently, our ambassador spoke to the Secretary of State in the Moroccan Ministry of Tourism on 15 January this year.

[Tom Brake]

The Minister mentioned that this was a private dispute. Can he clarify whether that is the view of our Government, or do they consider that this is more than a private development, in the light of the prominence given to the Moroccan Government’s support for the project?

[Alistair Burt]

The right hon. Gentleman is tempting me to give an opinion from the British Government on a property matter that is the subject of recourse to the law in the country that has appropriate jurisdiction. I do not think that I can do that. It is the view of the Moroccan Government that this is a private and commercial matter. As I said earlier, in some circumstances states just walk away and say, “This is a private matter. It has nothing to do with us.” However, the degree of relationship that there has been indicates that that has not been the case here.

I am unable to offer an opinion on what the right hon. Gentleman has said, and it would not be appropriate for me to do so, but that the Moroccan Government feel a sense of responsibility to investors in the broadest sense—I am not making a legal determination—is clear from the actions that have followed, so I will say a little more.

The Moroccan authorities have made it clear to us that they are working to achieve a resolution and that they want to ensure the investors are treated fairly. The Moroccan Secretary of State for Tourism told us that the authorities have found a bank to finance the completion of the scheme and that the Moroccan Prime Minister is taking a close interest in the case. The most recent information we have is that the Government are keen to revive and complete the scheme and ensure that investors are treated fairly. To that end, they are looking at how to move the land to another developer to complete the resort and to ensure the completion of the project. I suspect there is much more to do, but it indicates an intention of involvement that, in my experience, is unusual in such circumstances.

As the right hon. Gentleman indicated, a further court hearing is coming up on 30 January. The United Kingdom will be represented by the embassy, so we will maintain our interest and continue to pursue matters. I do not know what will come of this relationship, but the sense we get from the Moroccan authorities is that they recognise the public nature of this and that they recognise the reputational issues at stake. They have clearly indicated that, above and beyond a legal relationship that is obviously a matter of dispute, they intend to try to find something because they recognise the hurt that has been caused. We want to see this pursued, and we will continue to make our interests known.

In general, we continue to advise Britons involved in private property disputes overseas to seek independent legal advice on local laws and rights and on methods of redress. We provide a list of English-speaking lawyers in Morocco on our website, but in common with practice all over the world, we do not get involved in legal issues. However, I hope that what I have said today will reassure the right hon. Gentleman and others who have taken part in this debate and those who will read and listen to it that we are doing what is within our power to help, within the limits of a private legal dispute.

We would like to see British investment in Morocco continue to grow, and we want a strong relationship. We see Morocco as one of the anchors in northern Africa, and we want its economy to be in a good position to provide employment for all the youngsters coming through and to provide everything the area is looking for—all that a thriving economy can deliver. British investment can make a contribution, and therefore ensuring that investors have confidence in the business environment is vital and is something that we share with the Moroccan Government.

With that in mind, and in the interests of the British nationals who invested in the scheme in good faith, we will continue to urge the Moroccan Government to find a resolution to this dispute as quickly as possible. We will maintain our interest on behalf of the House.

Hamed bin Haydara

Tom Brake Excerpts

Thursday 11th January 2018 Commons Chamber

[Sir Alan Duncan]

We have been a full part of the UN process ever since the Arab Spring of 2011 and the GCC initiative that saw the replacement of President Saleh with President Hadi. In 2015 there was the important UN Security Council resolution 2216. As I said earlier, the Human Rights Council resolution of September last year is an important further part of the same UN process, in which we play our full part.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

Will the Minister use this opportunity to restate the Government’s opposition to the use of torture in any circumstances? Are there any new, concrete initiatives that he expects to come from the international community to try to stop the conflict in Yemen, because that is what has enabled this atrocious decision to be taken?

[Sir Alan Duncan]

It is very nice to have an opportunity to fully agree with the right hon. Gentleman. Certainly we are absolutely resolute in our opposition to torture and degrading treatment in all its forms.

As I said earlier, we really want to start this year doing everything we possibly can to get people talking. We have done so through gathering together the Saudis, the Emiratis, the Omanis and the UN. We will continue to work with them, crucially in trying to find direct contact with people in Yemen who can make a difference—something that the international community is trying to work out following the death of Ali Abdullah Saleh in December last year.

Israel: US Embassy

Tom Brake Excerpts

Thursday 7th December 2017 Commons Chamber

[Alistair Burt]

I think that we would all concur with those words. The status of Jerusalem is of immense importance in the region to all faiths and all parties who live there. It is essential that the consensus that Jerusalem is for all be honoured. As I stated, it is very clear that our position on the final status of Jerusalem, as part of the final settlement to be agreed between the parties, is the most important thing, not anyone’s unilateral decision about what they think about Jerusalem.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

The UK Government have previously said that they would recognise Palestine when the time was right. Is the time not right now?

[Alistair Burt]

Our view has been that recognition of Palestine should come at the time when that is in the best interests of the prospects for peace and the peace process. That remains our position for now.

Budget Resolutions

Tom Brake Excerpts

Monday 27th November 2017 Commons Chamber

[Boris Johnson]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right, and I might point out to him as well that India is just one of 52 Commonwealth nations that together comprise 2.4 billion people and some of the fastest-growing economies in the world, with whom we can now do free trade deals, as he rightly says, outside the customs union. We will be strengthened in that endeavour by being able to build on the success—

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

Will the Foreign Secretary give way?

[Boris Johnson]

I will give way in a moment, as I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will want to hear these points.

We will be able to build on the success of an economy that has grown for 19 quarters in a row, contrary to what the right hon. Gentleman prophesied, with unemployment that has fallen to its lowest level for 42 years and with 3 million new jobs since 2010—one of the best records in the whole of Europe—and we are forecast to create another 600,000 by 2020.

This Budget will take forward our national success by helping Britain to compete in the industries of the future —robotics, artificial intelligence and self-driving cars. My right hon. Friend the Chancellor is overseeing the biggest increase in science and innovation spending for 40 years, investing another £2.3 billion to keep Britain at the forefront of the technological revolution.

[Tom Brake]

On the subject of something the Foreign Secretary can realistically achieve in the Budget, will he set out for the House when he is going to deliver on his promise of £350 million a week for the NHS—[Interruption.] They do not like hearing it, do they?

[Boris Johnson]

With pleasure. As the right hon. Gentleman knows full well, when we leave the European Union, there will be at least £350 million a week, of which we will take back control. As he knows full well, substantial sums from that funding will be available for use in our national health service. If he seriously believes that money should be squandered on ill-audited projects around Europe, he is not expressing the will of the British people.

--- Later in debate ---

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

I suppose that nobody in the Chamber should be surprised that the Foreign Secretary was more comfortable talking about penguins than he was about the £350 million a week for the NHS—I guess the penguins probably reminded him of the Bullingdon Club days. Opposition Members need to remember that the Foreign Secretary is very sensitive about being reminded of his pledge, so I encourage everyone to use that at every opportunity. I wanted the Foreign Secretary to identify where in the Budget the £350 million a week was going to come from and when it was going to be available, because I was going to put in a bid for £400 million, which the hon. Member for Mitcham and Morden (Siobhain McDonagh) —a neighbouring constituency—will recognise as the figure required for St Helier Hospital’s improvements. However, the Foreign Secretary was of course unable to offer the £350 million that he had painted on the side of the bus.

This Budget brings the day of reckoning for the Brexiters on the Government Benches—and for some on the Opposition Benches who do not appear to be here today—a day closer. It says that Brexit, with fewer skilled workers and less investment, will hammer our productivity and damage our economic prospects, and that has already started in the automotive industry.

Many Members have quoted the Institute for Fiscal Studies, which says:

“The forecasts for productivity, earnings and economic growth make pretty grim reading… GDP per capita will be 3.5% smaller in 2021 than forecast less than two years ago… a loss of £65 billion to the economy.”

I find it bizarre that Conservative Members ask us to be cheerleaders for the Government, given the figures the IFS is reporting on the Budget’s impact on the economy. The Chancellor promised a surplus of £10 billion in 2019-20, and now he is promising that the deficit will be reduced to just £35 billion at that point.

There we have it: forecasts for productivity and growth are down; the number of apprenticeships is dramatically down; the forecasts for debt and inflation are up; and the date for clearing the deficit has been pushed back yet again. Neither the Government nor, I am afraid to say, the official Opposition have the answer to the economic calamity we are facing.

The Government’s answer is to drive the car fast towards the Brexit cliff, to invoke the will of the people and to keep their fingers crossed on the way down. The official Opposition’s position seems to be to drive the car fast towards the Brexit cliff and when it leaves terra firma, like Dick Dastardly and Muttley in “Wacky Races,” to remain poised in mid-air for two years before invoking the will of the people and keeping their fingers crossed on the way down. That is clearly Labour’s position, because the shadow Foreign Secretary, the right hon. Member for Islington South and Finsbury (Emily Thornberry), was not able to answer the question on what her position is.

The Budget provides no answers to the critical economic challenges that the UK faces, yet the answer is relatively simple: invest in infrastructure and housing; scrap the apprenticeship levy; and stay in the single market, the customs union and the European Union. That is why the Liberal Democrats are pressing for a vote on the deal and an exit from Brexit.

Israel: Meetings

Tom Brake Excerpts

Tuesday 7th November 2017 Commons Chamber

[Alistair Burt]

My understanding is that FCO officials became aware of my right hon. Friend’s private visit on 24 August—during her visit. I do not have the dates of all the meetings, but I suspect it was after the meetings took place, and I believe that it was she who told the official abroad that she was there and having these visits. That is my understanding of the case.

[Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)]

Has guidance now been reissued to Ministers and Secretaries of State that they should not freelance on foreign policy—or on policy in relation to any other Department—when on their holidays, with or without Tory donors present?

[Alistair Burt]

The Prime Minister said yesterday that the ministerial code would be tightened in relation to this matter, and I am quite sure that it will be. I do not think it has been reissued this morning, but—again—the common sense of this is very clear. That is why my right hon. Friend has recognised that she should have done this differently, as I am sure we all would were we in a similar position.