Spending Review

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Wednesday 26th June 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

We have provided just over £30 million to the Police Service of Northern Ireland. I am confident that within that resource the PSNI can undertake the recruitment and training that it requires to police Northern Ireland effectively for all communities.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

Given that 16 to 18-year-olds attend schools as well as colleges, does the Chancellor’s unequivocal commitment to protect school funding in real terms extend to the funding of 16 to 18-year-olds?

[Mr Osborne]

We set out the school commitment in the direct school grant and the pupil premium. We have invested in the education of young people as well as the education of young adults.

Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Thursday 21st March 2013 Commons Chamber

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

My hon. Friend is stating things very clearly. Does he believe that this Government will allow Lord Heseltine’s proactive approach to regenerate the regions?

[Andrew Gwynne]

I very much doubt it; we can but hope. There are some good ideas that build on the many regional initiatives that the last Labour Government left in place in May 2010. The strategy almost reinvents the wheel, but I do not care who reinvents the wheel; the fact is that the wheel should never have been smashed up in the first place.

My Denton and Reddish constituency has been badly affected by unemployment. The figures that were released yesterday showed an increase in those claiming jobseeker’s allowance over the past 12 months. There are now 2,642 unemployed claimants in my constituency, which is 6% of the economically active population. The longer-term picture is far worse. The number of those claiming jobseeker’s allowance over the past 12 months has now gone up 32%. The figure has gone up 44% for young people and, staggeringly, for people over 25 claiming jobseeker’s allowance, the figure has gone up 70% in the past year.

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[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Hexham (Guy Opperman), who was hyperactive and animated in his contribution. On balance, I feel that he protesteth too much about most things on this particular occasion.

The Chancellor can certainly talk the talk. The question the country is asking is whether he can walk the walk. In his Mais lecture on 24 February 2010, the then shadow Chancellor argued that there were a series of benchmarks for the policies of the next Parliament

“against which you will be able to judge whether a Conservative Government is delivering on this new economic model.”

He also said:

“I have set out the benchmarks against which we can be held accountable”;

that

“we will maintain Britain’s AAA credit rating”;

and:

“We have to deal with our debts”.

We can mark the Chancellor against his own benchmarks. He has lost the UK’s triple A credit rating because he has failed to deliver growth and to reduce the deficit. The lack of growth has resulted in more, not less, borrowing. It is up £254 billion. Today’s Financial Times has a graph that demonstrates that the deficit is getting wider and that debt is going up. The headline says, “Things are worse and Plan A is off course.” It is now forecast that national debt as a percentage of GDP will not start falling until 2017-18.

In a sense, the Chancellor has supervised his own deficit expansion programme. Nice work by the Chancellor! But it was all too predictable. At least one learned commentator gave a warning in 2010—the Business Secretary who spoke from the Dispatch Box earlier. He said:

“Slashing spending now could push the economy back into recession and inflict further structural damage on the UK that will make it harder to sustain our credit rating.”

He said of the then shadow Chancellor:

“He…fails to appreciate that what the markets are looking for is a credible plan to reduce the deficit, not a willingness to slash regardless of economic conditions. In the current climate, it is essential that decisions about the speed and timing of tackling the deficit are based on the state of the economy, not political dogma.”

There we have it: decisions made from millionaires’ row and in yesterday’s Budget are affecting ordinary, hard-working people in my Scunthorpe constituency, and they are not making a difference for the better.

People are suffering from the removal of the education maintenance allowance, tuition fees, the rise in VAT, short-term working, tax credits being taken away, rising energy bills, fuel bills still going up despite the welcome move in the Budget, and the bedroom tax; and they are £381 a year worse off than they were in 2010. This Budget prefers a bedroom tax to a mansion tax, and it prefers giving a second home subsidy to those who can take advantage of it to building homes for those who need them. This is a Budget for millionaires, not hard-working people. It is a Budget of desperation and exasperation rather than aspiration, and another omnishambles.

[Barbara Keeley]

On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. There has been lot of confusion over the last few hours about the Government’s new mortgage guarantee scheme, and while we have the opportunity I would like to ask those on the Treasury Bench to clarify whether second home owners are eligible for the scheme. Can the scheme, which can be used for new builds and other types of housing, be used in that way?

Tax Fairness

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Tuesday 12th March 2013 Commons Chamber

[Chris Leslie]

That was one of the solutions that the Deputy Prime Minister suggested. I think it is entirely possible to find solutions to deal with those rare circumstances. However, I ask the hon. Gentleman: what is he saying to all of his constituents who, like mine, face having to move out of their properties because of the bedroom tax that his Government are introducing in a few weeks’ time? Many of those people are probably still not aware what charge is going to hit them when the change to housing benefit comes in. He is expecting great upheaval—people having to move house—at one end of the spectrum but when the Deputy Prime Minister comes up with a particular solution his response is, “Oh no, that is entirely unworkable.” We need to get the Treasury and the Office for Budget Responsibility to think about these things in a detailed way.

We had hoped that Government Members would support the motion, but what does the Government amendment say? I urge hon. Members to pick up their Order Paper, turn to the relevant page and just look at the Government amendment—this pantomime amendment, whose logic is contorted. It proposes to delete the whole proposition of a mansion tax and replace it with a pleading defence of the different views held by different parts of the coalition. It would remove the resolve to back a mansion tax and retreat into a messy fudge as a means—I mix my metaphors—of brushing the whole issue under the carpet. It is an amendment that seeks to face both ways yet go nowhere. It is a push-me, pull-you amendment, and the Government should be deeply embarrassed at the drafting, which of course descends, as we can see, into a general attack on the Opposition.

Liberal Democrats need to grow some courage and stand up for themselves, for once. This measure is not just a bygone pledge from their now notorious 2010 manifesto; the Deputy Prime Minister made it the centrepiece of his leadership in the past few weeks. Kicking off the Eastleigh by-election last month, he called for

“taxes on mansions, tax cuts for millions”.

That is what is in our motion. He said:

“The mansion tax is an idea whose time has come.”

He said that opponents of it should

“join with the Liberal Democrats…seeking to make our tax system fair.”

Indeed, others have joined in that chorus.

On this Sunday’s “The Andrew Marr Show” Lord Ashdown said it would be “weird” if the Liberal Democrats did not vote in favour of the tax. The “Sunday Politics” had an interview with the Lib Dem president, the hon. Member for Westmorland and Lonsdale (Tim Farron), in which an interesting exchange took place. Andrew Neil said:

“It’s a simple motion. Will you vote for it?”

The hon. Gentleman said:

“Well, let’s say, I mean, when all’s said and done, that is pretty much Liberal Democrat policy”.

Andrew Neil then asked:

“Well, what part of that motion do you disagree with?”

The hon. Gentleman said, “None of it.”

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

Does my hon. Friend agree that the Liberal Democrats are in danger of being highly consistent? Having been against tuition fees they voted for them; having been against a bombshell VAT increase they voted for it; and now they appear to be for a mansion tax but are going to vote against it.

[Chris Leslie]

I hope that my hon. Friend is not accusing the Liberal Democrats of consistency in their inconsistency—that would be a step too far.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stephen Williams]

I will come to that, if the hon. Gentleman is patient.

The key sentences in the Opposition motion and in the coalition Government amendment are those which refer to our support for tax cuts for people on low and middle incomes; we have that in common. However, it rather depends on what one means by that. We know what we mean by it. At the last general election, the Liberal Democrats said that the most effective way to cut taxes for people on low and middle incomes was to raise the income tax threshold to £10,000. That policy was accepted by our coalition partners and it has now been delivered by the coalition Government. I listened carefully to what the Leader of the Opposition said in his speech just a month ago when, lo and behold, Labour was converted to a mansion tax. The purpose of that conversion was specifically to right the wrong that the hon. Member for Nottingham East (Chris Leslie) acknowledged was done in 2007—in other words, to reintroduce the 10p rate. That is what Labour’s policy is. The motion is not entirely clear about that, but we have heard the words of the Leader of the Opposition. We know that, yes, they are now in favour of a mansion tax, but specifically to fund a 10p tax rate, which we think will be completely ineffective.

[Nic Dakin]

Was it yesterday that the hon. Gentleman said on the BBC2 “Daily Politics” show that he could have written the Labour motion himself?

[Stephen Williams]

Yes, it was. I said it on “Westminster Hour”, on Radio 5, on the “Daily Politics” show, and on other programmes as well. Indeed I could have written it myself. However, I know precisely what I mean by a mansion tax, but we have not heard spelled out in any detail what Labour Members think it should be. I know what I mean by a tax cut for low and middle-income earners, because that is what this Government are doing while we are in office. I am entirely clear what I mean by the text of the motion; the trouble is that it has not been exactly clear what Labour Members mean by their words.

--- Later in debate ---

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

This debate is about tax fairness, with contributions from both sides having focused on that challenge. The year 2013 is not 2008 or 2001; we are in different times and facing different challenges and, therefore, different choices. We are undoubtedly in tough times, in difficult times; we are in a period of austerity, and, as a result, we have different choices to make.

Individuals also have different choices to make. I am being contacted, as I am sure every other right hon. and hon. Member is, by constituents living through these tough times and finding it difficult to make ends meet, owing to rising prices, fuelled by the hike in VAT, which was one of the very first decisions of this Conservative-led Administration. Despite describing it as a tax bombshell in the general election campaign, the Liberal Democrats sadly supported this most regressive of tax increases. Energy bills, fuel bills, food bills and rail fares are all rising, making it difficult for ordinary people and families to make ends meet.

Prices are rising and incomes are falling. Ordinary people are finding it difficult to make ends meet, because incomes are falling and people are losing their jobs or losing hours they want to work or reducing their pay in order to help businesses through these difficult times and to manage the situation together. That is what businesses in my constituency are doing—managing the situation with their work force—which often means reducing hours and pay, but keeping businesses and households afloat.

These are difficult times, with the squeeze on hard-working families worsened by the reduction in tax credit eligibility and the looming spectre of the bedroom tax, to which several right hon. and hon. Members have referred. People are struggling to make ends meet. They are doing their best to keep their heads above water. As my hon. Friend the Member for Stockton North (Alex Cunningham) said, we see the number of food banks expanding and child poverty rising. In 2013, these are things that none of us would wish to see in the United Kingdom—one of the richest countries in the world—on our collective watch. These are tough times in the real world.

[Stephen Williams]

Yes, in tough times we have to make tough choices. I recognise that some of them are uncomfortable, but does the hon. Gentleman lament the fact that in 2007, when budget revenues were increasing and the economy was perceived to be booming, the previous Labour Government decided to put up taxes on the very poorest?

[Nic Dakin]

The hon. Gentleman will be alert to the fact that I came into this House only in 2010. We can all look back with hindsight and be critical of decisions made at different times. One of the issues for us all in these difficult times is whether with hindsight on the decisions we are making today people will say we made the right decisions.

[Mr Stewart Jackson (Peterborough) (Con)]

Why does the hon. Gentleman think that between 1998 and 2010, in a period of sustained economic growth, the welfare bill under the party he supports went from £53 billion to £111 billion? Does that not speak to a failure to tackle endemic issues of welfare dependency, which this Government are addressing?

[Nic Dakin]

The hon. Gentleman might not have noticed, but this debate is focused on fair taxes. He is right to draw attention to other things, but you would bring me to order, Mr Deputy Speaker, if I were lured down that route.

[Sheila Gilmore]

Let me say quickly that changes to demographic factors such as age are important in this respect, and 42% of the welfare budget goes on older people and pensions.

[Nic Dakin]

I am afraid my hon. Friend is also luring me down a route that I would rather not go down, because I would not like to face your ire, Mr Deputy Speaker.

[Mel Stride]

The hon. Gentleman is being exceedingly generous in giving way. As he has said, he is keen to talk about tax fairness. He referred earlier to the iniquity of reducing the top rate of tax for higher earners from 50p in the pound to 45p, which is coming up this April. Does he therefore not accept that, in his terms, the last Labour Government acted totally unfairly in having a top rate of just 40p in the pound right the way through until the last 36 days of his Government?

[Nic Dakin]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention, but I have not yet said that—I am going to say it later, so I will come to his point when that is appropriate.

I was describing the difficult choices that hard-working families are having to make to keep their heads above water. The obligation we face—those of us who govern, as well as those on the Opposition Benches—is to make difficult choices about where revenue is raised. It is therefore right and proper to look at ways of taxing people who have significant wealth, such as people who own properties valued at more than £2 million. Therefore, it is right and proper to look at ways of ensuring that that part of our nation makes a contribution in these difficult times.

We know that people of great wealth are sometimes quite imaginative and inventive when it comes to avoiding taxes. I commend the work of Government over the ages to find ways of tackling tax avoidance—this Government have done a number of things that are to be welcomed. Property is obviously difficult to hide. One of the big advantages of a property tax—a mansion tax, as expounded over the years by the Liberal Democrats in particular—is that it is difficult to avoid paying, because property is visually identifiable. As my hon. Friend the Member for Westminster North (Ms Buck) said earlier—she is no longer in her place—60% of high-value properties in London are owned by people from overseas. Indeed, I note the comments of the hon. Member for Rochester and Strood (Mark Reckless) on this issue. He made an intelligent and helpful contribution to the debate.

I am pleased to see the hon. Member for Eastleigh (Mike Thornton) in his place and I very much welcome him to the House. I am sure he will continue to build on his excellent maiden speech and make good contributions to the work of the House. However, prior to the by-election, the Deputy Prime Minister, writing in The Observer, described the Prime Minister as being “stuck in the past” for opposing the mansion tax. The Observer commented that this came

“amid signs that the Liberal Democrats are ready to challenge the Tories more vigorously over key aspects of economic policy.”

Today’s debate is an ideal opportunity for them to do that. The Deputy Prime Minister attacked the Prime Minister in his article, saying that the Conservatives were instinctively against fairer taxation

“even as people on lower incomes feel the pinch”.

He said that the plan for a mansion tax on properties worth more than £2 million, which was being backed by the Labour party, was an idea “whose time has come”, and said it was a “certainty” that some levy on high-value properties would be introduced soon. He continued:

“The Conservatives and opponents of fairer taxes have a choice. They can dig their heels in and remain stuck in the past. Or they can join with the Liberal Democrats and the chorus of voices seeking to make our tax system fair. Far better, surely, to move with the times.”

I very much welcome the Deputy Prime Minister’s rather prophetic contribution to this debate. It puzzles me that the Liberal Democrats who have spoken so far have indicated that they might not support the motion. However, a number of them have been here for a large part of the debate, so I hope they will be persuaded by the power of argument.

It is worth noting that the motion says:

“That this House believes that a mansion tax on properties worth over £2 million, to fund a tax cut for millions of people on middle and low incomes, should be part of a fair tax system; and calls on the Government to bring forward proposals for such a tax at the earliest opportunity.”

As my hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham East (Chris Leslie) said from the Opposition Front Bench, nothing could be simpler. Indeed, this is the sort of simple motion that the Business Secretary called for and that the Deputy Prime Minister called for before the Eastleigh by-election. Indeed, the hon. Member for Bristol West (Stephen Williams) confirmed today that he could have written it himself, so one wonders why the Liberal Democrats cannot support it. One is helped to understand why they cannot do so by reading the rather entertaining amendment, the middle of which

“notes that the part of the Coalition led by the Deputy Prime Minister…advocates a mansion tax on properties worth more than £2 million, as set out in his party’s manifesto, and the part of the Coalition led by the Prime Minister does not advocate a mansion tax”.

We have a pushmi-pullyu Government, pushing in one way and pulling in the other. We have a real pantomime horse, as my hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham East said, from a pantomime Government, but this is not pantomime time. It is a serious time, and a serious time requires serious politics. The Liberal Democrats have an opportunity to stand by their principles—to stand on the side of honest, hard-working people—by coming into the Lobby this afternoon to support our motion, which could have been written by the hon. Member for Bristol West.

Oral Answers to Questions

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Tuesday 12th March 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

The manufacturing sector halved as a share of the British economy when Labour was in office and we had the fastest decline in British manufacturing in British history. The steps that we have taken to support manufacturers, to help with investment allowances and to ensure that they have access to fast-growing parts of the world, such as China and India, are all part of rebalancing and rebuilding the British economy. I was in the west midlands a couple of weeks ago, and there are 67,000 new private sector jobs in that region alone; I mention the region because private sector employment fell during the boom years under the previous Labour Government. We must get behind the private sector and we must get behind business: that is exactly what this Government are doing.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

2. What recent assessment he has made of the UK’s credit rating; and if he will make a statement.

[The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr George Osborne)]

As I said to the House last month, the recent Moody’s decision was a stark reminder of the debt problems facing Britain and the clearest possible warning to anyone who thinks we can run away from confronting them. We will not do that.

[Nic Dakin]

When he was shadow Chancellor in 2009 and Standard & Poor’s put the UK on negative watch, the right hon. Gentleman was unequivocal in calling for a general election. Now that the UK has lost its triple A status on his watch, will he be consistent and urge his right hon. Friend the Prime Minister to go to the palace?

[Mr Osborne]

The advice from the rating agency could not be clearer: a reduced political commitment to fiscal consolidation would put Britain’s creditworthiness at risk. That reduced political commitment would come from the Opposition, who oppose every single spending cut, who have no credible economic policy and who, despite having promised for two years to produce a deficit reduction plan, still do not have one. We hear that a draft Labour manifesto is coming this July; perhaps then we will see a proper plan to deal with the deficit Labour created.

Economic Policy

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Monday 25th February 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

Frankly, the numbers the hon. Lady quotes are nonsense. The employment creation rate last year—perhaps we should give her some credit for saying last year—was the highest since 1989.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

Does the Chancellor think that the loss of the UK’s credit rating is what the Prime Minister was thinking of when he said

“the good news will keep coming”?—[Official Report, 24 October 2012; Vol. 551, c. 917.]

[Mr Osborne]

Last week we had the good news that unemployment had fallen again and employment had gone up, and we had the forecasts from the European Commission. Although we would of course want UK growth to be higher, they show that it is actually forecast to be higher than that of France, Germany and many of our European neighbours. We are in a tough neighbourhood—it is a tough economic situation—but we are confronting our country’s economic problems.

The Economy

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Tuesday 11th December 2012 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

The Government are trying to move to a system of payment by results. Too often the model of spending under the previous Government was payment for absolutely no results—[Interruption.] I will make some progress, despite the shouting from the second row of the Opposition Benches.

The Government know how important businesses are to growth, and we are taking the necessary steps so that businesses can increase employment and exports and lead the country back to prosperity. That is why we have announced, among other things, an extension of the small business rate relief scheme that will benefit over 500,000 small businesses. The extension of empty property rate relief to newly built commercial property has been called for by Members across the House, and I hope it will enable commercial property development to move forward in many parts of the country that have recently been blighted.

We have announced increased funding for UK Trade and Investment to support the growth in exports, particularly in emerging markets, alongside a substantial new trade finance scheme that will significantly help medium-sized exporters looking to win new markets across the world. Most importantly, we have announced an increase in the annual investment allowance limit from £25,000 to £250,000 for a time-limited period of two years—a capital allowance relief that I hope will send a signal to medium-sized manufacturers that now is the best time to invest in new plant and machinery. I pay particular tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Burnley (Gordon Birtwistle) and the Liberal Democrat campaign for manufacturing that he has set up for arguing so cogently and strongly for that measure.

The Government have also announced a further drop in corporation tax to encourage investment in the United Kingdom. From April 2014 the rate in Britain will stand at just 21%—significantly lower than current levels in France, Germany or the USA. We want the world to know that the United Kingdom is open for business and that companies that invest and employ people in this country are very welcome. At the same time, however, Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs is also receiving a further £77 million in this spending review period to ensure that where taxes should be paid, they are paid—I am sure that even the shadow Chancellor welcomes that. That increase, on top of the £900 million I announced at the spending review, will mean that HMRC will bring in total additional revenues of £9 billion each year by the end of 2014-15.

Our agreement with Switzerland to recover previously unpaid UK tax is expected to bring in a further £5 billion over the next six years. We have signed a ground-breaking agreement with the United States on automatic exchange of information, setting a new standard in tax transparency. Today we are publishing the draft Finance Bill for 2013, which confirms the introduction of the UK’s first ever general anti-abuse rule in the tax system. That measure will act as a significant deterrent to all those engaged in abusive tax avoidance. It could have been introduced at any point in Labour’s 13 years in office, but it was not. That is an example of the failure to act on tax avoidance and evasion that we saw during that time. This is not just a matter of finance; it is a matter of principle. Millions of small businesses and tens of millions of people across the UK pay the proper amount of tax, day in, day out. Ensuring that people cannot avoid our tax system is a priority for the Government so that the burden can be spread fairly.

There has been a lot of recent interest in this area, particularly with regard to the tax payments of specific multinational companies. I will not comment on individual cases but I am sure that all businesses, large or small, will take note of the reaction of the British people to recent events. Everyone understands that we must all work hard to get the economy going again and that businesses will play a key role in ensuring that growth. The reaction also shows that people believe that those at the top who earn or profit the most should also contribute the most. I agree with that—yes, we want a stronger economy, but we also want a fairer society.

Measures announced by the coalition last week will help millions of people across the country who are working hard. I am proud that we will be increasing the income tax personal allowance by a further £235 next April. That will mean that 2.2 million people have been taken out of tax by this Government, leading to around 20 million people being nearly £600 a year better off from next April. That is £50 a month extra in people’s pockets as a result of the Government’s measures on income tax and is, quite simply, the biggest income tax cut for working people in a generation—from the front page of the Liberal Democrat manifesto to the pockets of 24 million working people.

I am also proud that the coalition Government are cancelling the fuel duty increase that was planned for next month.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

Will the Chief Secretary to the Treasury remind the House which page of the Liberal Democrat manifesto the increase in VAT was on?

[Danny Alexander]

No, because it was not there. That was one of a number of difficult choices that we as a Government have had to make to clean up the mess in the British economy that was left by the hon. Gentleman and his colleagues.

Infrastructure (Financial Assistance) Bill

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Monday 15th October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Sajid Javid]

That is a good point. There will be no limit on the length of the guarantees that the Government can issue to support the schemes because, as the hon. Gentleman rightly points out, many infrastructure projects typically require very long-dated debt which could involve a period of 20 to 30 years. There is a limit on the application time frame whereby all applications under the Bill have to come in by 31 December 2014, but there is no limit on the debt profile that can be guaranteed.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

The Minister has clearly scoped this issue thoroughly. How many projects does he expect to have come forward by the date that he mentioned and what is their value likely to be?

[Sajid Javid]

I think that the hon. Gentleman will know that there is no way I can tell him that. I cannot predict the future; he may be able to do so, but I am not. I can tell him that there have already been expressions of interest from more than 50 project sponsors and that the Government have entered into negotiations with a number of them, but no final decisions have yet been made. He will also know that, in the national infrastructure plan published last year, the Government identified numerous key projects worth more than £200 billion, so there could be a substantial number of projects.

Infrastructure (Financial Assistance) Bill

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Monday 17th September 2012 Commons Chamber

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

I am pleased to follow my right hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich and Woolwich (Mr Raynsford), who, as always, spelt his argument out cogently and with great clarity. My hon. Friend the Member for York Central (Hugh Bayley) said, very precisely, that the Bill is a small but necessary step. He is right, but so is my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy), who said that the legislation is an inadequate response to the economic crisis. How right she is.

The Government inherited an economy that was growing, and they now preside over one that is shrinking. We have the third quarter of negative growth, a double-dip recession made in Downing street, and we are one of only two G20 countries in such a parlous position. Part-time working is at its highest level since 1992, and unemployment among women and young people is at an all-time high. My hon. Friend the Member for City of Durham (Roberta Blackman-Woods) made clear the waste and loss that can follow if young people do not get work when they leave the education system—a waste not only now but into the future.

Due to a lack of growth, the Government are on target to borrow more in five years than the Labour Government borrowed in 13 years. The economy badly needs growth now, and that requires demand. When I asked small businesses in my constituency what they needed, I was surprised by their response—a cut in VAT to stimulate retail sales. Labour’s policy to reverse last year’s damaging VAT rise for a temporary period would give spending an immediate boost and put cash in people’s pockets—£450 for a couple with children. People would spend that money in the high street, boosting businesses at the same time as helping struggling families and pensioners. Labour’s other policy of a one-year cut in VAT to 5% on home improvements, repairs and maintenance would also boost home owners and small businesses, and stimulate demand in the economy.

Large businesses and companies in my constituency say that infrastructure projects need to be brought forward as that would stimulate demand in the economy. They include Clugston Construction, which this year celebrates 75 years of business, and Tata Steel, which sadly had to lose 1,200 jobs this year owing to a collapse in demand for construction steel in this country, as well as in the rest of the world.

The problem is not new; it has been around for a long time. The other day, I was reading Hilary Mantel’s “Bring up the Bodies”, which has been shortlisted for the Man Booker prize. I was struck by Thomas Cromwell, musing on the situation:

“England needs roads, forts, harbours, bridges. Men need work...honest labour could keep the realm secure. Can we not put them together, the hands and the task?”

Thomas Cromwell’s fictional words, through the voice of Mantel, grasp the issue. [Interruption.] We may not need forts now, but we need all those other things. Having listened to what hon. Members have said, there are many projects across our constituencies where we could put hands to work and make things happen.

Local people who work in the construction industry tell me that work is drying up. It has been tough in the real world in the past two years, but as Building Schools for the Future projects are completed and run out, and even supermarkets slow down their investment in new projects, the order books are emptying. Sadly, many construction companies have gone out of business. That is what is happening in the real world owing to the lack of demand.

As a leading local industrialist said to me at the weekend, it is time to get on with things. He is a practical man. He said, “It’s time to get the diggers in the ground and cranes on the skyline. What we need is work. We need jobs now.” Bringing infrastructure projects forward and getting jobs done that need to be done will put cash in the pockets of construction workers, who will spend that money in the real economy and therefore provide jobs for other workers. As Thomas Cromwell said:

“Can we not put them together, the hands and the task?”

Putting the hands and task together is a win-win.

The Government’s record on infrastructure is not yet a pretty one. I hope the Bill helps bring projects forward and that it is not just another re-announcement. Let us look at the record. None of the road building projects announced in the autumn statement package have begun construction. The value of orders for infrastructure investment made by the private sector fell by a fifth—from £7.3 billion to £5.9 billion—from 2010 to 2011. Output in the construction industry fell by 3.9% in the second quarter of 2012. The number of house building starts is down since the start of 2011.

[Alison Seabeck (Plymouth, Moor View) (Lab)]

Does my hon. Friend have a sense that the Bill, although utterly laudable, promises jam tomorrow? We do not have the clarity that the construction industry needs for planning and getting new jobs into the industry.

[Nic Dakin]

My hon. Friend echoes my right hon. Friend the Member for Wentworth and Dearne (John Healey), who said that the Bill is a laudable measure, but insufficiently urgent in responding to the crisis with which we are confronted.

We need action now to create growth. We need deeds, not words. We need action, not dither. Indeed, the CBI said recently that 2012 should be the year to deliver on infrastructure to “translate ambition into action” and to ensure we get people working on infrastructure projects

“that will help deliver a long-term return for the UK economy in the decades to come.”

Many things need doing. We have heard about the houses that need to be built, and transport projects in all hon. Members’ constituencies would transform their localities. The A160 in north Lincolnshire badly needs upgrading. It will be upgraded, but why not bring it forward so it happens now, giving confidence to business and everyone?

The messages from the Government on low-carbon investment have been confusing—including on the change to feed-in tariffs and on renewables. They do not create the confidence necessary to encourage private sector investment and development, and the private sector is looking at the Humber in respect of developing such initiatives. We had a debate last week on broadband in which all north Lincolnshire MPs, on a cross-party basis, agreed that broadband projects and infrastructure should be brought forward.

We are not short of projects, we are just short of will. Money has been pumped into the banks in quantitative easing, but they have not lent to anybody. Would it not be better to give the money to a national investment bank that invests directly in companies and gets things going?

As many hon. Members have said, it is not clear to which projects the Bill would give the green light. The Chief Secretary said that there were ongoing discussions with individual projects, but was vague about what would and would not get the green light. It is time to stop dithering and time to start doing. There is much to do. Let us get on with it.

Professional Standards in the Banking Industry

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Thursday 5th July 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

I was not using the Wheatley review as a reason not to have a public or parliamentary inquiry. I was merely explaining the review for the people out there who care what the Government are doing to regulate the financial markets and who want to hear what we are doing urgently to deal with the transparency and integrity of the LIBOR market.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

What does the Chancellor have to fear from a judge-led inquiry?

[Mr Osborne]

I was about to explain that a judge-led inquiry would not allow us to amend the law to deal with those problems in this Parliament. That is what I fear from a judge-led inquiry. It simply would not enable us to come to the kind of decisions we need to make in this Parliament. I shall set out exactly why later in my speech.

Changes to the Budget

Nic Dakin Excerpts

Monday 11th June 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Gauke]

As the Chancellor recently said, if there is one thing worse than a Government who listen, it is a Government who do not listen.

[Nic Dakin (Scunthorpe) (Lab)]

Unfortunately, the Exchequer Secretary’s attempt to clarify the skip tax appears to have added to the confusion. Will he engage with the industry in the same spirit as he has engaged with others, and consider the eligibility of fines residue from trommel equipment being eligible for the lower rate of duty?

[Mr Gauke]

My understanding is that Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs is continuing to work with the industry to provide clarity in this area. There have been concerns; I think there was a misinterpretation of earlier advice and I believe that that is in the process of being addressed.