Finance (No. 2) Bill

Mike Wood Excerpts

Committee of the whole House
Tuesday 13th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Lucy Rigby]

I am grateful to the hon. Member, as always, for his intervention. I was about to talk about the strength-based duty system introduced by the previous Government on 1 August 2023, following the alcohol duty review. The new alcohol duty system taxes all alcoholic products according to their strength, so duty increases with alcohol content, which represents a progressive shift. The reforms introduced two new reliefs: the draught relief, which reduced the duty burden on draught products sold at on-trade venues; and small producer relief, which replaced the previous small brewers relief and aims to support small and medium-sized enterprises and new entrants.

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

The Minister rightly refers to draught beer and cider relief, and she said earlier that her concern about freezing alcohol duties was that most of the benefit would be going to supermarkets and other places that sell beer cheaply. Surely she recognises that what the Chancellor should have done is reduce the draught rate, as happened last year, so that the full benefit would have gone to licensed premises, as they are the only venues that can sell the draught drinks covered by that rate.

[Lucy Rigby]

My point was that the benefit of the decision not to update alcohol duty will be felt mostly in the off-trade, which is a point that the hon. Gentleman appears to understand.

The small producer relief aims to support SMEs and new entrants by permitting smaller producers to pay reduced duty rates. Clause 86 maintains the generosity of the small producer relief, compared with main duty rates. The changes introduced by the clause maintain the real-terms value of alcohol duty, and balance the need to support alcohol producers, pubs and the wider hospitality sector with the need to support the public finances. Further to that, the changes also support smaller producers by maintaining the generosity of small producer relief. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.

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[Jacob Collier (Burton and Uttoxeter) (Lab)]

As the MP representing the home of British brewing, Burton-upon-Trent, it will come as no surprise that I will speak to clause 86, and focus my contribution on pubs and hospitality. For me, this not just political; it is personal. As a Burtonian, I grew up with the smell of hops permeating the air and Burton’s famous water flowing from the taps. My very first job was in a pub. This industry is who we are.

Pubs are woven into the very fabric of our country. They are the heart of our high streets and villages, and are among our last shared spaces. When we talk about growth, and supporting wellbeing and employment, pubs and hospitality sit at the heart of that conversation. Yet this is an industry that has faced years of challenge. Navigating the pandemic, absorbing high energy costs and managing rising prices have left many venues operating on very low margins, if any at all.

That is why the decisions we make in this clause matter so much. We must look carefully at the overall effect of alcohol duty and how it interacts with consumer behaviour. There is a case for strengthening differential rates of duty between supermarkets and pubs, known as draught relief. Drinking in a pub is not the same as drinking at home. Pubs are supervised, regulated spaces. Landlords ensure responsible drinking, with pubs providing social connection and supporting mental health in our communities. Pubs give character to our high streets and town centres, yet the tax system makes it cheaper to buy alcohol in bulk from a supermarket than to go down the local pub. If we are serious about encouraging people back into our town centres, into these shared protected spaces, alcohol duty must work in favour of pubs.

I encourage Treasury Front Benchers to read the letter from those of us on the all-party parliamentary beer group, which calls for the multiplier to be increased from around 13% to 20%. Our proposal is supported by the Campaign for Real Ale, the Society of Independent Brewers and Associates and the British Institute of Innkeeping. This is not about encouraging more drinking; it is about encouraging better drinking in places that strengthen our local communities and our local economies.

I recognise that the Government have put in place the permanently lower multiplier on business rates for retail, hospitality and leisure businesses, but any wins in this space have been wiped out in many cases by the new rateable values published by the VOA. In my constituency, the rateable value of the Devonshire Arms—the Devvie, my favourite pub—is set to increase by over 60%. Down the road at the Roebuck, the rise is more than 70%. At this rate, I am not going to have much of a pub crawl.

We must stay true to the manifesto commitment we made to level the playing field between online retailers and the high street. An average 76% increase for pubs compared with just 14% for online retailers means that we must think again on this policy. It is no good having transitional relief in place when the bill at the end of the three years is simply unaffordable.

Industry voices are clear that further support is needed in the short term while longer-term changes and reforms are worked through. Operators such as Punch Pubs, which is headquartered in my constituency, have called for a higher business rates discount—up to the maximum permitted—to help offset the valuations and the cumulative tax burden that pubs face. UKHospitality has similarly warned that even after reduced multipliers and the transitional relief that the Government have put in place, the average pub faces a significant increase to its business rates bill, alongside other cumulative impacts that hon. Members talked about earlier.

The Government are right to listen to Labour Members who have been raising the voices of pubs, brewers, restaurants and small business owners. I want to thank those publicans, business owners and representative bodies that have engaged positively with me; it is only through working together constructively that we can bring about change.

Businesses that I speak to want to invest and grow, but they need the space and certainty to do so. I really welcome the recent hospitality investment that my constituency has seen—from Lowe’s on Carter Street to Nathan Dawe’s expansion of Isabel’s and Bespoke Inns’ redevelopment of the Hart and taking on of Tutbury Castle. Such businesses need to be supported by Government so that we can meet their ambitions. We must create more well-paid jobs and revive our high streets and town centres.

That means a fair approach to alcohol duty under clause 86, a recognition of the difference between pubs and supermarkets, and targeted support on business rates while deeper changes are delivered. If we get this right, the reward is clear: thriving pubs, stronger high streets, more resilient local economies, and communities that are not just better off but happier and more connected. That is why pubs and hospitality must continue to be listened to, supported and championed in this House and by this Labour Government. I shall continue to do that.

[Mike Wood]

It is a genuine pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Burton and Uttoxeter (Jacob Collier), who made some excellent points. Before I begin, I will disclose that although I do not have any relevant interests to the debate in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests, I have received hospitality below the threshold from UKHospitality, the British Beer and Pub Association, CAMRA and the British Institute of Innkeeping; there may be others.

People up and down the country may be justified in asking what the Government have against pubs. Many things are causing so many pubs to struggle and to question whether they can survive beyond the very short term—the enormous increases in business rates, the increases in employer national insurance that particularly hit those who employ part-time workers, and the ever-growing burden of regulation, not least in the Employment Rights Act 2025, that affects many pubs and hospitality venues—but I think that this clause in the Bill really sums it up,

The Government did have a choice. The Chancellor could have built on a success of the previous Conservative Government—in fairness to her, she actually did so last year—by reducing that draught duty rate so that duty on beer and cider sold on draught in pubs was paid at a lower rate, perhaps at the same time as extending the differential with supermarkets and off-sales that might be sold at or below cost price. But she chose not to do that; she chose to increase duty on top of all the extra burdens that are threatening the survival of our community pubs, bars and other hospitality venues. By increasing duty by RPI rather than the lower rate of CPI, the Chancellor is threatening to return us to the bad old days of the previous Labour Government’s hated beer duty escalator, under which the duty rate increased year after year.

I think the hon. Member for Birmingham Northfield (Laurence Turner) suggested that this measure is somehow in keeping with the policy of successive Governments, but nothing could be further from the truth. In just 19 months, the Government will have increased beer duty by more than it went up in the 12 years running up to the last general election. This is a massive increase in duty in a short period. Indeed, the duty paid on a pint in a pub was actually lower in July 2024 than it had been 12 years earlier because of policy decisions made by Conservative chancellors.

[Paul Holmes (Hamble Valley) (Con)]

I am sure that, like me, my hon. Friend has been to quite a few pubs in his constituency. Many of my publicans are saying that because of the decisions the Government are making, they have a choice, which is to try to get more customers or to lay off staff. This is affecting pubs who are busy—pubs at their capacity are now really worried about whether they will be able to survive another year. Has he heard that from his local publicans?

[Mike Wood]

My hon. Friend is right, although that is not really a choice that many pubs are able to make, because it is taken for them. We saw the same thing when the previous Labour Government’s beer duty escalator was in force. We know that increases in alcohol duties have a minimal impact on overall alcohol consumption, but they do have an impact on how people drink and what they drink.

Higher alcohol duties lead to a shift from people consuming alcohol in well regulated, licensed premises like a community pub—where they will typically drink medium-strength beer and cider—to people drinking more stronger alcohol at home without the protective framework of a licensed pub. That makes no sense on either a social and health or an economic and community basis. It is the wrong thing to do yet again. It is yet another burden that our overstretched pubs and hospitality venues simply cannot afford. It is the wrong thing to do and that is why, as well as supporting our own new clause and opposing the clause, I will certainly support the new clauses tabled by the Liberal Democrats. There is a better alternative.

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[Lucy Rigby]

I am grateful to all Members for their contributions to today’s debate. Almost all of them have spoken passionately about their local pubs. I specifically acknowledge the contribution of the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens (Dave Doogan), just to deny him the pleasure of my not doing so.

We are taking a prudent and responsible decision to uprate alcohol duty in line with RPI. That is fully assumed in the OBR’s baseline forecast, so failing to uprate would come at a real cost.

[Mike Wood]

Will the Minister give way?

[Lucy Rigby]

I am going to make some progress. Based on HMRC’s ready reckoner, freezing alcohol duty would cost the Exchequer around £400 million a year. That money, despite the Opposition’s best efforts to pretend otherwise, would have to be found elsewhere. This is one of the measures that assists in ensuring that our economy is strengthened and our future prosperity more secure. Indeed, it does that without taking the axe to public services or to investment. Those policies from the Conservatives had catastrophic consequences for all our constituents.

Clause 1

Mike Wood Excerpts

Monday 12th January 2026 Commons Chamber

[Dan Tomlinson]

Many Members wish to intervene. I will happily give way to the hon. Member for Kingswinford and South Staffordshire (Mike Wood).

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

The Minister says that pensioners who only receive the new state pension will not have to pay income tax. Can he say whether pensioners paid the old basic state pension, but who were contracted out and have alternative provision that brings them up to the same level as the new state pension, will have to pay income tax?

[Dan Tomlinson]

As the Chancellor has set out—more detail will follow later this year—those whose only income is the basic or new state pension, without any increments, will not have to pay income tax over this Parliament. I am aware that Members would like to see more detail, but it would be premature for us to set out the impacts of the policy at this stage, because the details will be forthcoming later this year. I therefore say that new clause 15 should be rejected.

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[Lizzi Collinge]

I suspect that the hon. Gentleman missed the third paragraph of my speech, in which I talked about the asset-rich but cash-poor nature of farming. Land may be worth a lot of money according to most people’s standards, but it may not be possible to realise the value in cash terms unless the land is sold, especially for non-farming uses. As he knows, I am talking about the threshold that has now been set at £2.5 million for individuals and £5 million for couples, not the £1 million threshold that I and many of my colleagues have succeeded in changing.

I make no apology for supporting a progressive policy that closes tax loopholes for the wealthy. I am thinking of people such as James Dyson, who talked proudly about buying up agricultural land in order to avoid tax. How can anyone defend multimillion-pound estates paying zero inheritance tax, when we are digging ourselves out of the fiscal and social hole made by 14 years of Conservative government?

[Mike Wood]

Will the hon. Lady give way?

[Lizzi Collinge]

I will not.

Our farmers have been battered by Brexit, with their incomes and standards of living falling drastically since 2016. Crop yields have been impacted by flooding, and trade deals agreed by the Conservatives sold them down the river. Those 14 years of Conservative government were just as bad for my farmers as they were for the rest of us. I am afraid that I am not particularly inclined to take criticism from the Opposition Benches. The Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives are against taxing the largest estates. They are saying that estates that are worth more than £2.5 million, or £5 million—[Interruption.] I have listened closely to the debate, and I am confident in my quoting of what has been said by Opposition Members. I thank the hon. Gentleman for his chuntering from a seated position.

I grew up in a tiny village in Cumbria. With the surrounding farms, it numbered about 300 people. We had no shop, and there was one bus to Carlisle a week. We did have two pubs—we knew how to have a good time. I will take no lectures from Opposition Members about what country life is really about, and I certainly will take no lectures from the wealthy Reform MPs—they are not in the Chamber now and have taken no part in the debate—who seem to enjoy cosplaying as country folk, in a display of what I think is patronising political opportunism. We need to ensure that there is fairness in our inheritance tax system, which is why I urge all Members to support clause 62 and schedule 12.

Office for Budget Responsibility Forecasts

Mike Wood Excerpts

Monday 1st December 2025 Commons Chamber

[James Murray]

I have taken part in a number of debates in this Chamber and in Westminster Hall on the changes to APR and BPR that the Government introduced at the Budget last year. We have debated the figures extensively. Some of the difference in people’s figures stems from the fact that we are talking about estates, which is the right measure when we are talking about inheritance tax, rather than the value of farms themselves. I also hope that the hon. Lady will have seen the change we made to the system at this Budget through the spousal transfer.

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

As the Chief Secretary to the Treasury will know, the “Ministerial Code” requires Ministers to be

“as open as possible with Parliament and the public”.

Exactly when did the Chief Secretary learn that the Chancellor did not face the shortfall that the Treasury was briefing to the press?

[James Murray]

As a Treasury Minister, I have obviously been involved in discussions with the Chancellor and the Prime Minister’s team throughout the Budget process. We developed these policies collectively to cut the cost of living, cut NHS waiting lists and cut Government borrowing.

Staffordshire: Cultural Contribution

Mike Wood Excerpts

Tuesday 29th April 2025 Westminster Hall

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

It is an honour to stand before you, Ms Furniss, ahead of Staffordshire Day on Thursday, to talk about the hidden gems that make South Staffordshire such a unique and culturally rich area.

I will begin with Codsall, where the past and present meet beautifully. The charming high street lined with historical buildings offers a snapshot of centuries gone by. It is not just about history, however; Codsall has a lively arts scene, with the Codsall community arts festival buzzing with local performances and workshops. It is a place whose creativity flows just as freely as its heritage.

Next door, the village of Bilbrook offers a different kind of charm. It is a village where modern industry and natural beauty co-exist. The partnership between Jaguar Land Rover and the local community to protect Jubilee wood is a perfect example of how local heritage and industry can work hand in hand. A commitment to environmental conservation is a core part of the village’s identity and a fantastic backdrop for many of the cultural activities.

Swindon may seem small, but its contribution to our cultural heritage is anything but. Chasepool in Swindon was mentioned in the Domesday Book, and is now an important part of that industrial heritage. Swindon forge—originally a fulling mill and then a corn mill—was converted into a finery forge in the 1620s, producing the wrought iron that drove the early industrial revolution.

Then there is Himley—a village with a story to tell, which boasts the beautiful and culturally significant Himley Hall and Park, and holds a fascinating piece of British history: on the dark night of 5 November 1605, the gunpowder plot conspirators fled through Himley woods. In Kinver, we have something truly unique: rock-cut houses that have stood the test of time. These homes, carved into sandstone, are a testament to the resourcefulness of past generations and are now a major tourist attraction, with thousands visiting to step inside a piece of living history.

Enville is a quiet, yet rich corner of South Staffordshire. Known for the impressive Enville Hall and the Enville Brewery, this village blends rural charm with modern industry. The brewery’s award-winning ales are a nod to the past, while its ongoing role in the community keeps Enville firmly in the present. The village of Pattingham exemplifies how culture and nature can co-exist beautifully. Patshull Park was designed by Capability Brown. Trysull might be small, but its legacy is enormous. This village is home to the arts and crafts-inspired Trysull Manor, a reminder of the region’s creative spirit.

Then we have Bobbington, a village with a fascinating industrial past, and Lower Penn, with its surrounding areas offering a tranquil setting for outdoor enthusiasts. Perton is a village that has grown rapidly in recent years, but it has not lost sight of its roots. Finally, the village of Wombourne bridges past and present in the most remarkable way. Its roots go back to the middle ages, and it is home to some of South Staffordshire’s most iconic landmarks, such as the Bratch locks and the Victorian-era Bratch pumping station.

Family Businesses

Mike Wood Excerpts

Wednesday 26th February 2025 Commons Chamber

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

It is an honour to rise today to speak on behalf of the very many family businesses in Kingswinford and South Staffordshire, because family businesses are at the heart of our local communities as well as at the heart of our local economies. They provide employment for nearly 14 million people, they contribute £575 billion to the economy and they are founded on solid principles of entrepreneurism and self-responsibility.

I am proud to represent so many fantastic family businesses, ranging from heavy engineering firms in the Black Country to vineyards in Pattingham and Halfpenny Green. They work tirelessly to build and sustain their businesses, creating jobs and prosperity. They offer excellent products and services to customers near and far, and they look forward to their children one day continuing in their footsteps. But their job is being made much harder by Labour’s family business tax, a barrage of burdensome red tape, a trade union charter, a family business surcharge and the national insurance jobs tax, which together mean that businesses will pay more in tax and compliance rather than in growth or jobs.

As has been said, the cumulative impact of all these measures is very damaging. I am not going to pretend that most of the family businesses I speak to are absolutely delighted by the increase in the national living wage any more than they were delighted the previous year when the last Government increased it by a higher amount, but they recognised that wage increases for their staff were the right thing to do. However, they do have a problem when those additional wage costs are compounded by payroll taxes in the form of increased national insurance contributions, which hit those sectors that rely on part-time workers particularly hard—they suddenly face enormous increases. That is compounded further by business rate rises for those in retail and hospitality, who are suddenly finding their business rate bills nearly doubling in April compared with what they have paid for the last few years. Also coming in in April is that flurry of additional regulations. If family businesses somehow survive all that and thrive and develop, they will find that they can no longer expect to be able to leave the business intact for future generations of their family to run.

The Confederation of British Industry and Family Business UK have warned that Labour’s changes to business property relief could lead to 125,000 job losses and reduce economic output by £9.4 billion. Businesses that have survived economic downturns, global recessions, war on our continent and a worldwide pandemic now face the prospect of being brought to their knees by a tax policy that will force them to break up their businesses when the current owners pass away. This is not just a policy change; it is an existential threat.

The Black Country is a region with a proud history of manufacturing and enterprise. We have always been a place of hard work, innovation and community. In South Staffordshire my constituents are proud of their thriving rural economy built on countless family businesses. Those businesses have not just contributed to our local economy; they have helped to build the United Kingdom, and the idea that a tax change could strip away the future of our local businesses is nothing short of a tragedy.

Fairness would be recognising that family businesses are not just economic units but part of the fabric of our communities. They support local charities, provide apprenticeships and create jobs for those who need them. If these proposals go forward, we risk losing those businesses and with them the local jobs they provide. I have spoken with many family businesses in my constituency. Family-owned businesses that have been operating in the community for generations are fearful and uncertain, and are already having to make decisions about their businesses and their employees because of the Chancellor’s damaging Budget. Sadly, some are being forced out of business because of these measures.

The Government’s blinkered view that sees business as little more than a source of revenue to offset their spending plans is wrong. I urge the Government to listen to the concerns of the family firms in Kingswinford and South Staffordshire and across the country who will be directly impacted by the changes. These proposals must be scrapped.

Inheritance Tax Relief: Farms

Mike Wood Excerpts

Monday 10th February 2025 Westminster Hall

[Harriet Cross (Gordon and Buchan) (Con)]

In the 103 days since the Budget and the Chancellor turned farmers’ lives upside down in this country, we have heard stories from farmers across the UK, and will hear more today. Labour Members marched out stories of their own farmers; a few months ago, they did not hear anything from their farmers, but suddenly they have a voice. It is good to hear that they have been listening and now are actually representing those farmers’ voices.

Farmers have been telling us for months about the impact the IHT change will have. I have spoken about the 90-year-old farmer in my constituency whose son is now resigned to the fact that he will have to sell the farm and give up on the livelihood and life he thought he was going to have. I have spoken about the farmer whose wife died earlier last year, who also realised by the end of the year that they were going to lose their farm. However, the Government did not want to listen. They would not to listen to the stories coming from our farmers.

We have heard about the fact that farmers only make 1% profit. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Beverley and Holderness (Graham Stuart) said, what other businessperson would take a 1% profit and want to continue that life? We have also heard about how investment in farms has fallen off a cliff since this policy was introduced. If we do not invest in or encourage investment in farms, how will we increase profitability? Profit and productivity are linked; if we have poor productivity and profitability, we will never get to a stage where any sort of IHT bill—let alone the one proposed by the Government—can be managed by farmers.

It is not just farmers making the Government aware of where they stand; we have heard the NFU and NFUS say that three quarters of commercial farms will be impacted. Experts in valuing the Central Association of Agricultural Valuers says that 75,000 farms will be impacted. The CLA says that an eighth of farms over 350 acres will have to sell land in order to cover the bill. Savills, the property experts, says that 88% of UK farmland will be impacted, yet, as the Treasury says it is only 20% to 25%, that is the figure we stick with. We stick with the Government figure because it fits the narrative; we do not listen to the industry or the experts, which is how we have got into the situation we are now in.

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

When Jane’s husband died just under three years ago, their farm passed to their son—the fifth generation of the family to farm that land. Their accountant says that if that had happened after the Government’s changes, the farm would be looking at an inheritance tax bill of between £80,000 and £100,000. Does my hon. Friend know of any farmer who has that kind of money available without selling off a huge chunk of their farm?

[Harriet Cross]

No, I do not know of any family farmer who has the sort of money to cover that bill. That is the issue. We are penalising the very people who have fed us, who have supported our rural communities and who have been custodians of the land for generations, to fit whatever the Government’s narrative is with this policy.

The unintended consequences also have impacts. There is an impact on hauliers, vets, rural communities, farm shops and workers—they will all be impacted by the policy. It is not just family farmers; they are the start, but the result of the policy spreads through rural communities the length and breadth of the country.

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[James Murray]

I am about to come to some of the statistics to which the hon. Gentleman and others referred. I do not have much time, so I will make a little progress before answering some of those questions.

On the point of how the nil-rate band and spousal exemption allowances work together, anything beyond the nil-rate band, the spousal transfers and the 100% full relief will receive unlimited 50% relief, and heirs can spread any payments due over 10 years, interest free. That is a benefit not seen anywhere else in the inheritance tax system.

[Mike Wood]

Will the Minister give way?

[Caroline Voaden]

Will the Minister give way?

Non-Domestic Rating (Multipliers and Private Schools) Bill

Mike Wood Excerpts

2nd reading
Monday 25th November 2024 Commons Chamber

[Jim McMahon]

I can answer this question: it is the impact that matters. Whatever Opposition Members say as the farmers’ friends, the truth is different: 7,000 businesses closed on their watch. That is what the evidence says.

Let me move on to the reasoned amendment. This Government are fully committed to protecting and supporting our valuable high streets. The fact is that retail, hospitality and leisure rates relief was due to end in its entirety by the end of March 2025, which would have meant a cliff edge for businesses. At the Budget, we stepped in to prevent that by extending the relief further this year by 40%, with a cash cap of £110,000. We have also frozen the small business rates multiplier for 2025-26. Taken together with the small business rates relief scheme, that means that more than 1 million properties will be protected from any inflationary increases next year. That is 1 million properties protected by this Government.

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

By the Minister’s logic, are we to assume that support on business rates for hospitality and retail is to end in April 2026?

[Jim McMahon]

That really was not worth giving way for. I have literally just said that 1 million properties will be supported against inflationary increases next year. The 40% will continue, with a cap of £110,000. That is exactly what this Bill is intended to do. If the hon. Gentleman supports it, he can join the Government in the Aye Lobby and vote for it.

We know from businesses that the current scheme of discretionary relief does not provide the certainty needed. That is why the Bill will enable a permanent tax cut for retail, hospitality and leisure businesses from 2026-27 through new lower multipliers, ending the year-by-year uncertainty that the previous Government hardwired into the system. That is doing what businesses have been calling for. That rebalancing—from out of town to in town, from online to on street—is exactly what people have called for in communities and in business, and Opposition Members know it. Their frustration is that they did not do it in the 14 years that they had in office. It is down to us to take the steps that are needed in government now, and we are happy to do so.

The reasoned amendment raises concerns about the impact on schools in the state sector. I can assure the House that protecting and improving state education is at the forefront of the Government’s mind. In fact, we estimate that only 2,900 more pupils will enter the state sector as a result of the removal of the business rates relief for private schools. Let us be clear about what that means in reality: that goes down to about 300 a year. In any given year across England, 60,000 pupils will move between schools; this is 300. We need to keep that in context, because we have heard a lot of scaremongering about the transfer, but that is what the evidence says. That evidence is placed in the House of Commons Library, in case Members want to take time after this debate to go and look. There might even be enough time to find the documents before the vote if they want to bring themselves up to speed.

Importantly, this is about providing much-needed investment in the state school sector. Just how many parents say, “We need specialist support for SEND, because the mainstream provision is not adequate”? How many parents—by their own admission, among Opposition Members—choose to pay for private education because they do not have faith in mainstream provision? Despite what Opposition Members have said about the glory years of the past 14 years, the truth that parents and pupils on the ground feel is very different, and they know it. We have to repair mainstream provision so that parents and pupils can go with confidence to their local school, knowing that they will get the support that they need—support for all pupils, not just some.

Several hon. Members have mentioned the impact on faith schools. I want to offer some comfort. Of course we value and understand parental choice, but based on the evidence submitted through the HMT consultation, as well as the analysis undertaken by the Department for Education on removing the charitable rate relief, it is not apparent that private faith schools will be affected by this measure any more than non-faith schools. There is no evidence of disadvantage.

Financial Services: Mansion House Speech

Mike Wood Excerpts

Monday 18th November 2024 Commons Chamber

[Tulip Siddiq]

I absolutely share my hon. Friend’s enthusiasm for credit unions—I have visited those in my constituency several times and know what good work they do. We have made clear our strong support for the mutual sector. We recognise the value that credit unions bring to their members in local communities, including in her constituency. The Chancellor launched a call for evidence on reforming the credit union common bond during the Mansion House speech last week. We want to understand whether reform is needed in that space to help credit unions to grow substantially. Once we have completed the call for evidence, we will consider how much of that reform we can take forward as a Labour Government.

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

The Pensions Minister will be all too aware of the ongoing problems facing members of the west midlands pension fund, one of the country’s largest public sector pension funds. Why does the Economic Secretary think that the Chancellor’s eight mega-funds will provide a better service than the west midlands pension fund in investing those people’s pensions?

[Tulip Siddiq]

We will build on the success of the pools that already exist. If the hon. Gentleman is not satisfied with my answer, the Minister for Pensions is happy to meet with him.

Winter Fuel Payment

Mike Wood Excerpts

Tuesday 10th September 2024 Commons Chamber

[Mike Wood (Kingswinford and South Staffordshire) (Con)]

The Government’s choice to remove the winter fuel payment from 21,365 of my constituents is cruel. The payments have been a lifeline for so many pensioners, helping them to stay warm during the harsh winter months. Most pensioners live on fixed incomes, so having almost no notice—no time to prepare—means that the impact of this loss of income on many pensioner households will be that it is increasingly difficult for them to afford basic necessities.

A number of Labour Members have talked about difficult choices, but the reality is that the Government have run away from difficult choices. They have ducked the difficult choices. The difficult choice would have been to be upfront with voters during the election campaign, to explain why they felt this was necessary, appropriate and, as some have said, morally right, and to trust voters to decide whether to give them that mandate. Instead, they ran away. There are difficult choices, but unfortunately the difficult choices are the ones that they have left our constituents to face.

[Mr Peter Bedford (Mid Leicestershire) (Con)]

Does my hon. Friend agree that this choice sets a dangerous precedent? Free bus passes, prescription charges and, indeed, access to healthcare itself are all now at risk because of the logic being put forward by the Labour party in respect of pensioners’ ability to afford them.

[Mike Wood]

My hon. Friend is clearly correct. Many people, but particularly pensioners, will be worried about what this Chancellor will take away from them next. Without these payments, many will be forced to choose between heating their homes and other essential expenses such as food or medication—people such as my constituent Linda, who wrote to me:

“My husband has several medical issues this year and I am very worried about the heating situation…I think it is likely that we will cut back on nourishing food.

I cannot believe that a British Government would penalize our generation like this.”

Another constituent, Dawn, wrote:

“Now I fear the winter months, and afraid…of hypothermia.

I personally am just above the threshold to qualify for pension credits. I am a single person claiming state pension and also have a small NHS pension…I can foresee me not using my central heating this winter.”

Those are difficult choices that this Chancellor and this Government have forced on too many of our pensioners, and they are choices that no one should have to make, and particularly not those who have contributed so much to our society.

[Joe Morris (Hexham) (Lab)]

The Government the hon. Gentleman supported were responsible for driving living standards down, in the first Parliament on record in which that happened. Does he not agree that it is traditionally bad form for the arsonist to start criticising the fire brigade?

[Mike Wood]

I think that the hon. Gentleman has a huge amount of cheek. He should consider first the inheritance of that previous Conservative Government: the present candidate for the chairmanship of the Business and Trade Committee had written that there was no money left. He should also bear in mind that what we saw during those 14 years was not only restoration in the economy but a huge growth in pensioner income, and what we see now is the fastest growth in the G7, unemployment at record low levels, and inflation also back at low levels.

The Chancellor wants us to believe that this decision suddenly came to her at some point in the run-up to the King’s Speech, some time after the general election, and that it would not have been possible for her to imagine it before polling day. She claimed in July that it was not a decision that she wanted to make. However, as has already been pointed out, in March 2014 she stood at the Opposition Dispatch Box, barely feet away from where I am now, demanding that winter fuel payments be means-tested. In July she said that it was not a decision that she expected to make, yet, miraculously, this year’s Labour manifesto was the first in almost two decades without that specific commitment to protect winter fuel payments.

This is a decision that had been a decade in the making—a decade in the planning. Labour had a decade in which to prepare and get it right, but we are seeing how poorly thought through it was. We cannot have a Social Security Advisory Committee report, and we cannot have an impact assessment. Labour imagined that it could take the money away from pensioners with no impact on our NHS or on charities. This decision is wrong, and it needs to be reversed.