(2 weeks, 1 day ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, it is telling that so many noble Lords from both principal sides of your Lordships’ House have tabled amendments about the regulatory principles established by the Bill, which have been gathered in this group. The noble Lord, Lord Watson of Invergowrie, has assembled an impressive coalition of support for his Amendment 78. He secured the support of my noble friend Lady Brady, his friend the noble Baroness, Lady O’Grady of Upper Holloway, and the present Sports Minister, Stephanie Peacock. The Minister keeps reminding us of things that were said in the last Parliament and arguing that we should be bound by them, so I hope she will demand the same consistency from her honourable friend and will pay heed to the support that Amendment 78 has secured.
I think the noble Lord, Lord Watson, is right that this seems a clear and obvious lacuna in the Bill. I do not think we have had a professional footballer in your Lordships’ House. We have professional cricketers and Olympians and Paralympians, and we have noble Lords with interesting and considerable experience, but he has given voice to a group of people who have not yet been spoken up for in this Bill. Perhaps noble Lords can think of one. I cannot, so maybe it is a suggestion for his noble friend.
I am slightly embarrassed, but there has been a former professional footballer on the Labour Benches. He is now deceased. He was certainly here in the early 2000s. I shall find out his name.
(2 weeks, 6 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I support Amendments 182 to 184 in the names of my noble friends Lady Taylor and Lord Bassam. I do so, as my noble friend Lord Bassam said, specifically in relation to Wimbledon—not AFC Wimbledon, at which I happen to be a season ticket holder, but Wimbledon, the previous club, which has now been moved 60 miles up the M1 to Milton Keynes. I want to focus on the situation prior to that happening, and that is why these amendments are relevant.
Ironically, in one of the debates on the Bill last week I talked about state intervention and mentioned the Taylor report. It was that report, published in, I think, 1991, which said that our grounds at the top level must be all seated. Wimbledon’s ground was too small and too cramped, with houses round about it, for that to be done, so they moved from there to a ground share with Crystal Palace, ostensibly on a short-term basis—it turned out that they would be there for more than 10 years, but that is not really relevant to this. The point is that the owner eventually sold the ground from under the fans to a supermarket chain, and subsequently sold the club to Norwegian owners. The point is that the fans were nowhere consulted in any of this, although they made their views clear. But the point is that the home ground is key to any football club and there has to be the long-term commitment to that.
My noble friend Lord Bassam talked about going up to Milton Keynes. The previous owner of Wimbledon FC wanted to move it to Dublin. That was a serious proposal. Thankfully, it came to nothing, of course. On this issue of whether a club can move, that is why the regulator is important. It is maybe lost in the mists of time that, when Wimbledon FC were about to be moved, the FA and the Football League opposed it, and the FA, totally wrongly, set up a commission, which gave the club permission to move to Milton Keynes. It was famously said that retaining the club in Wimbledon would be
“not in the wider interests of football”.
Well, 25 years later, Wimbledon FC, now in Milton Keynes, gets crowds of about 6,000 and AFC Wimbledon, the new club, gets crowds of about 8,000—so noble Lords can work out what is in the wider interests of football from that.
My concern is about the commitment to the club’s ground. It is important that, unless we can get a long-term commitment for when ownership is going to change, there is no reason why any ground could not be sold off, with a new owner claiming, “Well, I’ve had such and such an offer from a supermarket chain, I can’t possibly turn it down. I’ll build a new ground some time in the future, but I don’t know when”. That is why the word “codified” in Amendment 182 is particularly important. It needs to be nailed down, because the importance of the home ground cannot be overstated in terms of the investment of fans into their football clubs.
My Lords, I am conscious that the noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, has not been able to be with us today to speak to her Amendments 187A and 187B; I know she has a commitment to chairing some Welsh sports bodies, which I know the Committee will understand and support. I just wanted to draw the Committee’s attention to the two amendments that she tabled, which have been grouped together with the others that we have debated here. As her explanatory statement sets out, they aim to provide a route for the regulator
“for other individuals and groups of people, who may have more inside knowledge than the average fan, to act as whistleblowers and raise any concerns they have about the suitability of an owner or officer”.
It is regrettable that the noble Baroness has not been able to be here to set out the case more fully, but I am sure that noble Lords will pay attention to that and consider those amendments as well.
(2 weeks, 6 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Mann, is right that we have had extensive discussion on the issue of cost, but if there has been lengthy dialogue on this point then it is because the answers have not been forthcoming in the way that the Committee has wanted.
I am particularly grateful to my noble friend Lord Hayward, who is doing an invaluable service not just for this Committee but for the smaller clubs on whose behalf he has spoken this evening, and in the way that he has gone through the impact assessment to try to get to the bottom of the cost implications for them in particular. I am glad that he will continue to keep at this important point, and I hope he gets some better and more detailed answers from the Minister as he does so.
My noble friend mentioned a letter that the Minister had sent him. Again, she has been kind in responding in writing to individual points that noble Lords have raised, but I ask her to share those letters with the whole Committee when the team sends them through. I think they are coming through to the individual noble Lords who have raised those points but they are not always being shared, and it would be a benefit to the whole Committee if we could all see those letters when they come. However, I am grateful to her, as I know those noble Lords are, for the speed with which she is responding in writing to the points that they have raised.
I am grateful to my noble friends Lord Jackson of Peterborough and Lord Markham for tabling their amendments in this very important group, which concerns the state funding of the regulator. That is a big issue that is worthy of debate, and I support the way that they have drafted them. I put my name to my noble friend Lord Markham’s Amendments 171 and 253, but I am happy to associate myself with my noble friend Lord Jackson of Peterborough’s Amendment 50 as well, which was the one that began this group.
My noble friend’s amendment seeks to strip away the broad powers that could be granted to the Secretary of State to provide financial assistance to the independent football regulator as she sees fit, subject to conditions deemed appropriate by her. Amendment 50 from my noble friend is an important amendment in seeking to safeguard the integrity and independence of the independent football regulator. We would like to think that one of the core purposes of the new regulator is to serve as a neutral body overseeing the governance and financial management of football clubs in this country. By granting the Secretary of State the power to provide it with financial assistance, there is a real and present risk that the independent football regulator’s independence could be compromised.
As with any independent regulator, it is crucial that the independent football regulator operates free from any external pressures, particularly from the Government. The role of the regulator should be to assess the game on its own merits without any concern about political influence or the priorities of the Government of the day. If we were to allow the Government to fund the regulator, we would be introducing the potential for at least the appearance of government influence over the regulator’s work and its activities.
Even if that influence were not overt or immediate, the mere existence of government funding could lead to the perception, and possibly the reality, that the regulator would become beholden to future Governments. That is a danger we must seek to avoid, as it would erode the public’s trust in the new regulator, undermine its effectiveness and hamper its impartiality. The Government have rightly made much of the changes they have made to the Bill in order to guarantee the independence of the regulator in the eyes of international bodies that have paid attention to the Bill, so I am sure that is something they want to avoid in this instance as well.
I hope the Minister will agree that the provision as it stands is concerning in the way that it gives the Government the power to impose conditions on how the regulator uses its funds. The consequences of that are worth considering. The Government could impose restrictions or directives on the work of the regulator, such as mandating certain areas of focus or influencing the scope of its investigations. It could lead to the independent football regulator neglecting crucial issues or, even worse, aligning its work with the agenda of the Government of the day. That sort of shift would diminish the regulator’s ability to act in the best interests of football clubs, players, fans and the broader football ecosystem which the Government and all of us are mindful of protecting.
The existence of that sort of conditional funding could set a dangerous precedent for other regulatory bodies. If government assistance became contingent on adhering to political agendas or priorities, then the independence of other regulatory bodies could be called into question, further eroding public trust in oversight.
I would like also to support my noble friend Lord Markham’s amendments in this group, Amendments 171 and 253. Amendment 171 restricts discretionary licence conditions to include only “internal financial controls”. In Clause 22, the Government allow discretionary licence conditions to relate to “internal controls”. It is important that, in a Bill such as this, the Government recognise the details of the Bill and make clear that the provision refers to financial controls as opposed to solely internal ones.
As my noble friend set out, “internal controls” is broad and open to wide interpretation. Without his amendment, the regulator could potentially impose conditions that extend beyond the presumably intended focus on financial oversight. That surely creates a risk of the sort of regulatory overreach that the Committee has been very concerned about, whereby the regulator might intervene or interfere in areas unrelated to the core objectives of this Bill, such as operational decisions or non-financial activities within football clubs.
If we were to insert “financial” as my noble friend suggests, we would ensure that the discretionary licence conditions relating to internal controls are focused exclusively on financial governance. This refinement would make the regulator’s powers more precise, ensuring that its interventions are effective, proportionate and fully aligned with its mandate to oversee the financial health of football clubs. We have heard, repeatedly and rightly, that the financial sustainability of English football is what the Government are most concerned about and what has led to the Bill that is before the Committee.
The non-financial resources threshold requirement as outlined in the Bill is designed to ensure that clubs have adequate resources, financial and otherwise, to operate sustainably, but the specific mention of internal controls as part of this framework needs to be carefully defined to prevent unintended consequences. Without this amendment, the regulator could use its powers to impose conditions on internal controls that have little or no connection to financial matters. That could include operational areas such as staff management, logistical decisions or club culture, none of which falls under the regulator’s core responsibility to ensure financial sustainability.
By explicitly tying internal controls to financial matters, my noble friend’s amendment reinforces the Bill’s focus on financial governance, while respecting the operational independence of football clubs. They are of course complex organisations operating in—
I thank the noble Lord for giving way. I have bit my tongue for the last hour as I have watched the charade from the Benches opposite, all using up their entire allocation while interrupting each other, repeating themselves and slapping each other on the back. This is meant to be a debate. I raise it when the noble Lord is standing up not because I disagree with the fact that they are serious about what they are arguing. But had Mr Sunak waited until November and not called his election in July, the noble Lord, Lord Parkinson, would have been here with the same Bill in front of him, other than the issues that we heard have been changed so far—not the issues that we have been discussing for the last two hours or so. They would have been exactly the same. He would have been defending that Bill and now there is confected displeasure, if not outrage, with the way that the Bill is. Is that not hypocrisy?
I am happy to use the time before the Committee to return to this issue but, as my noble friends behind me have said repeatedly, and as I have agreed to each time they have, I know that they would have been raising these points with me had I been at the Dispatch Box opposite. I know that because they were already raising them with me when I had the privilege of being the Minister, and I would be in the position of seeking to persuade them of the merits of the Bill. But I have also been clear, from Second Reading and all the way through, that we want to see this regulator established. We want to see it doing its work and doing so effectively, but we also see before us a Bill that is different, because of the election that was called and the result that happened.
We are interrogating particularly closely the changes that the Government have made to the Bill, of which there are many, and we have more concerns on these Benches, from my colleagues behind me, than we did before the election about the way we do it. As I have said before, the result of the election also puts us in a position on this side of the House to fulfil the duty that the noble Lord, Lord Kennedy, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Twycross and Lady Blake, dutifully fulfilled before the election: of making sure that government legislation is properly scrutinised. I make no apology for the fact that—
(3 weeks, 1 day ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am grateful to my noble friends Lord Markham and Lord Maude of Horsham for speaking to their amendments and for setting out the case for them. Before the Minister responds to them and to my Amendment 7, which I moved at the outset, I should say that I am not precious about my amendment vis-à-vis those of my noble friends in this group, Amendments 12 and 13.
The noble Lord, Lord Watson of Invergowrie, said that he did not like my wording and found it rambling and insubstantial. I take no offence; I simply took the wording that the Government used in the Explanatory Notes and sought to put that in the Bill. If he finds that rambling, it may be that the Explanatory Notes are as well.
The point I was making was that the wording was appropriate for the Explanatory Notes but not for the Bill.
I thank the noble Lord. My noble friend Lord Hayward said that he did not much like it either, but it is helpful that my amendment has been grouped with the other amendments, which are seeking to give a bit more precision than the two short lines that are in the Bill. As I said in moving my amendment, my contention is that they do not go far enough to define what “sustainability” means in practice, which will be important for the regulator looking at it.
I am grateful to my noble friends, particularly my noble friend Lord Markham, whose Amendment 13 proposes a few tangible benchmarks through which sustainability can be measured. It suggests inserting criteria, including increasing TV viewership, increasing match attendance, improving international sporting competitiveness and increasing the overall income generated. They are all very tangible and specific. I hope that the noble Lord, Lord Watson, will prefer them and I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say about them when she responds.
Criteria such as those would provide a far more accurate and reliable understanding of the sustainability of English football. As my noble friend Lord Markham said, we all want to make sure that we are helping to deliver that with this Bill and to give the regulator the clarity that it needs to uphold it. The Premier League’s television exports alone were worth £1.4 billion in 2019-20. If the Government are serious about growth and supporting the success of Great British success stories, the regulator must ensure that that growth trajectory goes only upwards. By basing the standards of sustainability on objective metrics, such as those that my noble friends Lord Markham and Lord Maude have tried to set out, football would surely benefit, and the regulator would have the clearer frames of reference that I think we are looking for.
As my noble friend Lord Hayward said, there is competition from a growing number of countries that are snapping at our heels. As the noble Lord, Lord Addington, reminded us, there is no divine right for football to continue to exist in the way that it does in this country. My noble friend Lord Hayward pointed out some of the sporting fixtures that have happened this weekend. I enjoyed the Qatar Grand Prix, although I thought that the 10-second penalty for Lando Norris was rather disproportionate, especially since no safety car and no virtual safety car were deployed. I mention that not to take us on to another sport but to point out the difficulties that happen when a regulator—in this case, the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile—makes curious or contentious decisions.
Through the amendments in this group, we are seeking to give a clarity of purpose to the regulator, so that it can focus its important work on delivering the sustainability of English football in a way that matches what the Government have set out in their Explanatory Notes. For all the differences that have been expressed, I think that we are all united on that. But it is important that we give this extra precision and clarity, and I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say.