Beer Duty Escalator

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Charlotte Leslie]

Absolutely. My hon. Friend has made an extremely good point. A tourist’s picture of Britain always includes the beautiful and the great British pub. The trouble is that once such institutions have gone, they have gone for ever. We are currently overseeing the decimation of the keystones of our culture and heritage, which not only have social and morale value, but are massively important to our economy.

I am probably not the only Member present whose first job was in a pub. In my case it was the Fox, in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Filton and Bradley Stoke (Jack Lopresti). I was not brilliant behind the bar, so I moved swiftly on.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

My hon. Friend is making a very interesting speech. She has just mentioned first jobs in pubs. Having spoken to representatives of my local family brewery, Arkell’s, I know that they are crying out for young people—graduates, and those with hospitality management skills—who have the potential to become pub landlords. The pub sector is very important for young people.

[Charlotte Leslie]

That, too, is a good point. More than a million people are employed in the pub industry in this country, and more than half of them are young people. Pub employment not only constitutes an important first step on the jobs ladder, but provides a great opportunity for career progression. People learn a multitude of skills that will be useful in future careers.

I think that the Government have done quite well. The appointment of a pubs Minister was a very good move—I am sure that we all wish to pay tribute to the previous pubs Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Bromley and Chislehurst (Robert Neill), for the work that he did, and to welcome the new Minister—and, having produced the Live Music Act 2012, localism and the right to buy, we are now making progress with minimum pricing. All that is good stuff. However, pubs are still closing at the rate of about 12 a week, and we need to do more.

Given that beer represents about 60% of sales in community pubs, it is not very surprising that the beer duty escalator is having such a dramatic impact. It is true that there are other factors, such as social and demographic changes and the fact that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Leeds North West pointed out, it is so easy to sell a pub and turn it into a Tesco—we have probably all seen that happen—and issues involving pub companies and pub ties also need to be considered. However, the escalator is a major component of the problem. Given that all the beneficial elements are being stripped away as pubs close, and that beer sales fell by 5.6% in the third quarter of this year, it is hardly surprising that the Treasury’s own figures show that the escalator is not doing what it is supposed to do and raising funds.

Finance Bill

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Monday 2nd July 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Gauke]

The hon. Lady asks what research we have. I am holding it in my hand: the document produced by HMRC, which sets out a thorough analysis. I urge her to read it and to see that it is far from speculative; it is a thorough piece of work, which shows that as a result of the 50p rate total income fell by between £2.9 billion and £4.4 billion and GDP was between 0.2% and 0.3% lower. There has been not just a loss of tax revenue, but a loss to the whole economy through lower productivity and lower economic activity.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

If Labour Members felt that the 50p rate was so good, why did they introduce it as only a temporary measure?

[Mr Gauke]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right to make that point. As I asked earlier, why did they wait 13 years to introduce it?

Financial Services Bill

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Monday 23rd April 2012 Commons Chamber

There are, as the Minister said, important issues in this group of amendments—absolutely, there are. For me, new clause 10 is one of the most important, but I commend them all to hon. Members.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

I shall speak briefly to a number of amendments that are inter-linked, because the protection of vulnerable consumers cannot be taken in isolation. A series of measures needs to be taken to protect those who need the most help.

Members on both sides of the House will support the principle of amendment 40, on the total cost of loans, but it is important that through the review we find a way of making it work. We do not want to push people into the hands of illegal loan sharks, and the review, which has been going on for 18 months now, needs to conclude so that we can start to make progress, but we need to look at all the variables, including the need to limit the amount of roll-overs.

The shadow Minister described how people might use such loans in exceptional circumstances, but there are two aspects to that. First, there are some people who, through consumer choice, might wish to take out such loans, so to my mind we should have compulsory credit checks. If people who can afford to service such debts make a consumer decision to be relatively inefficient with their money, that is up to them, as long as they can afford to do so, but if vulnerable consumers get trapped in a cycle of debt and need protection, a limit on the amount of roll-overs will be absolutely essential.

I talk to a number of high-street lenders—including The Money Shop—which look at people’s bank statements, but it is not unusual for people to have more than one bank account, and the reason I am so keen on credit checks is that although people often look after one bank account in an orderly manner, that is the one they present when applying for a loan, not the one that is in financial chaos.

[Nick de Bois]

My hon. Friend refers to the review, but alongside other points he has made, would it be worth considering lending techniques such as doorstep lending and similar?

[Justin Tomlinson]

My hon. Friend makes an important point. In previous debates, I focused my anger on the techniques of doorstep lenders, who build up a relationship with the consumer, pop by once a month and, over a cup of tea, suggest items for which they might want to borrow money, trapping them in a lifetime of expensive, high-cost debt. For example, they might pop round at Christmas to ask, “Have you organised your Christmas presents for your children?” The householder says, “No, I’m not sure I can afford it,” to which the lender replies, “No problem. We’re here. We can lend you that. It’s only £3 a week. I’m sure you’re going to be having relatives to visit, so why don’t you get your carpet sorted at the same time.” Those nudge-nudge techniques, which encourage people to take on high-cost debt, need to be looked at.

Amendments 37 and 55 seek to empower consumers, and there are important factors, such as the need to access impartial advice, that need to be looked at. I found through my work as chair of the all-party group on financial education that 91% of people who got into financial difficulty would have made a different decision had they known otherwise. Hindsight is a wonderful thing, but through our casework as MPs we see that some people make the wrong decisions and get themselves into difficulty. Of the three ways I would like to see that tackled, one is by the provision of easy access to advice through organisations such as the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, Citizens Advice and the Money Advice Service. To my mind, if a debt management service offers a high-cost loan, it should provide links to those organisations, just as when somebody buys a packet of cigarettes, there is a health warning on it. There is then no excuse. It relies on consumer choice, but if somebody chooses to, they can take up the advice.

It will also help if all consumers have financial education in the first place so that they understand the advice. In the case of the Money Advice Service, one needs to know something about the products in the first place. Obviously, face-to-face advice would be ideal. I would also like all loans to be displayed in pure and simple cash terms, so that every consumer can make an informed decision. I am sure that even Treasury Ministers would struggle to work out what is meant by an APR. I will not embarrass individual MPs by carrying out a test, as I have in previous debates.

Finally, I deal with clause 10. I was interested in the Minister’s comments about advice being given to consumers six months in advance. As we all recognise, that presents a challenge, because if somebody could predict what will happen in six months’ time, they would be very wealthy. The principle is right: we need to protect consumers from sudden changes. The evidence shows that the majority of people who fall into financial difficulties do so because of a change of circumstances such as the loss of a job, a family bereavement or a divorce. One could extend that to a sudden change in the cost of a loan because of the interest rates.

Although this is often derided, I think that we need to encourage a savings culture. If one has money in reserve, one is better equipped to deal with a sudden shock to one’s circumstances. I welcome the moves of the Nationwide building society for first-time buyers, because they are among those most at risk from a change in circumstances owing to a change in their job or in their interest rates, because they extend their borrowing to the absolute limit to get themselves on the housing ladder. Nationwide has introduced a linked savings account into which people have to put regular savings for the six months to a year that they are trying to get their first mortgage. It encourages them to carry on doing so, so that if interest rates and the cost of their loan go up suddenly, they have a financial buffer. More could be done to encourage the industry to promote such products.

[Katy Clark]

It is a pleasure to speak to new clause 12, which I tabled along with many other hon. Members. It would require the Financial Policy Committee to

“carry out and publish a review of the operation of consumer prepayment schemes to consider whether existing protection for consumers is sufficient.”

It would require the report to include

“an analysis of whether consumers of prepayment schemes should be made preferential creditors for the purposes of the distribution of the realised assets…in the event of insolvency.”

I come to this issue as a result of the experiences of my constituents when the Farepak Christmas savings club collapsed on 13 October 2006. Many hon. Members will be well aware of the background to the Farepak issue, which has been raised in this Chamber on a number of occasions. More than five years after the collapse of the company, almost none of the 120,000 people who lost out have received a penny of their money back. Those 120,000 savers lost about £38 million. Some money was distributed as a result of a response fund, which was set up in the lead-up to Christmas 2006, but the people who lost out have not received any money from those who are dealing with Farepak’s assets.

In my constituency, hundreds of families were affected. I pay tribute to my constituents Louise McDaid and Jean McLardy, who, along with many others, set up the Farepak victims committee, which continues to campaign for justice for those who lost out as a result of Farepak’s collapse.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stella Creasy]

Borrowing has always been a part of the British way of life and part of our debates in the House as long as I have been an MP, but as we argue how best to tackle the nation’s debt, we forget at our peril the need to help our constituents to manage their debts. As the Minister pointed out, amendment 40 is our third attempt to help our constituents to manage their debts and to give them the kind of protections from such toxic credit that others around the world take for granted.

I hope I can convince the Minister that this is not a political whim, but a matter of deep importance to many who are struggling with such companies, not just in my constituency, but in constituencies across the country. If he is not convinced, I urge him to come to one of my surgeries, or to come with me down my high street, which now has 16 such companies, to see the problem and understand the urgency of action. I am sure the hon. Members for Enfield North (Nick de Bois), for North Swindon (Justin Tomlinson) and for South Swindon (Mr Buckland) have the same problems in their constituencies. The amendment is about urgent action. Too many in our communities cannot afford to wait for the outcome of research in the summer, let alone for future legislation at some unknown point.

Let me start by finding common ground. I welcome the development of the Financial Conduct Authority and its role in managing consumer credit, and the statement that it will be more willing to intervene to address problems with financial products. The question we must address today—it is what the amendment speaks to—is whether the new authority will have the teeth to deal with the problems our constituents face and act in their interests. The amendment is designed to end any uncertainty on that by giving explicit authority to the FCA to act on one aspect of our consumer market that many hon. Members are concerned about. I want to put on record my thanks to those on both sides of the House who have co-signed the amendment. That speaks to the disquiet that many have that no alternatives have been put forward.

We know why there are problems, but it is worth repeating the reasons. As the costs of food, energy and transport soar and as unemployment continues to bite family households, and as wages freeze, British families are struggling and borrowing to manage their daily needs. Aviva’s work shows that UK families owe on average £10,500, which represents nearly half the average annual household income of £23,000. That level of debt will only increase, because there is no end in sight to the financial pressures people face. One in six of our nation is now a “zombie debtor”, which means a person who is able only to service the interest on their debt and not reduce it, and a third of us have no savings at all.

Since the start of the recession, mainstream lenders such as high street banks have been much less willing to lend money, but the truth is that for many, banks are making things worse, not better. Average overdraft fees in this country have simply been reduced from £25 to £12 a day, which is still a huge sum for people who have no money. Credit card rates have soared by 2% recently, taking the average interest rate to its highest level in 13 years, despite the Bank of England base rate remaining at 0.5% for 25 months. It is little wonder that many people are turning to the high-cost credit market to make ends meet.

Last year, the payday loan sector in this country was worth £1.7 billion, a fivefold increase in a year. Research by R3 tells us that nearly 4 million people will take out a payday loan in the coming months alone. The annual percentage rate—it is a misleading term, but it is still worth looking at—can begin at 444% and escalate to 16,500% or more. Home credit lenders, about which the hon. Member for North Swindon has warned us, can charge £82 in interest and collection charges for every £100 loaned.

It is little wonder that Payplan, a debt charity, is seeing a deluge of people in financial difficulty as a result of the payday loan market. It says that nearly half its clients had six or more payday loans in the last year alone. More than half owe more than £500 to those companies and, crucially, 61% had more than one loan at a time. Eighty-six per cent. of Payplan’s clients used their loans for basics such as food, transport and the everyday costs of living, not luxuries.

Such lenders are exploding across our towns and cities. Dollar Financial underpins Money Shop. Money Shop had just one store in 1992; it now has 450 shops across the UK. There are two in my high street in Walthamstow. Meanwhile, our friends at Wonga have secured £73 million from the Wellcome Trust to expand their operations; the Provident Financial share price has risen by 16% since the comprehensive spending review; and BrightHouse, which provides hire purchase agreements at hugely extortionate rates, has announced plans to nearly treble the number of stores it operates in our country.

The FCA has many toxic practices in the market to address. As the high-cost credit industry admits, a quarter of home credit users and a quarter of payday users have no other form of credit. As consumers, therefore, they do not have the power to shop around for more affordable forms of credit. That many of those firms do not do credit checks means that customers who borrow regularly from them cannot build up a track record to show to other lenders to prove that they are credit worthy so that they can borrow at more acceptable prices.

High-cost credit companies have high fixed costs, so they make their money by repeat lending, meaning that their entire business strategy is geared towards repeat borrowing and the “rolling over” of loans, about which many hon. Members are concerned. Thirty-two per cent. of payday loans are refinanced—the average is twice—and 15% of doorstep loans are refinanced before the end of their term. All hon. Members know what “rolling over” means: it means that interest can be charged on interest accrued as well as the initial amount loaned.

Such companies also engage in aggressive marketing campaigns to encourage that repeat borrowing, persistently offering customers the opportunity to extend their loans and take out new ones. There is strong anecdotal evidence that many of those companies lend consumers more money than they can afford to pay back in a month to ensure that they have to roll over their loan.

Above all, the rates charged by high-cost credit companies often do not reflect any economic rate, meaning one that reflects competition in the market or the cost of lending. That is why rates vary so substantially, from 4,500% with Wonga to a mere 2,500% with Uncle Buck, 1,700% with Kwik Cash or 1,200% with PaydayUK. There is simply a lack of competition in the market to drive the price down in the way Ministers expect.

[Justin Tomlinson]

There is a lot of competition, but because people cannot understand APRs, it is irrelevant. If repayments were displayed in cash terms, competition would kick in and help consumers.

[Stella Creasy]

The hon. Gentleman slightly pre-empts me. I was about to say that the doorstep market, 67% of which is owned by Provident Financial, is not competitive. Nevertheless, his point about APRs being difficult to understand is well understood.

The amendment is not a panacea. We need total cost caps on credit charges so that consumers have an explicit amount beyond which the cost of any loan will never go—interest rates, administration charges and late repayment fees included. I also agree strongly with the hon. Member for North Swindon about financial education and investment in debt advocacy services to give consumers help to negotiate with creditors and the support needed to make good decisions.

We also need an expansion in alternative sources of affordable credit through credit unions and social finance. The idea that the market will somehow reduce prices where there is disparity between the consumer and supplier belongs in the textbooks, not real life. We also need a proactive regulator to ensure effective competition and protection against consumer detriments. The amendment would address those problems and provide the opportunity, presented by the FCA, to take action as quickly as possible and to prevent the problems in our communities created by these loans from becoming worse.

I agree with the Chair of the Treasury Committee, who said about replacing the FSA:

“The creation of the FCA is an opportunity to create something much better. If we are not careful, the FCA will become the poor relation among the new institutions. But it is the one that will matter most to millions of consumers.”

However, for the FCA to be that better institution, its power to act on toxic financial products needs to be made clear. The financial services practitioner panel stated:

“We acknowledge that it will be useful for the FCA to have tighter powers to control any product that can and does do harm.”

The amendment is in that spirit. It would give explicit powers to the FCA to cap, where it sees appropriate, the charges firms can apply.

I understand that the Government have been briefing people that those powers are not needed because the FCA already has product intervention powers. The Minister seems to think that that could happen, but he must address two questions: first, can it intervene; and, secondly, are its powers of deterrence or sanction appropriate to the toxicity we all want to prevent? Clearly, there are good grounds to fear that the first is not the case. In his speech today and in the document setting out the FCA’s powers, there are somersaults and loops worthy of the Olympics gymnastics team. The document states:

“The government has said that the FCA will not be an economic regulator in the sense of prescribing returns for financial products or services. The FCA will, however, be interested in prices because prices and margins can be key indicators of whether a market is competitive. Where its powers allow, the FCA will take into consideration more positively the cost of products or services in making judgements about whether consumers are being fairly treated. Where competition is impaired, price intervention by the FCA may be one of a number of tools necessary to protect consumers.”

I am sorry to disappoint the hon. Member for Vale of Glamorgan (Alun Cairns), who is not in his place, but that is part of the Government’s thinking.

The problem, however, is that the Government’s thinking is fuzzy. Lawyers in this area have highlighted the lack of clarity about whether the FCA is intended to be a price regulator and about whether the legislation proposes such a thing. John Odgers, the lawyer for Which?, highlighted that point in his written evidence to the Treasury Committee:

“It seems to me to be desirable that a power of price intervention should be spelled out, if it is intended. Financial services regulators have not in this jurisdiction previously exercised that type of power, and might in future be loth to do so without a specific statutory authority, as the use of such a power would be particularly likely to attract a challenge.”

The Minister should talk to the OFT. It is particularly well placed to tell the FCA about the problems that the fear of legal scrutiny places on consumer credit regulation. As it admitted, that fear has defined its work in this field and its lack of action against these firms. It has feared the cost to the public purse of unsuccessful legal actions. In his evidence to the Public Accounts Committee on 5 September last year, the chair of the OFT stated that

“there are companies now pursuing particular practices that 10 or 15 years ago perhaps would not have employed the most expensive lawyers and taken every point under the sun. Now, however, that is happening with an increasing number of cases where you might have otherwise expected the party to throw in the towel after the first round. They do not do that, and therefore we have to take very careful assessments. We have a particular case at the moment that I have in mind where, much to my surprise, the parties have involved the most expensive City lawyers, and we know perfectly well that we are at substantial risks on costs if we lose.”

It is little wonder that Google has a stronger track record on taking action against such adverts and firms than the OFT, which, in the past eight years, has managed to take action against one brokerage firm only.

--- Later in debate ---

[Sheila Gilmore]

I think financial education is extremely important, but on its own, it will not necessarily equip people to avoid the enticements of the lenders.

[Justin Tomlinson]

I cannot resist intervening on this specific point. With financial education, consumers can make informed decisions. If people are financially savvy and well financially educated, they can carry out the actions that they would otherwise have to pay a debt management company to do.

[Sheila Gilmore]

That is indeed the case. I am not suggesting that we should not have financial education. What I am suggesting is that we also need regulation. My hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow eloquently outlined the various forms that high-cost credit takes, so control over it is also important.

Jam Jar Bank Accounts

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Tuesday 28th February 2012 Westminster Hall

[Damian Hinds (East Hampshire) (Con)]

It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair this afternoon, Ms Osborne.

For most of us, using a current account is as natural and normal a part of modern life as indoor plumbing, but it was not always so. Many hon. Members will remember their parents coming home with weekly wages in cash, in an envelope with little holes in it so people could count the money when it was given to them. On arrival at home, the cash would be divided into amounts for the rent, the bills, housekeeping and, hopefully, savings for an unexpected bill, school uniforms or Christmas. The sub-divided amounts would typically be kept in separate boxes, tins or jam jars, from which this debate takes its title.

Most households have changed a lot since then, and there are many advantages to that evolution. For most jobs now, people need a bank account to accept their salaries or wages, and people also need an account to pay the rent or the mortgage. People’s money is also safer in a bank than on the kitchen windowsill. As payments through direct debits and standing orders cost less for financial institutions to process, bank accounts give people access to better deals. A bank account also becomes a gateway to other financial services.

Much progress has been made over the last number of years on that front. The number of people without a transactional bank account, including a basic bank account, fell by about a half between 2003 and 2010 to just 1.5 million households.

As I said, there are many advantages to the transition, but there are also some drawbacks. For a start, there is loss of control, particularly with things such as direct debits. Although people set them up, they happen subsequently without people actively having to do anything.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

My hon. Friend has secured a fantastic debate.

Our extensive research in my all-party group on financial education for young people highlighted loss of control as a particular problem. Some 91% of people who got into financial difficulty did so because they kind of lost control, and my hon. Friend has highlighted exactly why that is happening.

[Damian Hinds]

My hon. Friend goes right to the heart of the matter. There can also be a feeling of being rather flush on payday and a danger of people not making provision for unexpected, or sometimes even expected and known, subsequent liabilities.

Although most of us enjoy free in-credit banking, nothing in life is free; there is a cost to operating bank accounts. The point made by my hon. Friend the Member for North Swindon (Justin Tomlinson) also goes to the heart of that issue. The provision of free banking relies on people making mistakes and incurring penalty charges. Research for the financial inclusion taskforce has shown that low-income families that move to have a bank account in order to save money through direct debits and so on found that those savings were entirely wiped out by penalty charges, which averaged £140 in the first year. That combination of factors, as my hon. Friend says, can lead to people tripping into debt, which can then spiral. I mentioned people who do not have a transactional bank account, but many choose to manage in cash even if they have a bank account.

Communities and Local Government

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Tuesday 20th December 2011 Commons Chamber

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

Thank you for this opportunity to raise the subject of financial transparency in local government, Madam Deputy Speaker. I would also like to extend my thanks to the TaxPayers Alliance and the Local Government Group for providing some of my research notes.

This is an important issue, because we would all agree that we should be doing everything we can to ensure that council tax is affordable, especially against the backdrop of pressure on front-line services, particularly adult social care, which is piling on costs for local authorities. With that in mind, I welcomed the Secretary of State’s announcement in June 2010 calling on councils to provide financial transparency by publishing online information about spending over £500 by the end of January 2011; all councils except Nottingham city council have now done so. Such financial disclosure will act as a trigger, enabling local taxpayers to see how councils are using public money, shine a spotlight on waste, establish greater accountability and efficiency, open up new markets, and improve access for small and local businesses and the voluntary sector.

To strengthen that, the Government published their “Code of recommended practice for local authorities on data transparency” in September 2011. The code stipulates that the provision of public data should become integral to local authority engagement with residents, so that it drives accountability to them, it should be promoted and publicised, so that residents know how to access it, and it should be presented in a way that encourages residents to use and compare such data. Despite all that, however, we have not been overrun by a fully mobilised army of armchair auditors seeking to identify savings. This is a real opportunity that has been missed. To my mind, that is because although a vast amount of data has been put into the public domain, much of it is hard to comprehend.

I believe that the focus should be on the quality rather than the quantity of what is available. Three examples highlight this. First, most councils publish their expenditure to comply with the guidelines, but that does not necessarily mean that the publication is clear. Individuals are therefore often unable to challenge expenditure. Secondly, we have seen examples in which, when the data are printed off, font size 2 is used. Those data are technically accessible, but they are not exactly readable. Thirdly, the information is often hidden away on websites. A good example is provided by Birmingham city council. To access its data we have to go to the homepage, then click on “Council and Democracy”, then on “Services”, then on “Featured Services”, then on “Corporate Resources Directorate”, then on “Invoices and Payments”, and then on “Payments to suppliers over £500”. The process takes us through seven different pages, and it is not signposted in any way. The information would be very hard to find without going through the DirectGov site—or being Columbo. Chris Taggart, the founder of OpenlyLocal.com, has said:

“Public sector data is still being treated as an asset to be sold, rather than an underlying infrastructure of a modern democratic society, and with this approach people and the innovators who seek to empower them are marginalised and disenfranchised.”

There are, however, many good examples of local authorities providing data in innovative and eye-catching ways. Examples are Kensington and Chelsea, and Northamptonshire, which map the data so that residents can understand at a glance where the money goes. The Chartered Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy says that councils should set out reasons for particular spending decisions so that a more informed judgment can be made. It also highlights the need for effective feedback mechanisms, so that people can comment on spending and have their views taken on board.

Information needs to be accessible, transparent and understandable. I therefore welcome the five steps to fully open data that are set out in the code, but they need to be more robustly enforced. Guidelines could be altered to ensure that local authorities published their expenses in a comprehensible manner. A number of small and medium-sized enterprises are also working with open data, including OpenlyLocal, Spotlight on Spend and Armchair Auditor. Those private enterprises are all developing new ways of presenting council data. I would urge central Government to encourage local government to make use of such sites to break down its spending and make it more easily digestible and comparable.

I also have a recommendation. I would like to use incentives to encourage residents to become that army of armchair auditors. There is a fear that any savings that residents identify will simply disappear back into a council black hole. Perhaps 50% of the savings could go back to the council for it to spend as it wished, with the other 50% being spent on the front-line service of the resident’s choice. That could involve improving the local school, the local community library or a local sports club. This could be processed by a committee of back-bench councillors and finance officers, who would weed out the majority of suggestions. Probably 95% of the expenditure identified would be justifiable; it might just have been badly explained on the council website, for example. The remainder of cases could be passed on to the lead member for finance to bank, which would help the taxpayer and improve front-line services. CIPFA has also pointed out that when expenditure is found to be justifiable, a letter should be sent to the resident to explain what the money is being spent on.

A number of arguments have been made against this proposal. Some councils have said that they would be embarrassed if residents found that they were not spending money efficiently. I say that they should embrace that, because if a saving is identified, the council will have the opportunity to spend the money on something that people will reward it for. Nottingham city council says that the process would cost too much money. I do not think that that is an excuse when there is so much pressure on council tax bills. It has also been suggested that it would be too difficult to provide answers, but I find that unacceptable. Surely someone is signing off those budgets, and therefore owns them. A further argument is that much of this would involve one-off expenditure, but I believe that local authorities should still learn from such experience. This is a real opportunity to enthuse local residents and to deliver much-needed savings.

Summer Adjournment

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Tuesday 19th July 2011 Commons Chamber

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

Before turning to the exciting subject of Swindon town centre regeneration, may I congratulate the hon. Member for Inverclyde (Mr McKenzie) on his excellent maiden speech?

We in Swindon have had our challenges. For the past five years there has been an annual drop in footfall in the town centre of about 22%. Swindon has dropped 10 places to 65th in the league table for the best places to shop, with our neighbouring competitors Bristol in 12th place, Reading in 15th, Bath in 22nd, Cheltenham in 27th and Gloucester in 107th. In 2010, 17% of retail units were empty and local Labour politicians had seemingly given up on any hopes for town centre regeneration. But fear not: all is not doom and gloom, because we have seen some dramatic recent improvements.

The local council has introduced cheaper car parking, focusing on a flat £2 for four hours. That has reversed the fall in footfall; there is now a 10% increase. Crucially, there has been a significant increase in dwell time as well. Instead of shoppers popping in to do one task, such as banking, they are now staying and spending. Café Roma in the Brunel centre has reported an 18% increase in its business, and I salute it for helping refuel our shoppers. The new £10 million central library has been delivered on time and on budget. There has been significant private sector investment, which shows that there is a belief in our town centre, with a £20 million investment in the Parade, and new BHS, Topshop and River Island stores opening. The dirty old canopies have been removed from the Parade and replaced at the Brunel centre, and we have a refurbished Debenhams. Some £2.8 million has been invested in public open space, improving the shopping experience to Canal walk, Regent street and Wharf green.

In Swindon, the town centre business improvement district company, which is responsible for helping traders improve their business, is making a real difference, such as through marketing support for retailers, the town centre website, the four-page monthly promotional newsletter in the Swindon Advertiser, the events it organises—including the 2010 Christmas campaign, partnered with Walt Disney World, when 20,000 visitors came to the turning on of the Christmas lights—and additional street cleaning and security. I wish those people the best of luck in their re-election campaign for a further five-year term in early 2012. There has also been a significant fall in the number of empty units. The vacancy rate in the Brunel shopping centre is now only 4%.

Turning to the future, as developers once again gain confidence and access to funding, it is essential that we are first in the queue to secure further regeneration, in particular for Union square, a £350 million scheme which is one of the largest non-Olympics construction programmes in the past 10 years, and for the College site, which was delayed at the last minute due to Labour’s wrecked economy. To help achieve that, Swindon borough council set up the arm’s-length urban regeneration company Forward Swindon.

We must also embrace the Mary Portas high street review. In particular, I fully support Mary’s mantra that customer service is king. For example, the Forum, an independent clothes store in the Brunel centre, has traded from strength to strength for over 20 years. It has managed to survive the economic cycles and relentless competition as it focuses on providing an alternative with exceptional customer service.

We can all play a part in delivering Swindon town centre regeneration. As the local MP, I will continue to champion all that is good about Swindon, and through my work on the all-party parliamentary groups on retail and on small shops, I will continue to push opportunities for retailers. Swindon borough council must remain committed to town centre regeneration as set out in the central area action plan. Local traders must continue to focus on customer service and offering alternatives to our neighbouring competition. Finally, as local residents, where possible we need to continue to support and use our town centre, building on the encouraging recent increase in footfall.

Finance (No. 3) Bill

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Monday 4th July 2011 Commons Chamber

[Mrs Chapman]

That is an excellent point, with which I shall finish my remarks. I am aware that many colleagues would like to contribute and, having heard my hon. Friend’s comprehensive speech, I will allow others to do so.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

I welcome the opportunity to debate this new clause. I have worked with the hon. Member for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy) on a number of occasions to highlight the need to protect the most vulnerable people in society, and we have been supported by hon. Members from both sides of the House. Let us be clear that a consensus is essential, as has been said by the hon. Member for Scunthorpe (Nic Dakin) and my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (David Rutley). This is an extremely complex and challenging issue, and although we all agree that action must be taken, we need to be careful not to make the situation worse. I will set out a number of reasons why that could happen.

The new clause would require the Government to review how taxation could be used to penalise high-cost credit that is detrimental to consumers and competition. However, the current consumer credit review is examining all the options through which we can hope to secure a measured and effective response. I first wish to highlight the need to use credit reference companies, because it is unacceptable that so many of these loan companies do not even simply check whether the person borrowing the money can actually service the debt. We would all agree that we are not against people borrowing money if that is what they wish to do, but they should have the opportunity to be able to service that debt. Secondly, we need to limit the number of customer extensions and roll-overs, as a number of hon. Members have said. It is unacceptable that people can be trapped into a cycle of increasingly expensive debt. Thirdly, there needs to be a cut-off point, when fees and the interest stop being accumulated. Too often we have seen people borrow a relatively small sum that has built up over many years. Many horror stories have been related in previous debates.

[Mr Robert Buckland (South Swindon) (Con)]

Does my hon. Friend agree that there has been far too much of a rush to litigation by credit companies and that a far better approach would be to seek mediation before pressing the button to go to court? Such an approach would relieve a lot of the burden and pressure on the hard-pressed consumers.

[Justin Tomlinson]

My hon. Friend makes a very important point, with which I absolutely agree. Help should be provided at the point where we freeze that debt, and there should be an examination of the reasons why a consumer was unable to service the debt before that debt gets even further out of control.

Another crucial element is to make sure that those who can pay early are not penalised for doing so. That would mean that if circumstances change to benefit them, they would be able to break away from high-cost lending. A number of hon. Members have mentioned the need for there to be greater access to credit unions, and I know that my hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds) has highlighted the issue on a number of occasions. Interestingly, and aptly, the hon. Member for Darlington (Mrs Chapman) made the point that we should be encouraging those organisations that will lend with the consumer’s interest at heart.

The particular issue I wish to discuss, which was mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Chippenham (Duncan Hames), is the need to examine the techniques that are being used. In previous debates, I have directed the majority of my anger at doorstep lenders and their nudge-nudge sales techniques. They build up personal relationships, face to face, in the homes of vulnerable consumers, suggesting ways in which people can borrow money. For example, in the run-up to Christmas the lender will ask people whether they have organised the Christmas presents for their children, the consumer will say that they are not sure whether they can afford them, and the lender then says, “It’s lucky I’m here. Just add another £3 a week and you can get the presents that your children want.” These lenders continuously build up people’s dependency on high-cost lending, so we really have to look at these techniques.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stella Creasy]

Is the hon. Gentleman saying that it is not acceptable for banks to do what he just described? What does he make of the evidence suggesting that one of the challenges in this market is the fact that a quarter of their customers cannot borrow from banks, so even if they wished to use unauthorised overdrafts, they could not actually do so and the only source of credit available to them are predatory lenders such as Wonga?

[Justin Tomlinson]

Absolutely, and that highlights my first point about using credit reference checks. These people should not be getting money from high-cost lenders. Many of the more reputable high-cost lenders will not lend to them, but many of them do and prey on these people—that is particularly true of the doorstep lenders. We have to try to ensure that more people have access to the affordable banking arrangements—the credit union arrangements—but we must not fall into the trap of thinking that the banks always get things right because, as in the example I just gave, they can prove a lot more expensive—

[Stella Creasy]

indicated dissent.

[Justin Tomlinson]

The hon. Lady may shake her head, but my interest lies in ensuring that people get the clearest information and the cheapest possible price. I will not defend any organisation that is going to exploit the most vulnerable people.

Unsurprisingly, the final item on my tick-list is the need for financial education. I chair the all-party group on financial education for young people, and I thank the 224 Members who are now signed up to the group. People do not understand APR and, as I have argued, it needs to be removed and replaced by a transparent approach. In addition, we need consumers to be able to understand the implications of what they are signing up for, its true cost, how to source alternatives and the best way to address the situation if they get into difficulties.

I am conscious of the time so I will conclude. We are all agreed that action is needed—nobody, from either side of the House, disputes that. I welcome the consumer credit review, but we must not fall into the trap of a quick fix to chase political headlines which simply makes matters worse. We need a measured and wide-ranging response that puts the vulnerable consumer first. Let us not chase a fix that makes things a hell of a lot worse for the most vulnerable people.

[Jon Ashworth (Leicester South) (Lab)]

May I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy) for her tenacity in pursing this issue and say that her speech was a tour de force? Equally, I commend her for getting this issue discussed on Twitter, as this must be the first new clause on a Finance Bill to have generated this much interest on that site.

I wish to make only a few brief remarks, because a lot of what I wanted to say has been covered by my hon. Friend the Member for Darlington (Mrs Chapman), in particular, and by some Members on the Government Benches. Early on, I want to pick up on one point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow in her speech and at business questions last week, which is the suggestion that some funny business is going on and that the Government are deliberately delaying making a decision to help the Deputy Prime Minister at the party conference—[Hon. Members: “Rubbish!] Some hon. Members are shouting from a sedentary position, so I would be grateful if the Financial Secretary, who will, I presume, respond to the debate, could guarantee that the Deputy Prime Minister will not make an announcement on this matter in his conference speech. That would help Opposition Members—[Interruption.] I invite the Financial Secretary to make a few remarks on that point in his closing speech.

There is some consensus on this issue on both sides of the House. I was not a Member of Parliament when it was debated in February, although I have read many of the speeches. Many Members, on both sides of the House, take the issue very seriously—and rightly so. Before the general election campaign, the then Leader of the Opposition took it very seriously. When he was rebranding the Conservative party, he did not only hug hoodies and huskies. The party launched a campaign about resisting—I hope this is not unparliamentary language—your “inner tosser”, which encouraged people not to fall into the trap of personal debt that we have discussed. At the time, the current Prime Minister said that—and I paraphrase—although the campaign was provocative, we needed to do something about personal debt. The Opposition agree.

Today I visited a money advice centre in my constituency to talk about some of the issues faced by many of my constituents who are getting themselves into trouble. I was told stories about how Wonga and quickquid.com target many vulnerable people in my constituency. Members might not be aware that my constituency contains some of the most deprived estates in the country and we have had many examples of such companies targeting people such as single mothers, as in the cases mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Darlington, when they have no choice but to sign up to such deals. Such people end up in great difficulty.

Another issue mentioned at the centre, although it does not fall within the narrow confines of the new clause, was illegal loan sharking. The problem is that many people who find themselves in deep trouble through legal loan sharking feel that they have no alternative but to turn to illegal loan sharks. I hope we will be able to debate that in future. I was told many tragic stories about people who have fallen foul of illegal loan sharking. Such people might be in work—it is not always a matter of gangs preying on vulnerable out-of-work people on estates. One example involved somebody who took out a loan from an illegal loan shark for £7,000, which soon became £70,000.

Solar Power and Feed-in Tariffs

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Tuesday 29th March 2011 Westminster Hall

[Alex Cunningham]

I am not aware of any policy that has been so successful so quickly, and I know that across the north-east of England, many jobs have been created as a result of that policy. Many more jobs could be created, but that could change under the Government’s change in policy.

The aspiration of the industry—and, I hope, the Government—is to bring the technology to the point where renewable energy will compete with grid electricity without subsidy. To put the matter firmly on the record, I have been told that even BP concedes that electricity from solar PV will be cheaper than fossil fuels by 2020—a startling and very welcome statistic. To be clear, the Government’s decision to significantly reduce the tariff for schemes that are larger than 50 kW will cause havoc in this fledgling industry and make it less likely that community groups and schools, hospitals and churches will contemplate solar energy schemes, as they will simply be unaffordable. Schemes over 50 kW in size will see the feed-in tariff reduced by between 39% and 49%.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

If money is to be limited, does the hon. Gentleman agree that it would be best to prioritise larger-scale projects that offer a better return for the taxpayer and help to achieve our goal of increasing renewable energy?

[Alex Cunningham]

I will come on to some of those specific issues about the size of projects and the tremendous fear that the Government seem to have about larger projects, which could be controlled in the way that the hon. Gentleman mentions.

A 50 kW scheme is not a large scheme in any way, shape or form, despite what the Government would like us to think. We are talking about an area that is just the size of two tennis courts—hardly the large solar farms that the Government claim to be worried about. But do not just take my word for it. The Government should be listening to the Renewable Energy Association, which says that the industry has been “strangled at birth”, and to the Solar Trade Association, which calls the decision “a total disaster”.

The fact is that solar energy is hugely popular. A study of public attitudes to energy generation technologies that was undertaken by Cardiff university last year showed 88% support for solar PV. It had the highest level of support of all technologies. More than 70% of people agree that supporting renewable energy sources such as solar or wind is a better way of tackling climate change than nuclear power.

Back in 2008, the hon. Member for Wealden (Charles Hendry), who is now a Minister of State in the Department of Energy and Climate Change, stated when speaking about 5 MW projects:

“The idea behind it is to allow the inclusion of non-commercial scale projects, such as those that will be installed by homeowners, small businesses, local authorities, community groups, farmers and others. That would help out hospitals and schools that want to facilitate greater use of renewables and ensure low emissions as part of our 2020 targets.”—[Official Report, 18 November 2008; Vol. 483, c. 144.]

I cannot understand why the Government’s policy now goes against that very sensible statement. The Government are trying to present the decision as a choice between supporting home owners who want to install solar PV panels, and supporting big, commercial-scale schemes. The reality is that many community groups interested in medium-sized schemes—you know, the big society—will also lose out thanks to the proposed changes to the feed-in tariff.

In my constituency, a local project at the Norton sports complex has been hit hard by the Government’s decision. The complex was due to secure much needed funds through the FIT by using some of its previously unused land to install solar PV panels. The project was expected to be 1.5 MW in capacity, meaning that, thanks to the Government’s changes to the FIT, it will no longer be viable. I cannot emphasise enough what a disappointment that is. The Norton sports complex does tremendous work in the community, providing sporting and social facilities to local people, but has faced a difficult financial situation in recent years, as attendance at the social club part of the complex, which raises the money, has fallen by 60% thanks to the difficult financial circumstances in which many local people currently find themselves; many are out of work.

The chairman of the Norton sports complex was optimistic that FITs would provide a long-standing income for the complex and guarantee its future, but it will now have to go back to the drawing board, as the Government have pulled the rug out from under its feet.

[Justin Tomlinson]

I agree with pretty much everything that the hon. Gentleman is raising. He makes the point that a lot of time and money have already been invested in chasing a scheme for which the rules have suddenly changed. That puts groups such as the one that he has highlighted in a very difficult position.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Vara]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his contribution. I remind everyone that we are in difficult economic times. Every area has to be looked at, including this one, where the review has been brought forward. We are keen to emphasise that there is no cut-off up to 50 kW. That will cover the majority of the domestic market, which we are keen to protect. I hear what the hon. Gentleman and the hon. Member for Stockton North have to say, but I am keen to emphasise that there is a cut-off point, which will ensure that, to a large extent, the domestic market is protected.

The renewable heat incentive, which will go ahead in 2011, represents more than £850 million of investment over the spending review period. That will drive a more than tenfold increase of renewable heat over the coming decade, shifting renewable heat from a fringe industry firmly into the mainstream. To prioritise those critical projects, we have needed to take hard decisions, reducing budgets to focus on the most important, and looking to reduce the burden on the bill payer. We will save money on support for small-scale electricity through feed-in tariffs, to prioritise the most cost-effective technologies and maximise value for money.

[Justin Tomlinson]

I understand the difficulty with pressures on budgets and the need to get the best return for the taxpayer. Surely the larger-scale schemes offer the better return to the taxpayer in terms of renewable energy produced and cost to install. Surely we should be considering those as a priority, perhaps at the cost of the domestic schemes.

[Mr Vara]

Clearly, many will argue that the domestic market has a priority; others will argue in the same way as my hon. Friend. A decision has been taken, though clearly this will be reviewed regularly. It is not definitive, it is an ongoing matter.

Fuel Prices and the Cost of Living

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Wednesday 16th March 2011 Commons Chamber

[Gemma Doyle (West Dunbartonshire) (Lab/Co-op)]

I am delighted to speak in this debate, which is an important opportunity to highlight the real difficulties faced by people the length and breadth of the country as a consequence of the record price of fuel at the pumps and the squeeze that is being forced on people’s incomes by the Government. Those issues, along with the reckless pace of public spending cuts, are the concerns most widely raised by people in my constituency, and it is easy to understand why. The area has significant economic challenges, which are being made much greater in the current climate by the Government’s approach to the cost of living.

Unemployment in West Dunbartonshire is higher than across the rest of Scotland and the UK. According to the latest figures, published today, the local claimant count has risen to 6.5%, compared with 4.3% for Scotland and 3.8% for the UK as a whole. Recent analysis of pay across Scotland has highlighted that wages in West Dunbartonshire are 11% below the Scottish average, and of course unemployment and low pay have a clear relationship with poverty. West Dunbartonshire has a disproportionately high number of people living in deprivation, and people living there have a disproportionately low life expectancy. I say that not with pride, but to try to communicate to the Government the challenges found in areas such as mine—challenges to which they have seemed impervious, particularly in this debate.

West Dunbartonshire has a high percentage of people employed in the public sector. Of course, the Government are slashing jobs in the public sector; they seem to believe that the private sector will magically rush in to fill the gaps in employment. The last thing any business needs to contend with at the moment is record fuel prices. Far from growing the private sector, they may mean that even more people lose their jobs. Just this afternoon, the owner of a delivery business in my constituency contacted my office to outline the impact of record fuel prices on his business.

Given all those factors, it is clear to see why people in West Dunbartonshire are struggling to afford the squeeze on their family budgets and businesses as a result of record fuel prices, rising inflation, and cuts to the help for families on low and middle incomes.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

I agree with the hon. Lady’s comments on the effects of high fuel costs. Does she agree that there should be some regret for the Labour Government’s 12 fuel duty increases?

[Gemma Doyle]

There should be regret that this Government have raised VAT to 20% with no regard for people in my constituency. Never before have people in West Dunbartonshire been forced to pay £1.36 for a litre of unleaded or £1.43 for diesel, as they do now at some local forecourts. Every time they make a trip to the filling station, they find that it costs them a bigger share of their income to fill up their car.

As we know, the recent spike in the price of fuel has been driven in part by rising world oil costs, especially as a consequence of the crisis in the middle east, but the Government have heaped unnecessary extra pain on people by hiking VAT to 20%, adding 3p to a litre of fuel. It is astonishing that the Government have acted so callously in driving up the cost of fuel, given the pre-election promises made by both the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats last year. I am sure that I am not the only Member who saw leaflets promising action to keep fuel prices down circulated at the last election by one or both parties, although to the best of my knowledge, the Lib Dems did not even bother using their Royal Mail freepost in my constituency in the election last year.

That the price of fuel at the pumps is now at a record level as a consequence of the Government’s actions is an unforgivable betrayal, but that is of course something that we are getting used to from the Government. The attack on ordinary families’ standard of living goes much further than rising fuel prices driven by the actions of this Government. The VAT hike will cost families with children around £450 a year. Unfair cuts to tax credits, child benefit and housing benefit will further erode the incomes of families who rely on that support.

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Percy (Brigg and Goole) (Con)]

I can assure the hon. Member for West Dunbartonshire (Gemma Doyle) that I am not a millionaire. I would, in the words of Travie McCoy, quite like to be a billionaire, but I do not expect that will happen. There are plenty of rich people on the Opposition Benches—people in glass houses and all that.

We should begin by recognising that over the past couple of decades, Governments of all shades have hiked up fuel duty and, broadly, people have been in general agreement with that because it has been seen as a green tax. That is why it was created. An injection of honesty is needed to counteract the feigned anger that has suddenly appeared and the damascene conversion that has taken place among Opposition Members. Everybody supported fuel duty rises over the year, and their position lacks credibility.

I agree with much that is in the Opposition motion. We all have concerns about fuel costs. Obviously I do not agree with the part that asks us to do something that is illegal under EU law. My radical solution to that would be to leave the European Union, but that is a debate for another day. Before we accuse the Opposition of cynicism, it is incumbent on those of us on the Government Benches to prove that the pledges we made at the general election were not cynical. That is why I look forward to the Budget, on which the Chancellor and Chief Secretary are working so hard, and I look forward to the answers on fuel duty. I hope they include a fair fuel duty stabiliser.

I dished out leaflets to the good voters of Brigg and Goole—hounded them with leaflets, one might say—on the fuel duty stabiliser. I supported it, knowing of the work that had gone into that policy at Conservative central office. I look forward to the Budget next week, when I hope we will hear more details about stabiliser. The price of fuel is having a massive impact on my constituents across north Lincolnshire and east Yorkshire. I note the proposals in relation to the islands and I heard the comments from the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil). He has been a passionate advocate on behalf of his constituents. I would say to him if he were here—I know that he is off trying to save coastguards, and I wish him the best of luck on that too—that the effect of fuel prices is not limited to the islands.

Constituents such as mine have to travel an awful long way to their places of work. I represent a largely rural constituency, and most of my constituents travel considerable distances, whether to Lincoln, Leeds, Hull, York or Doncaster. Much of the time they sit in traffic, which is not good for fuel consumption, I am told. The pressures that affect the islands of Scotland and the Scilly Isles affect our constituents too.

[Justin Tomlinson]

I echo the comments of my hon. Friend. My constituency, North Swindon, has a considerable number of commuters who have no choice but to travel by car. The increased fuel costs impact on them as well.

[Andrew Percy]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. What we are both saying is that if any solution is applied to one part of the United Kingdom, it must be applied to other parts of it as well. If we are all about fairness, as I am sure we are, it must be a solution that is fair to everybody in the United Kingdom.

Bank Bonuses

Justin Tomlinson Excerpts

Tuesday 11th January 2011 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

Where is the fairness in a record budget deficit? That is what we have to address. We are taking difficult measures; I know that every single one is opposed by the Opposition, who created that deficit, but that says more about them than it does about our plan.

[Justin Tomlinson (North Swindon) (Con)]

What percentage of bankers based in the City of London are British citizens, and therefore taxed at the higher rate on their bonuses?

[Mr Osborne]

Two hundred and fifty thousand people or thereabouts are eligible for the 50p rate, which came into effect in April. As I have said, other taxes, too—such as employers’ national insurance—are levied on bonuses, and in the Finance Bill, which we have published in draft, we have taken specific measures, on which we will seek to legislate later this year, to deal with some of the avoidance practices in the financial sector that were allowed to proliferate under the previous Government.