Read Bill Ministerial Extracts
Gareth Davies
Main Page: Gareth Davies (Conservative - Grantham and Bourne)Department Debates - View all Gareth Davies's debates with the HM Treasury
(2 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberWhat a great pleasure it is to close this debate on the Finance Bill on behalf of the Government. I want to thank my hon. Friend the Financial Secretary, who is new in post, and to recognise the work of his predecessor and my constituency neighbour in Lincolnshire, my right hon. Friend the Member for Louth and Horncastle (Victoria Atkins), who carried out a great deal of work on this Finance Bill in the run-up to the autumn statement.
I will address a number of the points raised in this very good debate—it was lacking on quantity, but high on quality from a number of sources—but before I reflect on the comments, let me reflect on the Bill. Be in no doubt but that this Finance Bill will mean that companies will pay less tax if they invest more. It will simplify and strengthen tax reliefs to bolster innovation, and it makes the tax system fairer and more secure. Taken together, the measures contained in it will strengthen our economy and create more opportunities for more rewarding work in every corner of this country.
I will now turn to the comments made by a number of colleagues. I will start with my hon. Friend the Member for West Worcestershire (Harriett Baldwin), the Chair of the Treasury Committee, who has carried out significant work on the tax simplification programme with her Committee. The Government are clear that we want the tax system to be simpler and fairer, and to support growth. As she mentioned, the Financial Secretary has written to her just this week setting out the progress we are making on simplification. This autumn statement, and the Finance Bill in particular, has a number of measures, not least the capital allowances and the R&D expenditure credit consolidation. This a step in the right direction, but we are not complacent and we will continue to go further.
I was heartened to hear cross-party support for full expensing. That is in the context of the lowest headline rate of corporation tax in the G7, but the autumn statement announcement, and the provision in the Bill, is a £10 billion-a-year effective tax cut, called for by the IFS, the CBI, the IOD, Make UK, and many other businesses across the country. It is also in conjunction—this is not in the Bill—with a business rates package that will see a freeze for more than 90% of rate payers in this country.
The hon. Member for Richmond Park (Sarah Olney) made a comment about the oil and gas sector. Let me be clear: this Government have resolute support for our domestic oil and gas sector, and its 210,000 jobs. She called for a “proper tax” on oil and gas companies, and I can tell her that we already have one of the highest rates of windfall tax in the world. The energy price levy strikes the right balance between providing support for families and businesses through an energy crisis—namely through the energy price guarantee, which effectively paid 50% of people’s energy bills—while also encouraging investment to bolster our energy security. Conservative Members want to see the sector’s profits reinvested to support our domestic economy, our jobs, and our domestic energy security. Investment allowances within the EPL help to do that, and the energy security investment mechanism, which I announced in June, will help to provide banks with certainty in their modelling as they provide financing to the oil and gas sector, and as they are part of the transition to net zero.
Along with SNP Members, the hon. Member also said that she would like an increase in tax on banks, but she failed to mention that tax on banks has increased in recent times from 27% to 28%. She failed to mention that the tax revenue contribution from banks has increased significantly from £17 billion in 2010, to more than £33 billion today. That helps to pay for our NHS, our education, our defence, and many other public services that we all rely on. We want our banking system to be internationally competitive, and to keep the 1 million jobs that it employs stable and secure.
Many Opposition colleagues have mentioned living standards, and they are right. Conservative Members care deeply about that issue. That is why as part of the autumn statement, we increased the state pension by 8.5% as part of the triple lock which, by the way, has brought 200,000 pensioners out of poverty since it was introduced by a Conservative Prime Minister. We have also uprated benefits by 6.7%, and uprated the local housing allowance, which will benefit 1.6 million households across the country. That was on the back of a £289 billion welfare budget. Under this Government 400,000 children have been brought out of absolute poverty, and we have seen the Government step in with significant support through two global shocks of covid and the energy price spike, with £500 billion of support to get people through.
I will not give way. We are going to proceed I’m afraid; the hon. Gentleman has had his chance.
I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Witham (Priti Patel) who has great consistency when it comes to reducing the tax burden. She has made clear her views on our tax system, and we agree with her. We have a keenness to bring taxes down, but we will do it in a responsible way that is in line with sustainable public finances. She also made clear her consistent campaign on pillar 2, and we are very alive to her concerns. I am pleased that the Chancellor recently met and wrote to her, following the two fiscal statements. I understand her concerns about sovereignty, and I assure her that the pillar 2 provisions do not impact on sovereignty or indeed on competitiveness. The provisions in the Bill are technical amendments that we will discuss in more detail as it goes into Committee.
Finally I thank, as always, my hon. Friend the Member for Poole (Sir Robert Syms) for his positivity about our economy, which does not always get reported. For me, his critical point was about looking at the long-term performance of the economy, not just at the provisions we are putting in place. Instead of looking month by month by month, we should look at long-term provision.
In conclusion, in January this year, the Prime Minister set out his priorities for the Government. Three of them were economic and, since then, we have seen our inflation cut in half and our economy is expected to grow in every year of the OBR’s forecast period. That is half a decade of uninterrupted growth. Because we are reducing borrowing, debt is now forecast to fall. Put simply, we have turned a corner, and it is because of the actions of this Government, this Prime Minister and this Chancellor.
This is a Conservative approach through supply-side reform, and it is in stark contrast to the Labour party’s debt-driven ambitions. We know that its plans to borrow some £28 billion every year for green initiatives will put at risk the great progress that we and the British public have achieved. The independent Institute for Fiscal Studies has issued a stark warning for Labour’s plans. It said they will increase inflation and drive up interest rates, leading to more debt, higher rates, higher inflation, fewer jobs and more tax. That is the Labour party’s playbook. We cannot let that happen, and we will not.
We want an economy driven by enterprise, and by workers and by businesses throughout this country who push and strive, making us more competitive abroad and resilient at home. We want a tax system that pushes up businesses and workers who want to succeed, not that pulls them down when they do succeed. The autumn statement was a statement for growth, investment, work and reward. The measures in the Bill will deliver much of that, so I strongly commend the Bill to the House.
Question put, That the amendment be made.
Gareth Davies
Main Page: Gareth Davies (Conservative - Grantham and Bourne)Department Debates - View all Gareth Davies's debates with the HM Treasury
(2 years, 7 months ago)
Commons ChamberWith this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Schedule 12.
Clauses 31 and 32 stand part.
Schedule 13.
Clauses 33 and 34 stand part.
New clause 2—Review of measures to tackle evasion and avoidance—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within three months of this Act being passed, publish a review of the measures in sections 31 to 33 to tackle evasion and avoidance.
(2) The review under subsection (1) must include details of—
(a) the average sentence handed down in each of the last five years for the offences listed in section 31;
(b) the range of sentences handed down in each of the last five years for the offences listed in section 31;
(c) the number of stop notices issued in each of the last five years to which the measures in section 33 would apply; and
(d) the estimated impact on revenue collected in each of the next five financial years resulting from the introduction of the measures in sections 31 to 33.”
This new clause would require the Chancellor to publish details of the sentences given and stop notices issued in each of the last five years to tackle evasion and avoidance, as well as the revenue expected to be generated from the measures to tackle evasion and avoidance in this Act in each of the next five years.
New clause 4—Assessment of impact of Act on multinational profit shifting and tax competition between jurisdictions—
“(1) Within six months of the passage of this Act, the Chancellor of the Exchequer must carry out an assessment of the impact of section 21 and Schedule 12 of this Act on multinational profit shifting and tax competition between jurisdictions, and lay a report of that assessment before both Houses of Parliament.
(2) The report must consider the efficacy of the measures contained in section 21 and Schedule 12 in achieving the policy objective of combatting base erosion and profit shifting.”
This new clause would require the government to produce an assessment of the impact of the Bill’s “Pillar Two” measures, in order to ascertain whether these measures have been successful in achieving their policy aims.
New clause 5—Tax compliance reporting—
“(1) Within six months of the passage of this Act, the Chancellor of the Exchequer must carry out an assessment of the impact of sections 31 to 34 and Schedule 13 of this Act.
(2) The report must consider the capacity and ability of HMRC to enforce compliance with the measures contained in sections 31 to 34 and Schedule 13 of this Act, including setting out staffing arrangements within HMRC's Customer Compliance Group for undertaking enforcement work relating to sections 31 to 34 and Schedule 13 of this Act.”
This new clause would require the government to produce an assessment of the impact of the Bill’s tax evasion and avoidance measures. The assessment would need to examine whether the capacity and ability of HMRC was sufficient to properly enforce those measures.
New clause 7—Review of effectiveness of section 31 measures in preventing fraud involving taxpayers’ money—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within three months of this Act being passed, conduct a review of the effectiveness of the provisions of section 31 in preventing fraud involving taxpayers’ money.
(2) The review must evaluate the effectiveness of the provisions of section 31 in preventing fraud involving taxpayers’ money through comparison with the effectiveness of—
(a) other measures that seek to prevent fraud involving taxpayers’ money, and
(b) the approach taken in other countries.”
This new clause would require the Chancellor to review the effectiveness of measures in this Act to prevent fraud involving taxpayers’ money, and to compare them with other measures that seek to prevent fraud involving taxpayers’ money and the approach taken in other countries.
Clauses 21 and 31 to 34 and schedules 12 and 13 cover technical changes to pillar 2 of the international tax agreement—doubling the maximum sentence for the most egregious forms of tax fraud—the introduction of new powers to tackle the promotion of tax avoidance, and action against fraud in the construction industry scheme.
The UK’s tax gap is currently at an all-time low, at 4.8% of total tax liabilities. That is due to strong Government action to tackle all forms of non-compliance in the tax system, but we are never complacent. That is why we have introduced more than 200 measures since 2010, including 40 since 2021, to reduce the tax gap even further. The Government are taking action to ensure that individuals and companies pay the taxes that are due in the UK. We want to deter individuals from committing fraud in the first place. That is why we are doubling the maximum sentence for tax fraud.
The Government are also taking action against tax avoidance by introducing a new criminal offence of the promotion of tax avoidance and by expediting the disqualification of directors of companies that promote tax avoidance. The measures are designed to protect tax revenues, which are important for funding our vital public services.
It is also important to protect tax revenues from companies shifting profits offshore. That is why the UK implemented pillar 2 on 31 December 2023. We are updating existing legislation with technical amendments today to ensure that UK legislation is consistent with newly agreed guidance, to address further stakeholder comments to clarify terms, and to avoid unintended consequences.
Clause 31 strengthens our enforcement powers when it comes to tax offences. It doubles the maximum prison term, from seven years to 14 years, for individuals convicted of the most egregious cases of tax fraud. This applies to all taxes and duties administered by HMRC. It also increases the maximum penalty for counterfeiting from 10 years to 14 years. These measures demonstrate, I hope, the Government’s intent to crack down on tax fraud and to deter criminal actions that damage the public purse.
Clauses 32 and 33 and schedule 13 seek to target the promotion of tax avoidance, in order to protect taxpayers and reduce the damage inflicted on the public finances. Recent powers such as HMRC’s power to name promoters and their schemes, and its power to issue stop notices, are effectively disrupting promoters’ activities. None the less, a small number of promoters persist in attempting to sidestep the rules, so clause 32 and schedule 13 enable HMRC to act swiftly to seek the disqualification of directors and other individuals who control or exercise influence over companies involved in the promotion of tax avoidance. They enable the removal of those individuals from the avoidance market and will deter others from becoming directors of companies that promote avoidance.
In the Finance Act 2021, the Government introduced rules that allow HMRC to issue stop notices that require promoters to stop promoting specified tax avoidance schemes. Stop notices are an important deterrent tool, as failing to comply with a stop notice can lead to a substantial civil penalty. Clause 33 increases the consequences of failing to comply by introducing a new criminal offence, which will apply to promoters who continue to promote an avoidance scheme after receiving a stop notice. Creating a criminal offence signals the severity of this issue and reinforces the importance of complying with a stop notice.
Finally, clause 34 tackles serious non-compliance in the construction industry. The construction industry scheme requires contractors to withhold tax unless a subcontractor holds gross payment status. Most gross payment status holders are legitimate and compliant construction businesses but, in recent years, gross payment status has been used by organised crime organisations to facilitate fraud. This allows unscrupulous actors to compete unfairly against legitimate businesses. Clause 34 therefore strengthens the tests for gross payment status by adding VAT to the taxes with which subcontractors must demonstrate compliance. This measure is predicted to raise around £300 million over the next five years.
Each of these clauses helps to protect vital tax revenue used to fund our public services. They seek to deter taxpayers from knowingly defrauding the Government and encourage them to act against the promotion of tax avoidance. I therefore ask that clause 21, clauses 31 to 34 and schedules 12 and 13 stand part of the Bill.
I call the shadow Minister.
I welcome the hon. Member’s intervention, and—dare I say it—I completely agree with him. Of course, one is constrained by what one can amend in legislation, but I would like to see that as the start of an ongoing process of review. Let us be honest, it is an innovative proposal, not just because it requires an international co-operative effort, but because that very effort is innovative. It is therefore something that we as a sovereign Parliament should be keeping very much under review as the work continues.
I briefly note that the Finance Bill has implications for theatre tax relief, which plays a crucial role in enabling the development of new theatre productions in the UK. UK Theatre and the Society of London Theatre have raised concerns with the Treasury about those implications, which could damage how that essential relief operates. I therefore urge Ministers to liaise with those groups and particularly to provide assurance that international touring will not be hampered due to the Bill’s definition of UK expenditure. That is certainly an area that would benefit from scrutiny in Public Bill Committee.
Although the Liberal Democrats support certain measures in the Bill, such as the extension of full expensing, the Bill as a whole does not have our support, arising, as it does, from an unjust and deceptive autumn statement. I urge hon. Members to support the amendments tabled in my name, in particular new clause 5, which would hold the Government to account to ensure that HMRC is properly resourced to allow it to implement the measures in the Bill.
I thank hon. Members from across the House for their contributions. I will speak relatively briefly but will try to address some of the points raised. I will deal last with the new clauses, and in the meantime address some of the questions from the hon. Member for Ealing North (James Murray) from the official Opposition. He asked about pillar 1 and the progress being made. This Government fully support pillar 1 and are keen to maintain momentum on its progress as soon as possible. He should take comfort from the recent publication of the substantially agreed text of the multilateral convention. That demonstrates progress, but as I say, we are not complacent on that and are keen to see further progress as soon as possible.
The hon. Gentleman very reasonably asked for more information on sentencing and the action taken by HMRC. I will give him some data. Last year, there were 240 prosecutions. Within that, there were 218 convictions, and 130 of those were custodial sentences and 110 were suspended sentences. That equates to a 90% success rate for HMRC. The hon. Gentleman is right that the average length of a custodial sentence is 24 months. We want to extend a maximum sentence for two reasons: first, to make it clear that we consider fraud and all fraudulent activity some of the most serious crime possible because of its impact on public finances; and secondly, because if the maximum sentence increases, we expect all sentences to rise, as sentences are judged relative to the maximum sentence. However, I stress that it is the Sentencing Council that issues the guidance to judges and it is ultimately judges and the courts who rightly decide what sentences are given to those found guilty.
The hon. Gentleman asked about safeguards for stop notices, and he is right to highlight that that is an important measure for HMRC. I can tell him there have already been 20 stop notices issued since HMRC started issuing them just a year ago, but there are robust governance processes and safeguards in place, including review and appeal rights. However, any criminal sentences are decided by the courts and it is the Sentencing Council that will decide on that. I will look carefully at the other questions he has raised and ask for a written response. If we have that data, I commit to writing to him with that information.
My hon. Friend the Member for North East Bedfordshire (Richard Fuller) has rightly and consistently raised his questions and concerns on pillar 2. I can tell him that the UK is implementing pillar 2 in time and alongside EU member states, Japan and Canada, which I think he would agree are all peers. He asked about China. China has not announced implementation plans for pillar 2, but it is a member of the inclusive framework of countries that are in negotiations right now on pillar 2 and we are monitoring that very carefully, as he would expect. The US Administration have always supported both pillars 1 and 2 and have been one of the strongest advocates for them; as he will know, in 2017, the United States introduced its own domestic version of pillar 2, requiring those companies with foreign income to pay a minimum level of taxation.
The punchline, to answer my hon. Friend’s ultimate question, is that already the agreement has been put in place to ensure that, by 2025, 90% of multinationals will be in play, so we are confident in the robustness of that agreement. He asked about the loan charge; I do not believe that is in scope for this debate, but the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will follow up with him and engage with him and the loan charge and taxpayer fairness all-party parliamentary group in due course.
I will briefly address the new clauses that have been laid down. I will deal with new clauses 2, 5 and 7 together, as they all relate to tax avoidance and evasion, and then I will address new clause 4. New clause 2 would require the Chancellor to provide a report on the average sentence and range of sentences given to offences being amended in clause 31, the number of stop notices issued that clause 33 would apply to and the impact of those clauses on tax revenues. New clause 5 would require the Chancellor to carry out an assessment of the impact of clauses 31 to 34 and schedule 13 on HMRC’s compliance activities and new clause 7 would require the Chancellor to review the effectiveness of the provisions of clause 31 in combating fraud involving taxpayers money.
Let me say straight out of the gate that I agree it is important that we regularly review and evaluate policy. However, the new clauses are unnecessary, as HMRC already publishes detailed information about its compliance and performance on a regular basis. As I have said, the UK tax gap is already at an all-time low of 4.8% and will remain low and stable, given the measures that we are implementing. Every year, HMRC publishes information on the number of custodial sentences received for tax compliance offences and the average sentence length in HMRC’s annual report and accounts. The 2023-24 annual report and accounts will be published this summer, providing a full overview of HMRC’s performance. As most of that information is already publicly available in routine HMRC publications, the assessments legislated for by the new clauses are unnecessary, in our humble view.
New clause 4 would require the Government to report an assessment of the technical changes to pillar 2 introduced in clause 21 and schedule 12. It would consider the efficacy of the technical changes and their impact on multinational profit shifting and tax competition between jurisdictions. The Government consider that such a report is not necessary because the amendments in the Bill are technical changes to enhance the pillar 2 legislation that received Royal Assent just last year. Those amendments simply help to ensure that the policy objectives of the legislation are met fairly and effectively, reflecting both new international guidance and stakeholder comments. Ultimately, it is about avoiding unintended consequences in legislation that has already been passed. Of course, the Government will monitor pillar 2’s overall impact as businesses begin to respond to its implementation around the world—130 countries are privy to it.
I hope to have reassured Members that the additions in new clauses 2, 4, 5 and 7 are not necessary. For the reasons that I have set out, I urge the Committee to reject them. I commend clauses 21 and 31 to 34, and schedules 12 and 13, to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 21 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 12 agreed to.
Clauses 31 and 32 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 13 agreed to.
Clauses 33 and 34 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
New Clause 2
Review of measures to tackle evasion and avoidance
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within three months of this Act being passed, publish a review of the measures in sections 31 to 33 to tackle evasion and avoidance.
(2) The review under subsection (1) must include details of—
(a) the average sentence handed down in each of the last five years for the offences listed in section 31;
(b) the range of sentences handed down in each of the last five years for the offences listed in section 31;
(c) the number of stop notices issued in each of the last five years to which the measures in section 33 would apply; and
(d) the estimated impact on revenue collected in each of the next five financial years resulting from the introduction of the measures in sections 31 to 33.”—(James Murray.)
This new clause would require the Chancellor to publish details of the sentences given and stop notices issued in each of the last five years to tackle evasion and avoidance, as well as the revenue expected to be generated from the measures to tackle evasion and avoidance in this Act in each of the next five years.
Brought up and read the First time.
Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.
Gareth Davies
Main Page: Gareth Davies (Conservative - Grantham and Bourne)Department Debates - View all Gareth Davies's debates with the HM Treasury
(2 years, 6 months ago)
Public Bill Committees
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss schedule 8 and clause 10 stand part.
It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr Paisley.
Clause 9 and schedule 8 enable qualifying companies that manage ships to elect into the tonnage tax regime. Clause 10 increases the capital allowance limit on the provision of vessels to operators in the tonnage tax regime for ship lessors. Tonnage tax is a regime aimed at boosting the United Kingdom’s competitiveness in the international shipping industry. At autumn Budget 2021, the Government announced the first substantive reforms of tonnage tax since 2005. These included removing the EU/EEA flagging requirement, for example.
Following those reforms, the Government announced at this year’s spring Budget that we would permit third-party ship management under the tonnage tax regime, with the aim of attracting more shipping companies to the United Kingdom, and that we would also raise the capital allowance limit for lessors of ships into tonnage tax, broadly in line with inflation and the cost of ships. These changes follow a review into whether to include ship management and the appropriateness of the existing capital allowance limit.
Until now, only companies that owned or chartered their ships could participate in the regime. The existing tonnage tax rules will in general apply to ship managers as they do to operators, but with certain exceptions. Most notably, operators must fulfil a training requirement for ships’ officers, which will not apply to third-party managers. They will be able to claim tonnage tax profits only on ships for which the operator has fulfilled the training obligation. Clause 10 will raise the overall limit on capital allowances that a lessor can claim from £80 million to £200 million—the first rise since the limits were introduced in 2000. The increase recognises general price movements and changes in vessel design and costs, ensuring that the UK tonnage tax continues to be internationally competitive. I therefore commend clauses 9 and 10 and schedule 8 to the Committee.
As we have heard, clause 9 sets out to make changes to the tonnage tax, by extending the scope of the tax to allow entry by third-party ship managers. As the Government’s policy paper sets out, as things stand, entry to the regime is available to operators of qualifying ships, with operators defined as those who own or lease vessels.
We understand that introducing the ability for ship managers who are not operators of ships to make a tonnage tax election will extend the scope of this beneficial tax regime, and it seeks to thereby increase the international competitiveness of the UK shipping industry. Extending the measure to permit ship managers to make a tonnage tax election is a largely administrative move and aims to bring the UK’s shipping regime in line with the international market. We will not oppose this measure today.
Let me take the opportunity to congratulate the hon. Gentleman on his fifth Finance Bill. He is looking good on it, and I hope this one goes as badly for him as the others. It is always a genuine pleasure to be opposite the hon. Gentleman and I am grateful to the Opposition for not opposing clauses 9 and 10.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 9 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 8 agreed to.
Clause 10 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 11
Extension of EIS relief and VCT relief to shares issued before 6 April 2035
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Clause 11 extends the sunset clause for the enterprise investment scheme and the venture capital trust scheme to April 2035. The schemes will continue to support thousands of early-stage, innovative companies each year and ensure that they have access to the investment they need to develop and grow.
The enterprise investment scheme and venture capital trust scheme provide a range of generous tax reliefs to investors to encourage investment into higher risk, early-stage companies, which face the biggest challenges in accessing finance. This will encourage entrepreneurship in the future. The schemes are world-leading in terms of their generosity, with more than £3.4 billion of funds raised across the two schemes in the tax year 2021-22 alone. This extension will ensure that the schemes continue to support the growth of early-stage companies.
I will not stray into a broader debate; we will have that, I am sure, on Third Reading or at another point. I made my points on the broader economy earlier, but I gently request that the Opposition stop talking the UK economy and UK businesses down. By doing so, they are talking down the workers and companies in their own constituencies.
This measure is designed to ensure the competitiveness of the UK’s code in relation to financial services, by providing certainty that unwelcome frictions will not be reintroduced for UK companies that wish to operate globally. I commend the clause and the schedule to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 20 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 11 agreed to.
Clause 22
Rates of tobacco products duty
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The clause implements changes announced in the 2023 autumn statement concerning tobacco duty rates. The duty charged on all tobacco products will rise in line with the tobacco duty escalator, with an additional increase for hand-rolling tobacco to reduce the gap with cigarettes.
Smoking rates in the UK are falling, but they are still too high: around 13% of adults are now smokers. Smoking remains the biggest cause of preventable illness and premature deaths in the United Kingdom, killing around 100,000 people a year and up to two thirds of all long-term users.
We are investing in a range of measures to support smokers to quit, including an additional £70 million per year to support local stop smoking services, £15 million per year to fund new national anti-smoking campaigns, and £10 million over two years to provide financial incentives to support all pregnant smokers to quit. In a world first, we are also providing £45 million over two years to roll out the new national “swap to stop” scheme, supporting 1 million smokers to swap cigarettes for vapes. Our policy of maintaining high duty rates for tobacco products will support the Government’s plans to reduce smoking to improve public health.
In the autumn statement, the Chancellor announced that the Government will increase tobacco duty in line with the escalator. The clause therefore specifies that the duty charged on all tobacco products will rise by 2% above retail prices index inflation. In addition, duty on hand-rolling tobacco will increase by 12% above RPI inflation. These new tobacco duty rates will be treated as having taken effect from 6 pm on the day they were announced, which was 22 November 2023.
Recognising the potential interactions between tobacco duty rates and the illicit market, the Government introduced tougher sanctions in July 2023, including penalties of up to £10,000 for any businesses or individuals who are caught selling illicit tobacco products. HMRC and Border Force will shortly be publishing an updated strategy to tackle illicit tobacco, with the aim of making further progress in reducing the size of the illicit market, tackling organised crime and reducing demand for illicit tobacco products.
The clause will continue our tried and tested policy of using high duty rates on tobacco products to make tobacco less affordable. It will help continue the reduction in smoking prevalence, supporting our Smokefree 2030 ambition, and reduce the burden placed by smoking on our public services.
The clause provides for changes to the rates of excise duty on tobacco products, covering cigarettes, cigars, hand-rolling tobacco and other forms of tobacco, in addition to increasing the minimum excise duty on cigarettes. We understand that it also provides for changes to the simplified calculation in the Travellers’ Allowances Order 1994. These changes, as the Minister said, took effect from 6 pm on 22 November. We have no questions about the clause.
Can I just ask how the clause compares with the policy of our international colleagues —New Zealand, for example?
I am grateful to the Opposition for their position on the clause. It is a mutual endeavour to ensure that we reduce smoking rates. We should take pride in this country that, over the last couple of decades, both parties, when in government, have overseen a reduction in smoking prevalence to some 13%.
On the specific question about international comparisons, I do not have the information available, but I am very happy to write to the hon. Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 22 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 23
Rates of vehicle excise duty
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Clause 23 makes changes to uprate vehicle excise duty for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with the retail prices index from 1 April 2024. Vehicle excise duty is paid on vehicle ownership, and rates chargeable are dependent on various factors, including vehicle type, date of first registration and carbon emissions data. The Government have uprated vehicle excise duty for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with RPI every year since 2010, which means that rates have remained unchanged in real terms during that time.
The standard rate of VED for cars registered since 1 April 2017 will increase by £10. The rates for vans will increase by no more than £20, and motorcyclists will see an increase of no more than £6. The changes outlined will maintain revenue sustainability by ensuring that motorists continue to make a fair contribution to our public finances.
Clause 23 provides for changes to certain rates of vehicle excise duty by amending schedule 1 to the Vehicle Excise and Registration Act 1994. We understand that the changes to rates will take effect for vehicle licences taken out on or after 1 April this year. We understand that the rates of vehicle excise duty for light passenger and light goods vehicles and motorcycles will increase in line with inflation, as has been the case since 2010. We have no questions on the clause.
I am grateful to the Opposition for their position and understanding.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 23 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 24
Rates of air passenger duty
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The clause sets the rates for air passenger duty for 2024-25. The rates were announced at the spring Budget and will take effect from April this year. The Government are uprating air passenger duty in line with forecast RPI rounded to the nearest pound. That will help to ensure that air passenger duty receipts are maintained in real terms and that airlines continue to make a fair contribution to our public finances. As is standard practice, the Government gave the industry more than 12 months’ notice.
The short-haul international rates will remain frozen for 2024-25, benefiting over 70% of passengers. Following the 50% cut in air passenger duty for domestic flights in 2023-24, the rate for those flying in economy class will increase by just 50p to £7. The long-haul and ultra-long-haul economy rates will increase by £1. The long-haul and ultra-long-haul rates for premium economy, business class and private jet passengers will also increase. Overall, this means that air passenger duty rates will be frozen in real terms. I commend the clause to the Committee.
As we heard from the Minister, the clause makes changes to air passenger duty. It increases the domestic reduced rate by 50p and the domestic standard rate by £1. In band B, the reduced, standard and higher rates will increase by £1, £3 and £7 respectively. In band C, the reduced, standard and higher rates will rise by £1, £2 and £6 respectively.
The new domestic band for flights within the UK was introduced by the Finance (No.2) Act 2023, and I would like to interrogate those figures more closely. The Minister may remember that we debated the new air passenger duty regime at the fourth sitting of the Finance (No. 2) Bill Committee on 18 May last year, when I asked him to explain the impact of the new domestic band on UK flights by helicopter and private jet. He helpfully clarified that there was no air passenger duty other than on fixed-wing aircraft, which meant that the duty did not apply to helicopter flights—news I am sure would have been met with relief in Downing Street. He also confirmed that private jets making domestic UK flights would be subject to a different, higher rate from other UK flights—perhaps he managed to slip that through without the Prime Minister noticing.
Let us consider the impact of clause 24 on domestic air travel. The truth seems to be that air passenger duty is going up on all UK domestic flights except for those taken by private jet, for which the tax is being frozen. At the same time, there is no change that we know of to the arrangements for helicopters, as they remain outside the air passenger duty regime. Can the Minister confirm that what this clause proposes in terms of domestic air travel is a tax rise on all flights within the UK except those made by helicopter or private jet, whose passengers will see a tax freeze?
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman. I remember very well the exchange at the last fiscal event, and I note that since then, the leader of the Labour party has developed a new passion for flying in private jets courtesy of foreign Governments.
Let me try to address the hon. Gentleman’s concerns and explain what is going on here. The industry is notified of air passenger duty 12 months in advance. It is uprated by a forecast of RPI and those rates are then rounded to the nearest pound. He asked a very reasonable question about how that shakes out in terms of the actual rates. It largely depends on how they are rounded to the nearest pound; the actual rate is determined by whether the figure is rounded down or up. He pointed out particular types of aircraft and particular bands. In the instances that he described, the rates have been rounded down; others have been rounded up, which is why other rates have gone up. He is right that helicopters are not part of the APD regime, but they do incur fuel duty, and buying a helicopter incurs VAT.
Just to clarify, if notification is given 12 months in advance, does that mean that there will be a more progressive approach to taxation for private jets in this Budget?
The Bill implements the rate changes that were announced at the spring Budget last year, based on a forecast RPI, as I have described, but the principle that the hon. Lady talks about is absolutely right. We have in this country an established principle that the further someone flies, the more they pay. Long-haul flights are subject to a greater rate than short-haul flights, as are private jet flights, for which the rate is increased.
The rate on private jets is significantly more than any commercial flight passenger will pay.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 24 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 26
Vehicle excise duty exemption for foreign vehicles
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Clause 26 enables regulations to be made exempting foreign vehicles, or foreign vehicles that meet certain conditions, from vehicle excise duty. In the first instance, the power will be exercised to provide for a three-year exemption in respect of Ukrainian plated and registered vehicles belonging to individuals granted visas under the various visa schemes introduced in relation to the conflict in Ukraine.
As of 27 November, around 193,900 Ukrainians had entered the United Kingdom since the beginning of Russia’s illegal, unprovoked invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The Government understand that a significant number have brought vehicles with Ukrainian number plates with them. Gov.uk guidance states that usually such vehicles must be registered and taxed with the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency if the keeper becomes resident or stays longer than six months. However, in advance of making regulations, the Department for Transport has already announced the exemption from VED for individuals in the UK under the family, sponsor and extension Ukrainian visa schemes driving vehicles with Ukrainian number plates.
The clause will ensure that individuals fleeing war in Ukraine who have not yet registered their vehicles in the UK do not face costs and administrative burdens associated with vehicle taxation and registration while they are temporarily in the United Kingdom. I commend the clause to the Committee.
I welcome clause 26, which gives the Government the power to exempt certain foreign vehicles from paying vehicle excise duty. I note the Government’s long overdue plans to regulate for a three-year tax exemption for cars belonging to Ukrainian refugees arriving in the UK under a visa scheme due to the appalling conflict in their country. I am confident that I speak for all members of the Committee in supporting that change in position, but in reality the intervention has come far too late to prevent many refugees from paying eye-watering bills.
Many Ukrainians have been forced to pay thousands on expensive insurance policies or replacement car parts due to having non-compliant cars, despite the fact that other temporary UK residents, such as overseas students and workers, have had no such problems. Most disturbingly, we have heard examples of refugees who have decided to drive their vehicles back to Ukraine and abandon them in the middle of a war zone to avoid UK registration fees that they cannot afford. The Department for Transport and the Government acted shamefully slowly in addressing the problem, despite the efforts of colleagues from across the House and campaigners to bring it to their attention over the past year.
We welcome the fact that action has been taken and we support clause 26, but I think the Minister should apologise on behalf of the Government to Ukrainian refugees that such a ridiculous situation was allowed to go on for so long.
The SNP welcomes the clause, but I echo the final comment by the hon. Member for Hampstead and Kilburn: why has this taken so long?
I and many others have written to Ministers about the issue in order to make lives easier for people who have come here from Ukraine for safe haven. It is easy to forget the difficulties facing people who are fleeing a war zone and have come for the respite and hospitality that people have displayed—particularly in Scotland, where some 260,000 Ukrainian refugees are being sponsored at the moment. While welcoming this belated measure, I ask that the Government look very carefully at how they can make lives easier across the board for people who are flee war zones such as Ukraine and seek safe haven here.
It is very important that we keep Ukraine in our minds just now. It would be very easy for it to drift off the news agenda or out of our minds, but Ukrainians are still under attack every single day. We must keep them in our minds, in every part of our business.
Let me attempt to respond to hon. Members’ comments. First, we should be very proud that our country has welcomed over 193,000 Ukrainians fleeing some of the most horrific circumstances imaginable. I completely agree with the hon. Member for Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch and Strathspey that we should not let the issue off the agenda or out of our minds. Just last week, the Prime Minister announced additional funding for the Ukrainian Government and people. We should be proud of that.
On clause 26, it is right that we make the experience for Ukrainian people in the United Kingdom as simple as possible. I understand that colleagues would like this measure to have been implemented more quickly, but there are a number of administrative complexities that come with it. That is one of the reasons why the 150 people out of the 193,000 people who have already registered their vehicle cannot be included in this measure, but as I have said, we are providing support in other ways. On that basis, I commend the clause to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 26 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Ordered, That further consideration be now adjourned. —(Robert Largan.)
Gareth Davies
Main Page: Gareth Davies (Conservative - Grantham and Bourne)Department Debates - View all Gareth Davies's debates with the HM Treasury
(2 years, 6 months ago)
Public Bill Committees
The Chair
Welcome back. I remind colleagues to pass speaking notes to Hansard. We are broadcasting.
Clause 28
Rates of landfill tax
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
It is great to see you back in the Chair, Mr Paisley, and a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship. The clause increases the lower and standard rates of landfill tax, from 1 April 2024, in line with the retail prices index as forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility at the time of the spring Budget 2023. Landfill tax is charged on material disposed of at landfill sites or unauthorised waste sites in England and Northern Ireland. The objective of the tax is to divert waste away from landfill, and support investment in more circular waste management options, such as recycling, composting and recovery.
Since 2000, landfill tax has contributed to a 90% decrease in local authority waste to landfill in England. Increasing the lower and standard rates of landfill tax by RPI in recent years has helped maintain a strong price incentive to divert waste away from landfill. The clause will increase the lower rate of landfill tax from £3.25 per tonne to £3.30 per tonne. It will increase the standard rate of landfill tax from £102.10 per tonne to £103.70 per tonne.
In conclusion, the clause increases landfill tax in line with RPI from 1 April 2024, to maintain a strong price incentive for diverting waste from landfill. I hope that it can stand part of the Bill.
It is a pleasure to be back with you in the Chair, Mr Paisley. As we heard from the Minister, clause 28 is about rates of landfill tax. As he outlined, the clause seeks to increase landfill tax in line with inflation, to £103.70 per tonne for the standard rate; the lower rate will be £3.30 per tonne. The landfill tax was introduced in 1996 to encourage recycling, composting and recovery, and reduce landfill. It increased the cost of waste disposal at landfill to encourage waste producers and the waste management industry to switch to a more sustainable way of disposing of waste material. The tax was originally UK-wide, but has been devolved to Scotland from April 2015, and to Wales from April 2018.
We will not oppose the clause, but will the Minister provide an update, given that I raised the issue of landfill tax fraud during the passage of the last Finance Bill, in May 2023? As he may recall, we then discussed the most recent estimate by His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs of the landfill tax gap—the gap between the landfill tax due and the revenue collected—which was £125 million in 2021. We recognise that at 17.1%, that gap was much larger than the overall tax gap for that year. He may recall that I asked how much of the £125 million tax gap identified in 2021 had been recovered by HMRC. He said that he would get back to me on that point, as he did not have the information in front of him. I wondered if he had it to hand now, so that he could put it on the record in Committee this year. I would also be grateful if the Minister shared with us whether HMRC has annual estimates of the landfill tax gap for years more recent than 2021.
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for that. I recall that exchange, and he is right to raise the issue of tax gap. Clearly, we all agree that we need it to be lower, and I assure him that at HMRC, every effort is being made to tackle the tax gap. I can update him; in 2021-22, the tax gap was 18.4%. As I say, HMRC is committed to continuing to tackle the gap, principally through two measures: first, through increased data sharing across Government agencies, and secondly, through the better use of intelligence-led interventions. Those two measures, particularly in 2022-23, recovered £280 million of compliance yield. If there are additional pieces of information and data that I do not have to hand, I am happy to follow up on those in writing.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 28 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 29
Rate of aggregates levy
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The clause increases the rate of aggregates levy from 1 April 2024 in line with the retail price index as forecast by the Office for Budget Responsibility when the rate was announced in the 2023 spring Budget. Aggregates levy is a charge on the commercial exploitation of virgin aggregate, which includes rock, sand and gravel. The objective of the aggregates levy is to encourage the use of recycled rather than virgin aggregate in construction. Returning to index-linking the aggregates levy rate following a period of rate freezes will ensure the value of this price incentive does not fall in real terms. The changes made by clause 29 will increase the rate of aggregate from £2 per tonne to £2.03 per tonne.
As the Minister set out, the clause increases the rate of the aggregates levy in line with inflation. As the Government policy paper on this matter sets out, the aggregates levy was introduced on 1 April 2002. It is a tax on primary virgin rock, sand or gravel, which is mainly used for bulk fill in construction works. We understand the levy provides an incentive to aggregate producers and construction businesses to use recycled or secondary aggregate.
Interestingly, the rate of the levy has remained frozen at £2 per tonne since 2009. Could the Minister explain why the Government have chosen to raise the levy now, after 15 years of it being frozen? We recognise, of course, that levy rates will need to go up from time to time, but I would be grateful if the Minister could share the Treasury’s thinking behind the timing of this increase. It may, of course, be because there has been such high inflation under this Government in recent years that the increase in a nominal rate has become necessary. I would like to fully understand the Government’s thinking on this, so I would appreciate if the Minister could also confirm what representations were made to the Treasury as it was considering the decision over this rate, and what data was provided to him in making this decision.
The hon. Gentleman raises an understandable and legitimate question that many have asked, and I am happy to provide an answer today. As he points out, the aggregates levy was introduced many years ago and, at its introduction, was designed and introduced with the intention of being index-linked to inflation. However, over a number of years, the tax was subject to a specific piece of ongoing litigation; as a result of that litigation, the Government decided over many years that it would be inappropriate to change the tax and revert to index-linking during that litigation period. As that litigation has now concluded, and a review of the aggregates levy has concluded on the back of that, the Government have decided that it is now the appropriate time to increase the tax and return to how it was originally intended: to index it to inflation.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 29 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 30
Rate of plastic packaging tax
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The clause makes changes to increase the rate of the plastic packaging tax from 1 April 2024 in line with the consumer price index. The plastic packaging tax is charged on plastic packaging that does not contain at least 30% recycled plastic. It was introduced on 1 April 2022, as part of the Government’s resources and waste strategy. The tax provides an economic incentive to use recycled plastic rather than virgin plastic in packaging. It is designed to create greater demand for recycled plastic, which, in turn, will stimulate more investment in the collection and recycling of plastic waste, diverting it away from landfill and incineration. Increasing the rate of the plastic packaging tax in line with CPI will maintain the real-terms value of the price incentive to use recycled plastic in packaging. Clause 30 increases the rate of the plastic packaging tax from £210.82 to £217.85 per tonne from 1 April 2024.
As we heard from the Minister, clause 30 raises the plastic packaging tax in line with CPI, and the change will take effect from 1 April. The Opposition have made clear throughout the introduction and the implementation of the plastic packaging tax that we are supportive of it as an important tool in tackling plastic pollution. The tax was introduced in April 2022 to provide an economic incentive for businesses to use recycled plastic in the manufacture of plastic repackaging. By applying such a tax on products that contain less than 30% recycled plastic, the tax was expected to create greater demand for recycled plastic, which would in turn stimulate increased recycling and the collection of plastic waste, diverting it from landfill or incineration.
As I set out in a Westminster Hall debate in October last year, we in the Opposition agree it is important to tackle less sustainable packaging products, including those from overseas. We also believe that it is important to build resilience here in the UK and that we have a clear, stable policy environment to encourage investment in our country. I was therefore concerned to note that, in response to the Government’s recent announcement that they would consult on a new mass balance approach to chemical recycling, the British Plastics Federation said:
“The lack of clarity to date has prevented companies from investing in the UK and some have looked elsewhere to build facilities.”
With the tax now having been in place for almost two years, what evaluation has the Treasury made of its success, including in building the domestic sector?
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman and I am glad that he supports the taxation, which we were pleased to introduce in 2022. He is right to challenge us on the impact of the tax, and we have been clear that we intend to evaluate this when enough years have passed to be able to fully assess the impact. In December 2023, the Government came forward with a plan to evaluate the plastic packaging tax, and that is now published on gov.uk. I am happy to write to him with the provisions of that plan, which will be carried out to 2026.
The hon. Gentleman talked about the chemical recycling and mass balance approach. He should know that we engage very closely and extensively with industry ahead of fiscal events. On that specific point, we recognise that chemical recycling is a legitimate form of reprocessing plastic waste. However, following the constructive engagement with stakeholders that I described, and across the whole plastic value chain, the Government understand that is not currently possible for businesses to use chemically recycled plastic in packaging and claim a relief from the tax due to the way in which the recycled content is calculated. I assure him that we will continue to engage with the industry, and we know that it is a matter of great importance to it. My hope is that that can form part of the plan to evaluate PPT in due course as well.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 30 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 35
Additional information to be contained in returns under TMA 1970 etc
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.