Oral Answers to Questions
Alison McGovern Excerpts(8 years, 11 months ago)
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Mr Osborne
I welcome my hon. Friend to this House, fighting for the interests of north Wales. He is absolutely right that north Wales is a central part of the northern powerhouse. Of course it is a single economic area, a point made in the lead question. I will take a close look at the rail upgrades he is calling for. It is good to see him championing his constituency so soon after being sent to this place.
Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
In the north, we know there can be no power without resources. Will the Chancellor be truthful with northern authorities and tell us how much more he is about to cut them by in this financial year?
Mr Osborne
I welcome the hon. Lady to her new position on the shadow Treasury team. Of course we have to make difficult decisions to balance our budget. If we do not get our public finances in order there will not be any powerhouse in any part of the country, and that is what we are doing. It is disappointing that the Labour party, having worked out that it did not have any economic credibility, has started the new Parliament by opposing all the savings we make. As it happens, in the in-year savings I announced we have protected the local government settlement.
Landfill Tax (No. 2)
Alison McGovern Excerpts(8 years, 11 months ago)
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Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
As the Minister has helpfully set out, the landfill tax was first introduced in 1996 and, under the last Labour Government, the standard rate was increased on a number of occasions to support the main aim of encouraging more sustainable alternatives for the disposal of waste. Labour therefore supports the principle of the landfill tax and we believe that thorough enforcement rules are an important part of the system. Indeed, according to the House of Commons Library, the proportion of waste sent to landfill had fallen by around a third between the introduction of the tax and 2009, accompanied by a similar increase in recycling, which is surely a good thing if ever there was one. Is the Minister able to provide up-to-date figures on the effectiveness of the landfill tax in reducing waste disposal and in promoting recycling activity?
The tax information and impact note accompanying this measure outlines the impacts to industry but not the corresponding impact on waste disposal, and it appears that the latest publicly available figures are now some years out of date. I am sure that the Minister will want to correct that soon, if he is unable to do so now. The impact note also states that these new measures will have
“minimal operational impact on HMRC”.
It was recently reported that HMRC faces losing a further fifth of its workforce, despite criticism from various quarters, including our very own Public Accounts Committee, that it is not meeting acceptable service standards. We know that HMRC is dealing with around 200 registered landfill site operators and about 450 mechanical treatment plants, which dispose of those “qualifying fines” that the order provides for. What resources do the Government intend to put in place to administer the new scientific testing regime that the Minister mentioned and had such a wonderful time observing for himself? The note also states that the scientific tests will be carried out by “testing laboratories”. Could the Minister clarify that process? What involvement will HMRC have in the testing process, and how will it oversee and resource it?
European Union (Finance) Bill
Alison McGovern Excerpts(8 years, 11 months ago)
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Dr Rupa Huq (Ealing Central and Acton) (Lab)
Thank you ever so much, Madam Deputy Speaker. The hon. Member for North East Somerset (Mr Rees-Mogg) is a difficult act to follow, but I will try.
I have been a bit slower than some of my fellow 2015 intake at getting around to making my maiden speech, but as a former university lecturer who is used to speaking in one-hour bursts, and with 43 years in Ealing behind me, I wanted to do justice to the magnificent seat of Ealing Central and Acton. With this being a Thursday, I think I might get the time to do this. All hon. Members have assured us that their constituency is the best one in the world, but in my case it is true. As a lifelong local, I am honoured and humbled to be serving its people in this place.
My immediate predecessor was Angie Bray. Although we did not always see eye to eye politically, we did get on, and it was a mark of her generosity of spirit that when my two sisters—both constituents—and I lost our father last September, she handwrote a note of condolence to me. I wish her well.
Before its boundaries were redrawn, my seat included areas now represented by my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith (Andy Slaughter) and my hon. Friend the irrepressible Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound). I therefore succeed and join Bray, Slaughter and Pound, which sounds like a vaguely pugnacious firm of solicitors. I am happy now to be Huq in the mix.
Previous Conservative MPs for my seat include Kenneth Baker, immortalised for a generation of school users back when teacher training days were known as Baker days. Then came Sir George Young, “the Bicycling Baronet”, from whom I received an 18th birthday card reminding me of my newly enfranchised status and politely suggesting that I might want to vote Conservative. Members will not be surprised to learn that I did not take his advice.
I never imagined in those days that I would be one of three Ealing Labour MPs supported by a council of the same complexion. A leading Tory at Ealing town hall remarked the other day that we were living in a one-party socialist super state. If only! On the subject of mixing, which I referred to, I can now claim to be the only one of the trio of Ealing Labour MPs to have been a DJ, and, interestingly, I am the only one of the three of us who has never been a bus conductor. In part, that is a function of my age—but hey, never say never.
Transport is a key issue for my constituents. In fact, large parts of my constituency would not have existed without the electrification of the railways. Ealing, Acton and Chiswick feature strongly among the stops on the London tube map. I want to use my position to speak up for the suburbs, which are neglected parts of our nation. If our great cities drive our nation, the suburban districts fuel it.
To sketch a pen portrait of Ealing Central and Acton in 10 minutes is no mean feat. As well as the two towns in its title, it comprises bits of NW10, bordering Harlesden in Brent, near the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Brent North (Barry Gardiner), and bits of W4 in Chiswick. Madam Deputy Speaker, you have probably seen my seat before without even knowing it. In the opening titles of “Only Fools and Horses”, the tower blocks of Del Boy’s Peckham were actually the South Acton estate. For sci-fi fans, it featured in several episodes of “Doctor Who”, including the classic 1970 episode, “Spearhead from Space”, which depicts zombies taking over tranquil Ealing green. I think they were called Autons, or something like that.
Dr Huq
Yes, Tories. That’s it.
The whole episode, with people marauding over Ealing green, eerily prefigured the events that unfolded in August 2011, when rioting sadly hit parts of London and further afield. It hit almost the same spot as depicted in the episode.
The seat’s cultural footprint goes wider than on screen; it also covers musical matters. If Members exit Ealing Broadway station, they will see a blue plaque marking the club where the Rolling Stones played their first concert, and The Who formed at Acton County Grammar School, now known as Acton High. At the University of West London in my constituency, there is a Freddie’s Bar, named after Freddie Mercury, who studied at its former incarnation, Ealing Art College. I was reminded of that by Brian May, from the same band, the week before last in this place when he came to lobby against animal cruelty.
The cumulative effect of 43 years in Ealing meant that the 18 months I spent as a candidate knocking on doors in some ways felt like watching my whole life flashing past me. I never knew who I would get behind those doors—would it be my mum’s friends from the swinging Ealing of the ’60s, or my own teachers from the ’70s and ’80s who I never even dreamed had first names, or people I see every day nowadays as a mum on the school run?
The constituency has seen pioneering social experiments. In Bedford Park suburb W4, we had the world’s first garden suburb, while in W5 we have the Brentham estate, which was the birthplace of co-operative housing, where Fred Perry learned to play tennis in the communal facilities. I know that MPs have been fond of the so-called John Lewis list, but they might like to know that its offshoot Waitrose opened its first branch in 1904 in Acton High Street.
Although we witnessed riots in 2011, the spontaneous broom army that came together in the aftermath of the disturbances demonstrated the resilience of what is a mixed community. It is a seat with lush suburbia of Victorian, Edwardian and 1930s-style varieties at one end and the more post-war urban densities and high-rise properties at the other.
My 18 months as a candidate opened my eyes to things I had never seen before in 43 years there. Some of my visits were to places such as the Ealing food bank, the Ealing soup kitchen, the Ealing churches’ night shelter and the Ealing Samaritans—all of whom report an unprecedented take-up of their services. In this day and age in Ealing, which was once known as “Queen of the Suburbs”, that cannot be right. While our victory in Ealing was a great result against the tide, it was tempered with sadness that my dad never lived to see it and disappointment at the broader national results.
I note that my predecessor’s maiden speech pledged to campaign for keeping local A&Es open. She will have been disappointed that we lost Central Middlesex and Hammersmith in September. Maternity at Ealing hospital—we are talking about the London borough with the third highest birth rate out of 33—is about to go at the end of this month, with the last projected birth on 24 June. That can be only a precursor to the A&E going, and Charing Cross A&E is also under threat. With west London’s population going up, not down, that is just plain wrong.
The two immediately preceding maiden speeches for my constituency both praised its multi-faith, multi-ethnic nature. Of course, I shall do the same, as I am a product of it, as can be seen from looking at me. Old and new Europe live side by side and have done for a long time in this seat. I went to school with kids—and teachers—from the immediate post-war Polish ex-servicemen generation, who long predated the 2004 EU expansion. The seat, then, spans tradition and modernity; continuity and change; urban and suburban: it is a microcosm of London at large. Enormous opportunity is coming our way with the regeneration of the Old Oak district, with some 24,000 dwellings, which is being touted as the Canary Wharf of the west; the Crossrail link, which will have two stops in Ealing and Acton; and HS2 is planned to come through, too. It is important that these opportunities serve local people. We do not want to see unaffordable flats being bought off plan by absentee overseas investors. That is buy to leave, not buy to let. As the area’s MP, I will press for the UK to maximise EU funding for these major infrastructure projects, as it is needed to support them. That seems an appropriate point for a debate on EU finance—I did get it in somehow—and the subject of today’s Bill.
Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
It is an absolute pleasure to speak for the first time under your chairship, Madam Deputy Speaker. I know that I will enjoy doing so and it is great to see you in your place.
This afternoon, we have heard no fewer than eight maiden speeches. All have been brilliant and eloquent, and each Member has given a great exposition of their constituency. It is no surprise that they should have been so brilliant, and let me say why. I say this to the hon. Members for East Lothian (George Kerevan), for Tonbridge and Malling (Tom Tugendhat), for South Ribble (Seema Kennedy), for Glenrothes (Peter Grant), for Corby (Tom Pursglove), for Richmond (Yorks) (Rishi Sunak) and for Bath (Ben Howlett), and my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing Central and Acton (Dr Huq): it is no surprise that each one of them has made a fantastic first speech in this House because they chose to make their first contribution in a debate on European affairs, as I did five years ago, so welcome to the club, folks! They all did absolutely brilliantly, especially my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing Central and Acton. It is good to see that we are welcoming another fellow DJ to this place. I know that she will add great things to our debates.
Several Members mentioned their diverse backgrounds, and how proud they were to represent their home towns. The hon. Member for Bath made that point particularly well. He said that Members in this House come from all parts of the world and have diverse family backgrounds. Our country is at its best when it appreciates its wide history and shows its tolerance, which is one of the finest of British values, and I support everything that he said on that point.
On the Bill at hand, this debate has highlighted many important issues, which will undoubtedly be discussed over the next few months as we continue to debate Europe. As my hon. Friend the Member for Worsley and Eccles South (Barbara Keeley) has already stated, we will not oppose this Bill.
The Bill, although short, will give effect to the new financing system of the European Union, which equates to a net contribution from the UK of £9.8 billion for the year 2015-16. We will seek to improve the Bill in a number of ways. First, we need to review the EU budget. At the moment, 6% of the EU budget is spent on administration costs, and we need to ascertain whether that money is being spent efficiently and effectively. If it is not, we need to consider what we can do to change it. We have a collective interest in ensuring that European resources are used efficiently. Indeed, there are so many areas in which we have a collective interest with our European friends and neighbours. We will seek agreement from the Council of Ministers to undertake a review of budget priorities, waste and inefficiency within the EU budget.
There also needs to be an improved process for agreeing the EU budget. My hon. Friend the Member for Worsley and Eccles South has already highlighted the convoluted process that we go through and some of the difficulties. To increase transparency and accountability, it is vital that this House expresses its opinion on the budget, and we should seek to meet budget representatives in advance of EU budget negotiations. I urge the Government to consider what more they can do on that front.
We also need to revisit how the budget is set and how we spend the money. To set a different ceiling on spending commitments and payments seems odd, and we ask for the process to be reviewed to ensure that the gap is manageable.
I am sure that Members would not feel too insulted if I suggested that the EU budget can be difficult to understand. It involves complicated decision-making processes. Set out over a seven-year cycle, it covers everything from spending on research and innovation to public health and even pensions for staff, but it is precisely because of its wide scope that it needs such careful attention.
We have heard Government Members wax lyrical about their achievements on reducing the UK’s contribution to Europe. Labour welcomes the fact that the UK has achieved that real-term cut in spending limits, and I remind the House that we played an important role in pushing for that cut.
We called for a real-term cut in spending in 2010, and pushed for a better deal for Britons in the following years, but a reduction in spending is just one part of the reforms that we need. The budget also needs to be more focused. We need to concentrate on areas that will enhance economic growth across the EU. I was struck by the comments made by my hon. Friend the Member for Worsley and Eccles South about the level of unemployment in parts of Europe. We need to improve productivity, support the creation of new jobs, and, ultimately, enhance living standards within our Union.
Graham Stuart (Beverley and Holderness) (Con)
The hon. Lady is being characteristically generous in paying tribute to the Prime Minister for securing that reduction in the budget. Given that the Labour party is now indulging in various changes of opinion, not least on Europe, does she recognise that the way so much was given away in the mid-2000s by the previous Labour Government was a great mistake, and will she pledge that no future Labour Government would ever do such a thing in that way?
Alison McGovern
I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention and for his kind words. Given the comment I just made about when I chose to make my first speech at this place, I can assure him that I have never changed my mind about Europe. I shall say more about that.
Spending on research, innovation, infrastructure, education and training, and enterprise development is very important and can help us better to promote the European Union as a facilitator of growth within the UK. Of course we recognise that we must also finance all aspects of the EU, but I would question whether continuing to spend so much of our money on areas like the common agricultural policy demonstrates the right priorities. It accounted for 40% of EU expenditure in 2013 yet contributed just over 1% to total EU economic output.
George Kerevan
Labour Members have twice now criticised how much is spent on agriculture in the EU. Surely the hon. Lady is aware that over the years there has been a significant shift in and reform of what the agricultural fund is for. It is no longer primarily an agricultural subsidy for production and excess production but is focused on protecting the environment. Surely that is something that we should encourage.
Alison McGovern
The hon. Gentleman makes a fair point about protecting our environment, but my point is that in these times we need to ensure that each part of this spending is focused in the right place. At a time when the European Union has serious deprivation and so on within its borders, it is right to question each part of its spending.
I know that any discussion of Europe strikes fear into the heart of those on the Government Front Bench, especially because it stirs such joy on their Back Benches. The issue of Europe holds no such fear for me, however, and in the coming referendum I shall campaign to stay in the European Union, because we should not underestimate the benefits we receive from being part of it.
James Cleverly (Braintree) (Con)
In the light of the hon. Lady’s comments about fear on respective sides of the House, will she tell the House why her party was so fearful of the views of the British people for so long when it came to a referendum on Europe?
Alison McGovern
I have no fear of the views of the British people and I only endeavour to listen to them.
Seven out of ten of the UK’s largest export markets are in EU countries, amounting to 42% of the UK’s total exports or £122 billion every year. Some of those exports are made in my constituency, and I see the vital importance of the European market to the whole of the UK and to my constituents no less than to anyone else’s. Of all the investment spending in the UK over the past 20 years, 21% has come from foreign direct investment, and we should not underestimate the importance of that. We have access to 500 million customers in the single market, and in my role as shadow City Minister. I must raise the point that in my opinion the financial services sector benefits enormously from remaining within the EU.
Graham Stuart
The hon. Lady is being very generous. A lot of the debate on this in the past has been a bit overdone, as though there would be no trade between the EU and the UK if we were to leave. What assessment has the hon. Lady made of what the impact would be? I am sure that there would be costs, but perhaps we need to avoid exaggerating or suggesting that somehow all trade would cease or that there would be massive walls put up when there will not. What is her assessment of the likely impact on trade if we did depart?
Alison McGovern
I am not always this generous, so the hon. Gentleman should perhaps make the most of it. I have looked my constituents in the eye, especially those who work at General Motors in Ellesmere Port, and I have seen in them a dedication to make things in this country to be sold abroad for the good of our economy. Their dedication in working so hard for our country deserves our commitment to ensuring that our borders are open to our biggest customers. When they sell their cars to Europe, that is good for our country and I think that my job is to stand by their side.
We must work hard to make the EU better for everybody, and the Bill presents us with an opportunity to do that. The multiannual financial framework has already been agreed by the European Council. We should use this process to strengthen budgetary procedures for the future and enhance political and public understanding of how the EU budget works, and we should re-prioritise how EU money is spent so that it works for the benefit of each and every person in Europe, not just for a wealthy few. I look forward to strengthening the Bill as it moves through the House.
Harriett Baldwin
I accept that the OBR has published figures that clearly show that there is a real-terms reduction in the overall envelope for the settlement period.
My hon. Friend the Member for Daventry also asked about the additional costs compared with the existing decision and any offsetting benefits. He raised a number of technical points about the VAT-based contributions, which are calculated by applying a call rate to a hypothetical harmonised VAT base—are not we glad we have him in this House, knowing all the information and all the right questions to ask on the details of the financial settlement? He also asked about the impact of the switch from ESA 95 to ESA 2010. It was taken into account in the own resources decision, but it does affect all countries’ GNI, so the effect on the contribution depends on how all countries’ GNI is revised. For the UK the key determinant of contributions is, in fact, the VAT base, thanks to our rebate, which the Labour party did not succeed in giving away fully in the early 2000s. Changes in the UK’s GNI are corrected in the rebate calculation.
The hon. Member for Luton North (Kelvin Hopkins) mentioned a number of negotiating red lines that he has, although he is in a slightly different position. He asked what are the Prime Minister’s red lines. The Prime Minister has clearly set out areas where he wants change, including reforming welfare to reduce the incentives that have encouraged such mass migration from Europe; increasing economic competitiveness to create jobs and growth for hard-working families; and protecting Britain’s interests outside the euro. They also include halting the constant flow of powers to Brussels, including by ensuring a stronger role for national Parliaments, and dealing with the concept of ever-closer union. That may be what some others want, but it is not for us.
In 2010, this Government took the tough decisions that were needed to pull this country back from the brink. We can have a stable, prosperous society only if a Government spend their citizens’ money carefully, and it is right that we took that approach to the European level of government as well.
Harriett Baldwin
I would be delighted to confirm that. When we took office in 2010, the deficit was the largest in our peacetime history, at well over 10%. It has more than halved over the past five years and will be eliminated during this Parliament.
Alison McGovern
The Minister says that the deficit has halved. Will she confirm the Government’s pledge in 2010?
Harriett Baldwin
The deficit halved—more than halved—over the course of the previous Parliament. Is the hon. Lady now arguing that she would like to have cut spending more? I have not heard that from Labour Members in this Chamber over the past five years. I have heard constant bids for more borrowing, more spending and more taxation, and nothing at all about reducing the deficit.
Alison McGovern
The Minister challenges me on what I would pledge. I did not write the Chancellor’s emergency Budget that set the Government on the wrong course. So let me ask her this: how did the pledge go to get debt falling, not rising, for most of the previous Parliament?
Harriett Baldwin
I must be living in a parallel universe. I have walked through the opposite Lobby from the hon. Lady on numerous occasions when we have taken the tough decisions on spending that we needed to take in order to clear up the mess that her mentor, Mr Gordon Brown, left behind.
In the negotiations on the European budget in 2013 we achieved real, historic change. We got a great deal for the United Kingdom, we proved that we can achieve reform in Europe, and we protected taxpayers’ interests. That historic agreement will be formalised with the passing of this Bill, and I commend it to the House.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read a Second time.
European Union (Finance) Bill (Programme)
Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No. 83A(7),
That the following provisions shall apply to the European Union (Finance) Bill:
Committal
(1) The Bill shall be committed to a Committee of the whole House.
Proceedings in Committee, on Consideration and Third Reading
(2) Proceedings in Committee, any proceedings on Consideration and proceedings on Third Reading shall be completed at one day’s sitting.
(3) Proceedings in Committee and any proceedings on Consideration shall (so far as not previously concluded) be brought to a conclusion one hour before the moment of interruption on the day on which those proceedings are commenced.
(4) Proceedings on Third Reading shall (so far as not previously concluded) be brought to a conclusion at the moment of interruption on that day.
(5) Standing Order No. 83B (Programming committees) shall not apply to proceedings in Committee and on Consideration and Third Reading.
Other proceedings
(6) Any other proceedings on the Bill (including any proceedings on consideration of any message from the Lords) may be programmed.—(Margot James.)
European Union (Finance) Bill (Money)
Queen’s recommendation signified.
Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No. 52(1)(a)),
That, for the purposes of any Act resulting from the European Union (Finance) Bill, it is expedient to authorise the charging on, and payment out of, the Consolidated Fund or the National Loans Fund of any sums which, by virtue of the amendment of the European Communities Act 1972 made by that Act, fall to be charged on or paid out of either of those Funds.—(Margot James.)
Oral Answers to Questions
Alison McGovern Excerpts(9 years, 3 months ago)
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Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
Will the Chancellor confirm that he has ruled out a further VAT increase in the next Parliament?
Mr Osborne
Our plans do not involve a VAT increase, because we are prepared to make difficult decisions on public expenditure, including decisions on the welfare budget. The hon. Lady and her colleagues voted for £30 billion of consolidation. If they are not prepared to do that by achieving expenditure savings, they must be contemplating big tax rises. With 100 days to the election, we know the choice: it is between a competent Conservative plan that is delivering growth, and a return to economic chaos under the Labour party.
Childcare Payments Bill
Alison McGovern Excerpts(9 years, 5 months ago)
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Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Amendment 12, in clause 11, page 7, line 8, after “may —”, insert—
“(a) repeal this section, or”.
Amendment 13, in clause 15, page 9, line 10, after “may —”, insert—
“(a) amend this Act to allow childcare accounts to be held by persons other than those specified in subsection (1),”.
Amendment 3, in clause 30, page 17, line 3, leave out
“an award of tax credit is or has been made”
and insert
“an award of tax credit which includes the childcare element is or has been made”.
Amendment 4, page 17, line 18, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 5, page 17, line 22, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 6, page 17, line 31, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 7, in clause 32, page 19, line 16, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 8, in clause 35, page 21, line 21, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 9, page 21, line 32, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 10, in clause 36, page 22, line 12, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Amendment 11, page 22, line 24, after “credit”, insert
“which includes the childcare element”.
Alison McGovern
It is a pleasure to speak in support of new clause 2, which stands in my name and that of my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle upon Tyne North (Catherine McKinnell). Before I continue, may I pause briefly to pay tribute to the outstanding work that my hon. Friend the Member for Manchester Central (Lucy Powell) did as my predecessor in this shadow position, and in particular to her scrutiny of the Bill in Committee?
In and of itself, this is not a bad Bill. We agree with its aims; it sets out to address serious issues relating to child care costs and affordability, which we recognise form a major part of the crisis hitting so many families in Britain today. Our concerns with the Bill are that, for all its good intentions in proposing this scheme for payments towards child care costs, Treasury Ministers have not thought through all the potential consequences.
Some of the Bill’s weaknesses may arise from the fact that, as far as the Government are concerned, this is purely a Treasury Bill; it has perhaps lacked some valuable input from those with a stronger experience of how the child care market actually operates—or, in far too many cases, fails to operate—in this country.
In oral evidence to the Committee, numerous organisations and experts raised concerns about the long-term effects of the Bill, and we have seen little movement from the Government to address those worries. The new clause seeks to go some way to rectifying that, by requiring the Chancellor to keep under review the impact the scheme has on issues of child care cost inflation and, thus, affordability.
Let me say a few words about the situation in which we find ourselves. There is, undeniably, a crisis in child care costs. There is no need to take my word for that or to rely on the testimony we hear on the doorsteps in our constituencies. The Office for National Statistics tells us that between 2010 and 2014 the cost of placing a two-year-old or older in nursery rose by 31%—wages rose by just under 4% in that period—and for under-twos the figure rose by 27%. [Interruption.] If the hon. Member for Taunton Deane (Mr Browne), who is sitting on the Liberal Democrat Front Bench, wants to intervene, he is welcome to. [Interruption.] I shall take that to mean he does not.
The figures also reveal that, as we have seen so often during the past four years, the areas seeing the least benefit from this weak and uneven recovery have been hit the hardest by child care cost increases. In my region of the north-west, costs are up by 46% in just four years. Over the Pennines, in the north-east, the figure is 47%. A family in my constituency is having to find, on average, £31 a week more to fund 25 hours of nursery for their two-year-old, three-year-old or four-year-old. That is a hefty sum in almost anyone’s money. When that is tied in with frozen wages, reduced tax credits, increased VAT and soaring housing costs, it all becomes a pretty desperate recipe—I hear testimony on that from my constituents week in, week out.
We know that not only are there regional biases to costs, but families with disabled children are being hit disproportionately hard as well. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Stockton North (Alex Cunningham), who was a doughty champion for the parents of disabled children in Committee and who has tabled amendments 1 to 13 today. The cross-party parliamentary inquiry on child care for disabled children, of which my hon. Friend was a member and which was chaired by my hon. Friend the Member for North West Durham (Pat Glass) and the hon. and learned Member for South Swindon (Mr Buckland), produced some valuable findings on that point.
Hywel Williams (Arfon) (PC)
Does the hon. Lady accept that there are particular stresses on parents in rural areas, as the cost of travel has to be added to the cost of child care itself? The money could be better deployed in such areas in increasing the provision rather than the amount that child care providers get.
Alison McGovern
It is important for all of us to recognise the extra pressures on families in rural areas. People’s circumstances are different. We want to increase employment in rural areas as well as in suburban and urban areas. The hon. Gentleman makes an important point.
Alex Cunningham
My hon. Friend helps me to talk about the needs of parents with disabled children. When inflation and prices go up, the increase is felt particularly acutely by those families. Does she agree that the Government really need to think again about that particular element?
Alison McGovern
Again, I support the views of my hon. Friend. Too often, parents of children with disabilities are forgotten in our debates. They have the most important responsibility. Children with disabilities deserve all our care and attention. I hope that, by raising this matter, we can remind ourselves that their parents might not have the time to make these points, so it is important that we all remember the extra costs and the circumstances that those parents face. We all have an interest in this matter. It is why Labour is sceptical about the wisdom of a demand-side-only approach.
In general, better value for money and better outcomes could be achieved through a radical expansion of the free child care entitlement to three and four-year-olds, from 15 hours a week to 25, paid for by an extension of the bank levy. There is no better week than this to be making the argument about extending the bank levy, as once again we are seeing banks being taken to task for their poor behaviour. I make no apology for reminding Members about the importance of that bank levy, especially as it could pay for something as vital as child care.
As we saw from the debate on new clause 1, the Government are not about to accept the policy—more fool them—but we want to ensure that Ministers are required to keep track of the inflationary impacts. New clause 2 requires that within three months of the Bill’s becoming an Act and every three years subsequently, the Chancellor will have to review the impact of the subsidy on making child care more affordable, on what the average cost of child care for parents in work is and on whether supply-led measures could be more effective. That is not a massively onerous burden on the immense capabilities of the Treasury, but a very valuable canary in the coal mine regarding child care inflation.
In Committee, the Minister was consistently against any suggestion of hourly rate capping or other means of placing a brake on any inflationary pressures arising from the policy. A regular review might demonstrate whether the post hoc implementation of such provisions might in fact be necessary if the subsidy is to be anything more than a damp squib.
The Bill is a blunt instrument that fails to target Government funding and gives the most financial support to the best-off families. It will possibly provide some short-term relief for parents, but does little to deal with the underlying problems of inflation, supply and quality in the child care system. There are 40,000 fewer child care places in England than there were when the Government came to power and almost 4,000 fewer suppliers. Childminder numbers are down by 13%. For tens and likely hundreds of thousands of families across the country, the proposals in the Bill will mean little or nothing because they simply cannot find a child care place or access one that will offer the flexibility in hours to fit around work. We need radical reform of the broken child care market. This Bill does not provide it, but by supporting new clause 2 today Members can at least take a step that will help guard against its being a worse than a useless creator of child care cost inflation.
Alex Cunningham
My hon. Friend the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne North (Catherine McKinnell) has already talked about the complexity of the Government’s scheme. Amendments 12, 13 and 3 to 11 are all aimed at simplifying the relationship and interaction between the tax-free child care scheme and other sources of support, particularly tax credits and universal credit.
Members might be aware that I tabled amendments 3 to 11 in Committee with the intention of broadening the provisions of the Bill and allowing those households in receipt of tax credits that do not receive any support for their child care costs in their tax credit award to receive support from the tax-free child care scheme. My hon. Friend the Member for Wirral South (Alison McGovern) has already outlined that the working poor have been hit most by the policies of this Government and I would like that not to apply to child care.
Giving those people help will entail several minor changes being made to the clauses dealing with the special rules affecting tax credits and universal credit claimants: specifically clauses 30, 32, 35 and 36. In Committee, the Minister was very clear about the need to deliver a welfare system that is
“designed to encourage progression into work”.––[Official Report, Childcare Payments Public Bill Committee, 23 October 2014; c. 223.]
However, that is not what will result from the Bill in its current form.
Let us take as an example a parent who is offered 15 hours of work a week on a low rate of pay. Most, if not all, of any gains from this employment could be totally lost in child care costs. They would not get any support from the Government to meet those costs and might therefore not be able to afford to take the work in the first place, and I for one would not be surprised if they chose to spend the time with their children instead. These amendments, however, would create a much greater financial incentive for people to start working part time.
It is important to be clear from the outset that the purpose of the tax-free child care scheme is to provide support for child care costs for those who are not eligible for help from elsewhere. As I mentioned when I raised the matter in Committee, there is an anomaly in the Bill if we are serious about encouraging people to go back into work or to stay in work—particularly those who are on the lowest earned incomes in our society.
The Bill as it stands says that the Minister recognises that there are some who do not get any help through tax credits but that the Government will do nothing to help. I am sure that that is not what she intends. Indeed, in Committee, she specified that the new scheme should not interfere with financial incentives for people to work more hours, let alone create perverse incentives, but that is precisely what the Bill will do.
Many parents who claim tax credits are both working and incurring child care costs, but they are not entitled to claim the child care element because, for instance, they do not meet the minimum number of working hours per week to qualify. Clause 30, however, makes it clear that any tax credit award will be terminated when a valid claim for the tax-free child care scheme is made, regardless of whether the child care element of working tax credit is received. Put into context, that means that households in which one parent is working full-time while the other works 12 hours a week will not be entitled to receive the child care element of tax credits to support them in the payment of child care costs. Similarly, single parents working 15 hours or fewer per week on average will also not be entitled to the child care element of working tax credit. Both would have to pay for their child care out of their own, potentially low, earnings.
Alison McGovern
The Minister mentions universal credit and making work pay—for too many families I only wish it did. Will she comment on the role of universal credit in discouraging dual earners? In the context of this child care debate, does she think the Government should look again at its operation?
Priti Patel
We had much debate in Committee on universal credit and the way in which the scheme interacts with it. The hon. Member for Manchester Central (Lucy Powell) made some strong and valid contributions in this regard.
Amendment 12, tabled by the hon. Member for Stockton North (Alex Cunningham), would allow regulations in future to permit parents to receive support under the new scheme and universal credit at the same time. As I have said, we must not forget that families in receipt of universal credit already rightly receive generous support with their child care costs. Child care support is offered to parents on universal credit as part of a welfare system designed to make sure that work pays and that those who need the support get it. Up to 300,000 more people are likely to be in work as a result of universal credit, and we expect a significant proportion of those to be households with children. But it is not right for a parent to receive support under the new scheme in addition to universal credit, when parents will receive 85% of their child care costs from April 2016. It will be easy for parents to access support that best suits their circumstances, so I reassure the hon. Gentleman that parents who are eligible for universal credit will be able to opt out and claim support under the new scheme should they wish to do so. We shall be supporting parents in making those decisions.
As we said in Committee—hon. Members have touched on it again today—we shall be launching the online support tools, the calculator and clear guidance. Draft guidance has been published well ahead of the launch of the scheme and shows our commitment to work in close collaboration with parents, child care providers and employers, and their feedback will ensure that guidance is tailored to meet their needs.
This is about ensuring that support remains focused on those on lower incomes, and the introduction of the scheme gives parents confidence that as they increase their income and move off universal credit, they will continue to receive Government support with their child care costs, which is vital.
Oral Answers to Questions
Alison McGovern Excerpts(9 years, 6 months ago)
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Danny Alexander
I agree with my hon. Friend that Labour’s plans would put at serious risk the jobs and stability that this coalition Government have secured. There is a lesson in what he says for all parties in this House, because economic credibility is hard to win and easy to throw away. Any party that does not put forward a plan to sort out the economy or offers unfunded tax cuts to the British people will put its credibility at serious risk.
Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
On the deficit, the Chancellor and the Chief Secretary to the Treasury have failed the test they set themselves, which is to close the deficit by the end of this Parliament. Worse than that, they have failed the test that my constituents set for them, which is to put money back in their pockets. That was said to me this week by a grandmother who is desperately worried about her grandson, as he is on a five-hour contract and unable to afford to take a day off work. What will the Chief Secretary do about that?
Danny Alexander
The first thing that we are doing is delivering on what we promised to do when we created this Government in the first place, which is to repair the deep damage that the hon. Lady has to admit was done to the economy under her party’s stewardship. We have now got the United Kingdom into a position in which we are creating more jobs than in the whole of the rest of the European Union combined, and we have the strongest growth rates in the developed world. She should welcome that as something that creates opportunities for young people.
The Economy and Living Standards
Alison McGovern Excerpts(9 years, 11 months ago)
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Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
Before those interventions, the shadow Chancellor was making an extraordinarily important speech. Does he agree that the fundamental question we face is whether the link between economic growth and the living standards of people doing ordinary jobs in our country is broken or not? Will he return to such points, because those are the issues that my constituents fret about day in, day out?
Ed Balls
I will. This is the most vital and difficult issue. We have seen a rise in unskilled jobs in our country in recent years. That is a good thing, but it is not good enough. If that goes alongside falling living standards year on year for people not just on the lowest but on middle incomes, what will we end up with? We will end up with rising poverty among working people and record numbers of working people going to food banks, as well as rising alienation and a view that mainstream politics is not delivering. Unless Conservative Members wake up to that, they will see the consequences of it next year.
Mr Osborne
I was wrong? This is the man who presided over the deepest recession in British modern history and the biggest banking crisis since the Victorian age. He has the nerve to get up and say to the team that is turning the country around that we got it wrong. The truth is that he is the person who got it wrong.
There was a very interesting observation this week by Charles Clarke, who was the Home Secretary when Labour were in office. This is what he said:
“we have rested a great deal on assuming that the Conservative strategy wouldn’t succeed, that ‘plan A’…would not work and that has proved to be an unwise judgment because in fact, the Conservatives have succeeded in getting the economy onto a more positive path which leaves us”—
the Labour party—
“very little place”.
Alison McGovern
I think the Chancellor gave himself away at the beginning of his speech when he described “long-term economic plan” as just a catchphrase. He said he would close the budget deficit and he has not. If his policies are such a success, why not?
Mr Osborne
It is not a catchphrase; it is a plan that has cut the claimant count in the hon. Lady’s constituency by 45%. That is a plan that is working. The budget deficit has been halved. If her argument is that we should be cutting faster or trying to get the deficit down faster, that is a novel argument because it is not one I remember being made at any one of the economic debates when she and the rest of the Labour party trooped through the Division Lobby against every single change we have made to try to bring the public finances under control.
Oral Answers to Questions
Alison McGovern Excerpts(10 years ago)
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Mr Gauke
The reality is that business investment is increasing, by 8% this year and by 9% next year. We have also just seen some very good figures relating to manufacturing growth over the last year. The Government continue to work to secure a balanced recovery, with the support of a number of measures in the Budget, but we are already making very good progress.
Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
13. What recent representations he has received on reform of the Office for Budget Responsibility.
Mr Andrew Love (Edmonton) (Lab/Co-op)
16. What recent representations he has received on reform of the Office for Budget Responsibility.
The Economic Secretary to the Treasury (Andrea Leadsom)
The Chancellor regularly receives representations on a wide range of matters, including the role of the independent Office for Budget Responsibility.
Alison McGovern
The Minister may have guessed that I am going to ask whether she agrees that the OBR should be allowed to audit the manifestos of all the main political parties, and I can probably guess what her answer will be, but can she explain why?
Andrea Leadsom
The hon. Lady can read my mind, Mr Speaker. Excellent!
This matter has been the subject of some debate, and, as the hon. Lady will know, it has been discussed by the Treasury Committee. I feel that, given that the Office for Budget Responsibility was established so recently, this is not the moment to start considering changing its remit. As has been pointed out by the hon. Lady’s party, it is essential for the OBR to be independent and to confer accountability on the Government, rather than becoming embroiled in party politics at such an early stage.
Finance (No. 2) Bill
Alison McGovern Excerpts(10 years, 1 month ago)
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Debbie Abrahams
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Bone. It is a pleasure, too, to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson). I shall spend a few minutes building on the economic context that she described. Unfortunately, we have seen too much self-congratulation at the glimmers of economic recovery that the country is finally seeing, after three years of a flatlining economy. We need to look at the full picture. This is the worst recovery in 100 years.
The gross domestic product in quarter 4 of 2013 was 0.7%. That is 1.3% below the pre-recession peak in 2008. We would need to grow 1.6% each quarter up to the general election just to reach where we were at the end of 2010. Since 2010, we have had growth of 3.8%, compared with the US, where growth has been 8.4%. UK productivity is the second lowest in the G7 and 20% lower than the G7 average—the widest gap since 1992. Exports were down 4% in the last quarter of 2013 and the trade deficit in December 2013 stood at £7.7 billion. As we know, the Government will have borrowed £190 billion more than planned in 2015. Public borrowing in 2015 will be £75 billion. We know about the promises in 2010 that the deficit would be cleared.
We have been speaking about the implications of the fragile recovery for employment and unemployment. The Government are keen to mention absolute numbers, but the employment rate is still below pre-recession levels and most of the jobs created since 2010 tend to be insecure, part-time and low paid. The proportion of short-term contracts has increased by 20 times to 1.65 million, of which 655,000 are involuntary. The increase in temporary jobs accounts for more than half of the rise in employment. Nearly one in five—that is, 1.46 million people—work part-time because they cannot get full-time work. That is the highest level of underemployment since 1992. Four out of five new jobs are paid below the living wage. Another key issue is the geographical spread of these new jobs. Since 2010, 79% of them have been in London, with only 10% in the nine urban centres outside London. It is hardly a recovery for the whole country, is it?
My hon. Friend spoke in depth about unemployment. I am concerned that the true levels of unemployment are hidden. We have seen a sudden increase in self-employment, which, as I know from my role on the Work and Pensions Committee, has been pushed in jobcentres. There has been a 4% rise in self-employment in the last quarter, and a huge rise in inappropriate and punitive sanctions attached to social security payments since the benefit sanctions regime was introduced at the end of 2012. Members may not be aware that 5% of jobseeker’s allowance claimants are sanctioned every month for at least a month. Half of them do not even know they can appeal against that, let alone that they have to keep signing on to remain on the unemployment register. Five per cent. of 1.17 million JSA claimants equates to 58,500 people; we can get the picture from that.
A constituent came to see me who was a special needs teacher who had been made redundant in his late 50s. It had been suggested to him that he become a bingo caller, but he had to travel 70 miles to do that. There is real deskilling of a skilled work force, along with graduates undertaking non-graduate-level jobs. My hon. Friend mentioned the 900,000 young people who are long-term unemployed. A recent report talked about a hidden talent pool of young people. A total of 2.46 million—two in five—young people are unemployed, inactive, underemployed, in a voluntary job, in a Government scheme, or a graduate in a non-graduate role. It may be described as hidden talent, but I would call it a waste of talent.
As I have said before, the impact on these young people cannot be measured only in financial terms. The long-term implications for their future are very significant. A recent report by the Prince’s Trust showed that one in 10, or 100,000, unemployed young people believe they have nothing to live for, and that increases to one in five of those who have been long-term—
Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
My hon. Friend is a respected member of the Work and Pensions Committee, so is she aware, as I am, that the DWP published its own report on the future jobs fund showing that it did tackle some of the crisis of self-respect and self-esteem that she is talking about?
Debbie Abrahams
My hon. Friend makes an excellent point. Yes, we need to be very clear about the interventions and programmes that can make a meaningful difference. I am sure that what we are suggesting in place of the youth contract, which is clearly ineffective, would fit the bill.
The report said that one in five young people who were long-term unemployed felt that they had nothing worth living for, and one in three felt suicidal. There is a moral imperative to act, not just an economic one. We cannot continue like this—it is completely unfair on the lives of these young people, in particular.
All this is happening at the same time as the top rate of tax has been cut for people on incomes of more than £150,000. As we have heard, bank bonuses are increasing again. Top-to-bottom pay ratios for the FTSE 100 stand at 300:1. We look at this in the context of the average family really struggling, with wages down by £1,600. The IFS has shown that since 2010 the average family has lost income of £974 a year.
The recent Oxfam report, “A Tale of Two Britains”, highlighted the growing gap between rich and poor, whereby the five richest families in the UK are wealthier than the bottom 20%, equating to 12.6 million people. Rafts of reports from the Equality Trust and others describe this situation. That gap matters, because overwhelming evidence shows that society as a whole benefits from more equality through better life expectancy, mental health, social mobility and educational attainment, and reduced crime—everybody gains. There is international evidence to support the existence of all these benefits.
I launched an Oldham fairness commission last year, to tackle inequality in my constituency. The commissioners are looking at inequalities in education, employment and income. We find it unacceptable that, in this day and age, someone who is white, able bodied and male is more likely to be in work than someone else with the same qualifications, and that a third of the jobs available in Oldham are paid below a living wage. That is not the way in which to achieve a sustainable economic recovery.
The Temporary Chair (Mr Peter Bone)
Order. It would be helpful if the Minister was on his feet no later than 5.50 pm.
Alison McGovern
I want to discuss the relationship between how the banks and bank bonuses are taxed and young people. I think that anyone who has just listened to the speech by my hon. Friend the Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth (Debbie Abrahams) would agree that the two issues are intimately connected, even if they did not believe that to be the case in the past.
Levels of inequality in our global economy are unsustainable, but Members need not take just my word for that. It is not just me who thinks that inequality is a significant problem: no less than Christine Lagarde of the IMF has said that inequality is a huge challenge and a risk for the world’s future. If even the IMF, which is not known for taking lefty positions, is able to conclude that we must tackle inequality, I think that this House should be able to accept the challenge and seek to find ways to address the significant inequality in our own country.
The top of the economy in the financial services sector is fragile in terms of income distribution. Let me make a few remarks about the banks. The hon. Member for Warrington South (David Mowat), who, unfortunately, is no longer in his place, commented earlier on the issue of fixed versus variable income, which I will turn to later. Surely anybody who is trying to learn the lessons of 2008 would say that the financial services sector still has an unsustainable bonus culture and perhaps that is true of other parts of the economy as well.
Would not anybody who worries about that risk conclude that banks and the financial services sector rely on an implicit state guarantee, given what had to be done to ensure the economy kept working and people could still take cash out of ATMs? Would not anybody conclude that we must take very seriously the contribution to taxation that banks are expected to make, given the Government’s reliance on the financial services sector? I certainly think that that is the only obvious conclusion to draw from the global financial meltdown and the serious failures of the past. Banks cannot be allowed just to make their own decisions; we must take very seriously both the regulatory framework around the financial services sector and the contribution that the sector is expected to make to the Exchequer.
The corporation tax cut benefited a whole range of companies in the financial services sector, but small and medium-sized enterprises—especially those in my constituency that are struggling with, and wanting action on, business rates—find it hard to take or to understand why the Government have not looked more seriously at what banks are expected to pay to the Exchequer. I think the Exchequer Secretary said earlier that, by his calculation, the bank levy has brought in a net £2.3 billion.
Alison McGovern
For the purposes of Hansard, I thank the Minister for correcting me from a sedentary position. In any event, it is really evident that the bank levy is not good enough. We heard repeated claims about how much it would bring in, but it has failed to reach those levels. The public do not understand why that is, and they want us to take very seriously the position of the financial services sector, given the impact that we all felt and that people are still feeling from the events post-2008.
Bank bonuses are the best representation of the culture that led to the economic meltdown in 2008. A great deal of work on the culture has been done by Members of this House—I am thinking of my right hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton South East (Mr McFadden) and others who served on the Banking Commission—and we do that work no service if we give up the idea of a bank bonus tax.
The problem with bank bonuses is the clear connection between the fact that compensation balloons so greatly, and depends on a big bonus at a certain point in the year, and extraordinary risk-taking. A kind of groupthink develops in an organisation, with people forgetting their responsibilities to those outside it. The insider culture accepts reimbursements that are far and away above anything that people in society ordinarily expect. We in this House, if nowhere else in our community, should understand the danger of such groupthink. Have we not all seen it at times, and do we not all want to end it? Therefore, we should not give up the idea of a bank bonus tax.
I remind hon. Members of Martin Wheatley’s recent comments:
“Incentives are used ideally to reward ‘good’ performance. However, as we saw with the mis-selling scandals which have had such a profound impact on financial services…a poorly designed inducement can result in consumers ultimately being worse off.”
Even if we were not worried about the impact on the Exchequer of the bank bonus culture—given the responsibility to ensure that the financial system can continue to do business no matter what—we should absolutely be concerned about the impact on consumers. In the past, consumers of financial services often had a poor deal. The mis-selling of endowments and, more recently, payment protection insurance caused massive problems for families in our country. We cannot allow a culture to persist in which there are incentives that, as Martin Wheatley said, may result in consumers ultimately being worse off, as that would be very dangerous. That is why our amendment probes the issue and seeks to find a way to consider whether more could be done, which is important.
Although I am the first to say that simply bashing one part of our economy—financial services—is not the approach we should take, far from it, it does not mean that inequality is not a serious issue. I do not think that the inequalities in the financial services sector will pass by the people who earn the minimum wage cleaning a local bank branch and who are worried about whether that branch will be there for much longer or those who, if they are lucky, earn the London living wage from working in security or in other ways supporting banks in the City of London. We must address that inequality for people who work in banking and in the financial services sector.
Finally, I will follow up on the remarks on young people made so ably by my hon. Friend the Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth. We cannot lose sight of the difference between a jobs guarantee and work experience. We learned that lesson in the 1980s, when youth training scheme-style programmes were a revolving door for young people, who went in and out of businesses with no proper jobs. That was not fair then, and it certainly is not fair now. The future jobs fund worked with organisations such as Age Concern and other good third-sector organisations in my constituency to provide work opportunities that often led not only to growth in a young person’s skills, talents, self-esteem and self-respect but to growth in the organisations themselves.
I point Members in the direction of a report by the International Labour Organisation from as long ago as 2010 that compared a range of interventions for young people without work. The report said that the last Labour Government had a huge amount of which to be proud, such as the new deal for young people, the future jobs fund and the efforts to get people into work. I believe absolutely that we cannot offer young people only interminable work experience in which they turn up to the jobcentre week after week to be sent on CV writing courses or to gain work experience that does not get them a proper foot in the door. We need a true jobs guarantee so that people know that, however difficult the circumstances in which they find themselves, the situation will come to an end. We need to offer young people that guarantee, and of course we would expect them to take it up without much choice—[Interruption.] If Members wish to intervene, they are welcome to do so.
We still have insufficient numbers of apprenticeships, and we have genuine worries about the quality of some apprenticeship programmes. I am sorry if I repeat this so often that I bore Members—I try not to bore Members—but the issue is vastly important. The prevalence of zero-hours contracts in our society affects young people more than anyone else. Young people are much more likely to have less experience, which means that they cannot get a proper full-time, permanent job with the hours that they want. Of course students might want flexible hours that they can take up when they want, but that is not the case for many young people across the country who feel that they have no alternative but to accept a zero-hours contract.
I am afraid that Conservative Members have swallowed the Treasury’s rhetoric about the number of jobs that have been created and the claimant count, without learning the lessons of their economic policies of the past. Of course the claimant count will fall if there is a sanctions regime that makes going to the jobcentre so difficult and unhelpful that people will do anything not to claim.
Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation
Alison McGovern Excerpts(10 years, 1 month ago)
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Alison McGovern (Wirral South) (Lab)
It is an honour and a pleasure to follow my hon. Friends the Members for Rotherham (Sarah Champion) and for Chesterfield (Toby Perkins), both of whom made thoughtful contributions. Those of my constituents who watch Parliament Live TV—some of them do—will have heard their speeches and know that Labour Members are standing up for their concerns. My Merseyside constituents have had three really tough years, and listening to the Chancellor today, I have to ask myself what his message was to them. It is hard to know what he thought he was offering the people of this country. Economic growth is still behind the projections made by the Office for Budget Responsibility in 2010.
I know that economic forecasting is a somewhat interesting art, shall we say—it is not always the easiest thing to do—but it is a little tough to take from a Chancellor who has set great store by his intervention in the world of forecasting that he has effectively not met the test he set himself. He has failed on growth, failed on the deficit, is still behind where he said he would be, and is now trying to rewrite the record ahead of an election. The British people are not so foolish: they will not buy it. They know that the Chancellor said he would cut and cut and cut to protect the credit rating—and, lo and behold, lost the credit rating in any event.
Today’s macro-economic picture shows that the Chancellor is failing the tests he set himself and reheating and re-announcing a whole bundle of things, many of which were actually initiatives of the last Labour Government. Nobody is going to be fooled. Worse than that, he has totally missed the genuine problems in our economy. There is fragility at the lower end of the income distribution scale, and I have real concerns about what is happening at the top. Meanwhile, people in the middle are being squeezed yet again.
I say to those Members who are considering crowing about this Government’s record on unemployment that they seem not to have learned the lesson of the 1980s on the claimant count. It is perfectly possible to reduce the claimant count just by getting people not to claim what they are entitled to, and not to turn up at the jobcentre. If anyone wanted to solve the unemployment problem by getting people not to claim benefits, the DWP’s current strategy would be an excellent way of going about it. The culture there is not about helping people to find a job, but making them feel as though they are there to be judged, dictated to and sanctioned. As everybody knows, the Work programme is failing.
Thanks to you, Mr Speaker, in Westminster Hall this afternoon I was able to raise an issue that I have raised time and again: the iniquitous zero-hours contracts and the massive increase in part-time and self-employment, all of which is clouding the true picture of what is going on in our labour market. In speaking up for my Merseyside constituents, I should point out that we have not seen a rebalancing. It was interesting to hear what was said about the Cambridge city deal, which I am sure is wonderful for the people of Cambridge—but Cambridge was doing pretty well anyway. I really do not understand how investing in Cambridge was supposed to amount to rebalancing.
Meanwhile, the north-west is doing pretty well and I am really proud of it, but much of the credit for that goes to the leadership of the cities of the north-west rather than to the Chancellor. Where is the north-east—[Interruption]—and Yorkshire in all this? No effort is being made to address the economic problems there. I urge Conservative Members to look at their history: they will not reconnect with the people of the north of England by ignoring us and pandering to those who view us as unreconstructed, or to the Tory think-tanks that believe we should have a managed decline. But that is not what is happening, and the reality is that the Treasury seems to be straightforwardly ignoring the people of the north of England.
For those in the middle, it is deeply unfair that even skilled people such as nurses are not getting pay rises. Many small business owners raise with me the question of business rates, which my hon. Friend the Member for Chesterfield mentioned, but again that issue seems to have been totally left to one side. Action must be taken on business rates, on energy prices and on the other problems that trouble families in my constituency, who still need to have conversations around the dinner table about how to manage the family finances and who still worry about getting to the end of the month.
At the top end of the income distribution scale, the Chancellor clearly has not learned the lessons of the 1980s, and certainly not of the big bang in 1986 and its legacy of exposing our country to risk in the City of London. I am afraid that is not good enough. Because the Help to Buy scheme covers properties worth as much as £600,000, it risks creating a similar bubble, and many commentators are fearful about what is going on in the housing market. The Bank of England now says that the City might reinflate itself to between nine and 15 times the size of our economy. If that does not look and sound like a genuine risk to the stability of our economy, I am not sure what does.
The Chancellor mentioned broadening the LIBOR investigation, which is a real worry to me, because we have not yet got a handle on the culture in financial services. Plenty of people work in ordinary jobs in financial services, and I am not criticising the sector as a whole. However, the high levels of inequality and the poor culture at the top do not benefit the ordinary people who work in bank branches and call centres, helping people with their banking every day. They, like everyone else, want the sector to be controlled. There are real problems with people on low wages.
It would be nice to have some recognition for the reinvention of the modern apprenticeship in 2003. My hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham is absolutely right that we need to do much better when it comes to the number of apprenticeships.
We have problems at the bottom; we have a squeezed middle, and no answer has been proposed to their problems; and I have genuine concerns about the long-term stability of our economy.