Mental Health Bill [HL] Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateBaroness Bennett of Manor Castle
Main Page: Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (Green Party - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle's debates with the Department of Health and Social Care
(1 day, 19 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I rise to speak to Amendment 130 in the name of my noble friend Lord Scriven, who is unable to be in his place today. On these Benches, our view is that this amendment is essential to the success of reforms proposed in this Bill. It would ensure not only accountability but the continuous assessment of costs and implementation timelines related to the vital provisions of the Bill. In short, it is a costed plan. It is grouped with various other important amendments, some of which I strongly support.
The issue we have repeatedly encountered in both mental health policy and community care is that we end up with community but very little actual care within it. This gap leads to preventable health crises, placing individuals and services under immense strain. Therefore, we must do everything to avoid this outcome. Yet so far in Committee we have not heard the necessary reassurances that adequate provisions will be in place nor that they have been properly costed and strategically planned for community care.
At its core, this amendment champions the need for transparency in the investment and execution of mental health care, specifically within community settings, where the demand will be greatest when the changes in legislation are brought forward. We cannot afford to enact these mental health reforms without a clear understanding of their financial and structural impact on the health and social care system, the justice system, local authorities and, most importantly, the lives of those who rely on these services.
In short, the amendment would require the Secretary of State to lay a report before Parliament within four months of the passage of the Bill and annually thereafter. The report would provide a detailed assessment of both the monetised and non-monetised costs associated with the provisions of the Bill. Specifically, it would outline the financial commitments necessary for the training of NHS staff and approved mental health professionals, the expansion of community care services and the provision of adequate housing and care for individuals with autism or learning disabilities. Furthermore, the amendment would ensure that the Care Quality Commission was adequately resourced to uphold the highest standards of mental health provision. These are fundamental requirements, because without a clear cost framework and implementation plan, we risk leaving individuals in crisis without the support they need.
However, it is important to say that the amendment is not simply about numbers; it is about real lives. The monitoring and evaluation strategy included within this proposal would ensure that reforms were not just theoretical but delivered tangible improvements in patient care. It would require the Secretary of State to assess patient outcomes, collect user feedback and measure the effectiveness of new safeguards and support mechanisms.
If we fail to scrutinise and report on the costs and impact of this legislation, we risk underfunding critical services, delaying implementation, and ultimately failing those who are most vulnerable. Mental health services, particularly those delivered in the community, are a necessity and not a luxury. They prevent hospitalisations, support recovery and uphold the dignity of those living with mental health conditions. This amendment would ensure that these services were not only established but were adequately funded, effectively implemented and continuously improved.
I turn briefly to Amendments 163 and 164 from the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, which I see as complementary and mutually reinforcing to Amendment 130. In particular, Amendment 164 would ensure that mental health funding was not cut as a share of overall health service funding until this Act was fully implemented. The amendment supports the principle of parity of esteem by putting a floor under the aggregate mental health service funding share in England; in essence, enshrining the mental health investment standard in law, something that we very much support. I beg to move.
My Lords, in speaking chiefly to my Amendment 153, I shall say briefly that I very much agree with what the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, just said and support, as does she, the related amendments that come after this. They interrelate with an amendment of mine that was discussed earlier in Committee about the funding of community services. Funding is the great issue right across the board, and it is essential that there is something in the Bill that addresses that. My amendment, although it looks somewhat different from the others in this group, is closely related to them, because, as the noble Baroness said, we have to be concerned about the implementation of the Bill and not just its nature.
My amendment says that for-profit companies should not deliver under the Bill. It does that in two ways. It says:
“Any new facilities or organisations created to deliver the provisions of this Act must not be operated by for-profit companies”.
It then says that within five years of the day on which this Act is passed, the Secretary of State must ensure that what is now for-profit in this space is transferred to not-for-profit. Why is that essential to implementation? I shall put it into three categories.
The first is the cost of paying profits from what should be money for the provision of services. The second is quality issues associated with for-profit companies; after all, their directors and management have a duty to maximise the return to shareholders. That is the way that for-profit companies are set up in this country. The third is that there are issues of stability.
My Lords, I strongly support Amendment 131, to which, as my noble friend Lady Tyler has stated, I have added my name. I can be brief because of the eloquence and comprehensive nature with which she introduced the amendment.
First, to note my registered interests, as this is probably the last day of Committee, the establishment of a mental health commissioner was recommended by the Joint scrutiny Committee of which I was a member. So it was a great disappointment that the Government did not include it in the Bill.
As I said at Second Reading, the mental health commissioner should be a voice at national level, promoting the interests of those who are detained and who are likely to be detained under the Mental Health Act, together with the interests of their families and carers, raising awareness of their needs and challenging stigma and stereotypes. Crucially, the commissioner should be at the forefront of tracking and scrutinising the implementation of these reforms.
There is widespread support for the establishment of the commissioner, both inside and outside Parliament and from statutory, non-statutory and charitable organisations. For example, the Centre for Mental Health, for which I am an ambassador, has stated:
“A Mental Health Commissioner … would offer sustained leadership for mental health—complementary to existing roles and structures in government. They would operate both within the machinery of state and in the media and wider public sphere. They would have influence within government and the NHS, but with the freedom to speak out when necessary: to lead public debate, challenge stigma, and break boundaries and taboos”.
I totally agree with this view. However, in reply to this proposal at Second Reading, supported by many noble Lords, the Minister pushed back on it stating that there are concerns that
“the proposed mental health commissioner’s function would be potentially largely duplicative of existing bodies and functions, and nobody wants to risk diluting accountability or causing confusion”.
The Minister went on to say:
“As noble Lords will know, Dr Penny Dash has been asked by the Secretary of State to assess if the current range and combination of organisations within the healthcare regulation landscape is effective and to make recommendations of what might be needed, and I think it is important that we await her recommendations”.—[Official Report, 25/11/24; col. 584.]
The key word here, I think, is “regulation”, and I do not agree with this view.
Since Second Reading, I have looked at the terms of reference of commissioners and regulators in various areas of public policy, and I believe that these roles are quite distinct. I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler: the role of the Children’s Commissioner and the separate role of the education regulator Ofsted are a good comparison. I do not think these two roles dilute accountability or cause confusion. Further, I cannot remember if it has ever been suggested that these roles should be amalgamated or that the Children’s Commissioner should be abolished. In fact, I believe that there is widespread support, particularly from the public, for the invaluable independent work undertaken by a Children’s Commissioner.
I also think the Minister herself has made a very persuasive case for a mental health commissioner in her many constructive responses to the amendments already debated, especially today. My noble friend has noted, among other things: the complexity of the legislation and its interrelationship with the Mental Capacity Act 2005, the need for significant investment in community services, the development of a skilled and complex workforce, and the number of years it will take to implement all the provisions of the Bill. This will need rigorous, robust and consistent oversight of implementation and wider health policy and service developments over the next decade and beyond.
The establishment of a mental health commissioner will ensure transparency and accountability and introduce a real force for good for the development and delivery of high-quality mental health services across the country. I hope the Minister will now agree and support this amendment.
My Lords, in following two such eloquent contributions, I can be extremely brief. I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, for what is clearly a major piece of work in producing this amendment. I attached my name to it because the creation of a mental health commissioner is such an important issue that it was crucial that there was a demonstration of support that was as wide as possible—a full slate of support here, even in Committee, as I am sure there will be should this come back on Report, unless the Minister says it is a great idea and she is going to go ahead with it right now.
I will add one other point of comparison, on something with which I have been a little involved myself: the comparison with the Patient Safety Commissioner. Noble Lords will remember that a case for the Patient Safety Commissioner was made from the then Government Back Benches, by Lady Cumberlege. She spent a couple of years fighting to finally get a Patient Safety Commissioner. We have seen the work that the Patient Safety Commissioner has done since the creation of the post: we have seen some very specific, detailed work on the issues of vaginal mesh and sodium valproate. Digging into the details and supporting a fight to get something done are really something that only these independent commissioner positions can do. Otherwise, very often, it falls to severely underfunded NGOs and perhaps to Members of Parliament who are enlisted in a cause but have many other calls on their time and resources as well.
We have discussed again and again how difficult it will be to bring this Bill into effect and, as the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, said, to address the issues of discrimination and inequality that we know are already there. This is surely an absolutely obvious thing to do to help ensure—as so many noble Lords have been saying today and previously in Committee—that we get this done.
My Lords, yes, I am afraid it is me again. I thank my noble friend Lord Scriven and the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, for adding their names to Amendment 134. Of course, we have already acknowledged in many of our debates that the provisions in the Bill rely heavily on strong and effective community provision being in place, but there are real concerns within the sector that community provision is not currently sufficient to support the changes set out in the Bill. In my view, the new duties placed on local authorities and integrated care boards to ensure an “adequate supply” of community support lack teeth, and no real accountability measures have been put in place as yet to ensure that this duty is fulfilled. My Amendment 134 would place a general duty on integrated care boards to ensure that services in the community had the necessary level of resource to meet demand for services.
This amendment is closely related to the amendments in group 1, already debated—indeed, I am not quite sure why this one was not included in that group; groups remain a bit of a mystery to me. It is worth noting that the Equality and Human Rights Commission recommended in its response to the Joint Committee that the Government should, in line with the recommendation of the independent review, ensure that there was
“sufficient, high-quality, appropriate, community-based mental health services and pathways to meet the needs of all adults, children and young people”.
It stressed:
“These should include therapeutic alternatives to detention, preventative support to minimise the risk of crisis, and wider community services that enable good mental health and recovery”—
something I will be returning to in a later amendment. Is the Minister able to say what consideration the Government have given to that specific recommendation?
The EHRC also felt that the Bill needed strengthening
“to ensure sufficient community-based services in practice in order to end inappropriate detentions. This was highlighted in the most recent annual review of the Mental Health Act by the CQC, which stated: ‘While we support the government’s objective to reduce hospital admissions for people with a learning disability and autistic people under the MHA, this can only be achieved by an increase in community support, including trained staff, and high-quality alternatives to admission’”.
I want to finish by focusing on the workforce aspect. Following the previous Government’s 2021 White Paper, the Royal College of Psychiatrists commissioned an independent assessment of the impact of the proposed changes on the psychiatric workforce to better understand how many additional psychiatrists would be required to deliver the reforms in the proposed year of implementation and, indeed, 10 years later. Based on that White Paper, the research found that by 2023-24, an additional 333 full-time equivalent psychiatrists would be needed in England, costing £40 million per year, and that by 2033-34, a further 161 full-time equivalent psychiatrists would be needed. While these figures may not necessarily accurately reflect the exact number of psychiatrists needed to deliver the reforms we are talking about in the Bill, or the current timelines for the legislation, they demonstrate clearly the impact on a workforce which is already understaffed and carrying high vacancy levels.
Back in March 2016, NHS England set a target to have an additional 1,040 consultant psychiatrists in post in England by March 2024. Based on these targets, as of July last year there was a shortfall of some 770 psychiatrists across England. That is a big shortfall. The impact assessment, while absolutely voluminous, is—as far as I can see—silent on where these people are going to come from. However, it estimates costs of around £99 million for alternative mental health care for people no longer admitted to hospital. It also estimates some £5.5 billion of savings from fewer overall admissions and fewer detentions for people with a learning disability or autism. It goes on to say that the benefits
“should not be understood as cashable”.
Can the Minister say what specific mechanism will be used for diverting more money into community services?
Psychiatrists are absolutely critical but are only one part of the wider mental health workforce, which also includes mental health nurses, clinical psychologists, mental health social workers, occupational therapists and others. Can the Minister say whether detailed plans to grow the overall mental health workforce will be contained in the 10-year plan and the upcoming spending review?
I am conscious that I have asked quite a lot of detailed questions, so if the Minister would prefer to write to me with her response, that is fine. I add that I am sympathetic to the aims of Amendment 157 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Davies. I beg to move.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to again follow the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler of Enfield, and offer support to her. I will be very brief because there has already been a comprehensive introduction.
It is useful to draw a comparison to see how we might look at some kind of composite as we get towards Report. This amendment places a general duty on integrated care boards to ensure that services in the community have the adequate levels of resource, which is why I signed it, but who gives the resources to the integrated care boards? Ultimately, it is the Government.
My earlier amendment sought a regular process of reports and parliamentary oversight, and I suggest that we need both. This is a good, strong amendment to give the duty to the ICBs. But we also need to see that there is the oversight and that ICBs have the capacity to support the duty they are being given.
Amendment 157 in my name seeks to clarify the responsibilities of integrated care boards and local health boards to find beds in a timely manner for patients admitted under Section 140 of the Mental Health Act.
This amendment goes to the heart of why we have the Bill in the first place. In large part, the practical problems experienced in obtaining proper care for people led to the introduction of the Bill, Sir Simon Wessely’s review and the work of the Committee. It reflects an important aspect of the transformation that has taken place in the understanding and treatment of mental illness. It reflects the importance of timely and effective care for people experiencing a crisis in their mental health. The Bill seeks to fill in gaps in mental health care, which can mean the difference between rapid intervention and needless delay.
My amendment to Section 140 is both necessary and overdue. It would place a clear responsibility on every integrated care board and local health board to ensure that patients who are assessed as requiring hospital admission under the Act receive it in a timely and appropriate manner. To that end, it mandates a clear line of responsibility by requiring the appointment of a designated officer charged with overseeing that these admission arrangements, as outlined in the Act, are not only established but function effectively on a day-to-day basis. This is not a mere administrative adjustment; it is an important change, aimed at addressing real world issues that affect the lives of countless individuals. Mental health crises occur without warning and do not adhere to schedules or bureaucratic timelines.
The local health boards and integrated care boards are the crucial link between community services and hospital care. Placing a clear statutory duty on these organisations will create a clear line of responsibility to ensure that no patient is left waiting whenever immediate care is needed. The appointment of a designated officer will further enhance accountability and operational efficiency. To emphasise the point, an individual with the specific responsibility of overseeing these arrangements will provide a robust mechanism to promptly address any issues that arise and to ensure that every patient’s admission is swift and appropriate.
It is important to understand the broader implications of this amendment. Timely admission to hospital is not merely a procedural matter; it is a critical component of effective mental health care. Early intervention can mean the difference between a manageable crisis and a catastrophic decline in a patient’s condition. By ensuring that patients are admitted promptly, we will invest in early treatment, reduce the likelihood of complications and, ultimately, alleviate the burden on our healthcare system. This proactive approach will lead to improved outcomes for patients, greater satisfaction among healthcare professionals and a more sustainable model for mental health service delivery.
To conclude, my amendment is a necessary step forward. It would provide clarity, reinforce accountability and ensure that our mental health system remains responsive and effective. I urge my noble friend the Minister to respond positively to my amendment, not merely as a change in policy but as a commitment to the well-being and dignity of every individual who depends on our mental health services.
In moving Amendment 135, I am grateful for the support of the noble Baronesses, Lady Tyler of Enfield, Lady Bennett of Manor Castle and Lady Neuberger, and I will be a little disappointed if I do not get some support from the noble Lord, Lord Kamall.
This amendment would require that the established and successful procedure, the mental health crisis breathing space, is offered automatically to those detained under longer-term Sections of the Mental Health Act. This is the final one of a set of three amendments to the Mental Health Bill in my name that have addressed the financial implications for people who struggle with their mental health. In these debates I have previously referenced that I am on the advisory board of the Money and Mental Health Policy Institute. This amendment is based on the institute’s work.
I thank my noble friend the Minister for her engagement on my Amendments 59 and 121, which sought to ensure that routine enquiries on financial matters are embedded in care and treatment plans and advance choice documents. I am grateful for the Minister’s acknowledgement and understanding on these issues.
Amendment 135 calls for mental health crisis breathing space to be automatically offered to those detained under Sections 3, 37, 41 or 47 of the Mental Health Act. Of the three amendments in this set on financial issues, this one perhaps has the greatest scope for reducing the financial harms that people experience when they are facing a mental health crisis. The mental health crisis breathing space mechanism is a vital tool that can protect people in a mental health crisis from the impacts of problem debt by pausing enforcement action and contact from creditors, and freezing interest and charges on any debts. These protections are provided for as long as the treatment lasts—plus another 30 days.
When people access this scheme, it can be life-changing. It can be the difference between people leaving hospital after a mental health crisis to find that bills and debts have escalated, thus putting their recovery in jeopardy, and having the space that they need to get back on their feet. I share the words of one of the Money and Mental Health Policy Institute’s research community members who has personal experience of accessing the scheme:
“Breathing space … has totally changed my experience from feeling hounded and persecuted to supported and valued”,
taking away
“much fear and sleepless nights coupled with dire days of depression”.
However, in its current provision, use of the scheme is significantly below its potential and the numbers that were forecast by the Government. When introducing the scheme in May 2021, the Treasury anticipated that 27,000 people would use it in its first year. Yet the most recent figures from last November show that only 4,404 people have accessed it in total. This underutilisation is due not to a lack of demand or need but to how the scheme is designed and delivered.
Existing NHS guidance on acute in-patient mental health care already states that wards should offer mental health crisis breathing space to those who need it. This is well-intentioned but does little to drive take-up of the scheme. In practice, thousands of people who would benefit from the support of this tool are missing out simply because nobody asks. On top of this, awareness of the mechanism is extremely low among mental health care professionals, meaning that, even when financial difficulties are spotted, it does not always result in people accessing the protections that the mechanism affords.
My proposed addition to the legislation would ensure a statutory obligation to offer this mechanism to those who need it most, requiring services to be more thorough in its implementation, with greater levels of accountability. Specifically, automatically offering the breathing space to people detained for potentially longer-term conditions would ensure that those whose incomes are likely to be adversely impacted by extended admissions can be supported. This intervention would target the core group that the mechanism was intended for.
To outline the possible reach of such a targeted intervention, in 2023-24 there were almost 11,000 detentions under the relevant Sections of the Act, representing a fifth of all detentions. Formalising the automatic offer of mental health crisis breathing space to this targeted group would go a long way towards ensuring that the mechanism supports the number of people that the Treasury forecasted it to serve. Crucially, after the breathing space period has ended, people would have the opportunity to be offered formal debt advice, with specialist support for those who need it, to ensure that financial difficulties are resolved on a longer-term basis. Legislating for the scheme to be automatically offered to those detained under the longer-term provisions of the Act would be genuinely transformative in preventing more people from experiencing the acute financial harms that too often accompany a mental health crisis. I beg to move.
My Lords, it is a great pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, and to offer the strongest possible support. These are issues that the noble Lord and I—the noble Lord very much in the lead and me following along in support—have engaged with on financial services and markets Bills previously. They are crucial issues for people’s well-being and the well-being of our whole society.
The noble Baroness, Lady Hollins, was talking on the last group about the patient journey. For someone who has become ill, who is seeking treatment and who has the weight of debt sitting on their shoulder, it is worth thinking about how damaging that weight of debt can be to the whole experience of the patient journey. It is worth thinking about how this interacts with issues around discrimination and unequal outcomes that we have looked at regarding other parts of the Bill in terms of the intersectional pressures that people can experience.
In preparing for this, I was looking at the middle of last year and mental health awareness week. The Women’s Institute was focusing particularly on the impact of energy debt, and 14% of the people in the study were at that stage in debt to their energy suppliers. Nearly a third said that they were worrying seriously about this. A fifth said that they had suffered sleepless nights. For the people who are suffering under debt pressures—single parents, very often women, or people from disadvantaged communities that are already economically disadvantaged—all these things feed in together. This is simply a measure for that. “Breathing space” is so evocative of the sense of taking off that pressure and allowing people the chance to focus on their own recovery and their own treatment, rather than just worrying away about that debt. I cannot see why the Government, or why anyone, would oppose this very modest measure.
My Lords, I should have declared interests before, as chair of University College London Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust and of Whittington Health NHS Trust. I also was a vice-chair of the review of the Mental Health Act, which reported in 2018 and is relevant, because I very strongly support this amendment to which I have added my name. It is something that the review did not address. We should have done. We did not have it raised sufficiently strongly with us by service users to whom we talked a great deal. That was an omission. It is very important that we do this. I hope that the Minister can say that this will be included in the legislation in its final form, and that she will accept this amendment or something redrafted along its lines.
I am very grateful to the wonderful Money and Mental Health Policy Institute—I pay full tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Bradley—for its briefings. When, in 2022, it conducted a piece of research looking at the finances of 200 people who had received care from secondary mental health services, it found that, quite unsurprisingly, a majority of the people who responded had experienced an income drop while receiving support from mental health services and struggled to pay their mortgages or for food, or missed a payment on energy, rent, council tax, or whatever it might be. This was a problem that kept coming back and they kept talking about. But the majority also expressed real support for the idea of making plans, ahead of time, for how to deal with their finances and how this would all be managed when they were unwell, as many people have episodic periods of being unwell. It seems to me that that piece of work is a cast-iron argument in favour of using breathing space to tackle these financial issues. I very much hope that the Minister will be able to support this.