Death of Alexei Navalny

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Monday 19th February 2024 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

I am grateful to the Minister for advance sight of his statement. This weekend, my right hon. Friends the Leader of the Opposition and the shadow Foreign Secretary attended the Munich Security Conference and heard Yulia Navalnaya, Alex Navalny’s wife, speaking with remarkable courage and conviction in a moment of utter personal grief. I share the Minister’s comments, and I am sure that the whole House will join us in sending our deepest condolences to her and her family.

The death of Alexei Navalny was shocking yet cruelly predictable. Let us be crystal clear: one person above all others bears the overwhelming responsibility for his death and should be held accountable. Alexei Navalny is yet another victim of the oppressive system that Putin has built, of which he was such a potent critic. He was not a saint but he fought relentlessly, optimistically and with good humour against the corruption and kleptocracy of modern Russia. The last few years of his life were a profile of courage. After an assassination attempt with a chemical weapon, there would have been no shame at all in seeking a quiet life. Instead, he chose to return not just to the fray but to Russia. He knew exactly what he would face, but Alexei Navalny believed relentlessly and indefatigably in a different Russia that could be, in his words, not only free but happy. He once wrote from prison:

“Everything will be all right. And, even if it isn’t, we’ll have the consolation of having lived honest lives.”

Alexei Navalny’s courage, his campaign against corruption and his dream of a democratic Russia will live on in those brave Russians who continue to speak up. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is an illegal act of aggression. Navalny called it a stupid war built on lies. It has been devastating for Ukraine, but also for Russia, which edges further into darkness, propaganda and paranoia. Alexei Navalny challenged not just Russian autocracy and kleptocracy but past western hypocrisy and enablement. His campaign was about not just Moscow but London. We must deliver the changes that he campaigned for.

The reality is that we have still much further to go, and it is therefore disappointing that the Minister has shown up with nothing new to say in response to last week’s appalling news. Will the Government review further sanctions on Russia, including an assessment of the full Navalny list? Will the Minister launch a new effort to target those networks responsible for facilitating and enabling international corruption?

There has been little or no action against breaches of new Russian sanctions brought in since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, so will he strengthen not just our sanctions regime but how those sanctions are enforced? Will he support calls to establish an international anti-corruption court? Will he turn rhetoric on frozen Russian state assets into tangible action? When will the Government get on with it? It is a source of shame that under successive Tory Governments, Britain became the money laundering capital of the world. Our tributes to Alexei Navalny must be more than just rhetorical and include tangible action at home to clean up the financial crime fuelling autocrats abroad.

Finally, I want to ask the Minister about Vladimir Kara-Murza. I have met his brave wife and mother and heard directly from them. Vladimir is another brave and vocal opponent of Putin, languishing in prison for his beliefs. He is also a British citizen. We know what Putin is capable of. What is the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office’s current assessment of his welfare, and what steps are being taken to support him and his family?

The tragic death of Alexei Navalny has reverberated across the world. It must serve as a reminder of Putin’s menace and underscore our responsibility to oppose him in Ukraine, on the world stage and here in London. I hope that the Minister can provide the House with some assurance that today’s statement will be accompanied with commensurate, bold and urgent action.

[Leo Docherty]

We will act. I thank the hon. Gentleman for the tone of his response. I endorse everything that he said about the heroically brave Mrs Navalnaya. Those in this House who watched her video early this morning will have been extremely moved by her fortitude and courage at this difficult time. He used the word “courage” with regard to Mr Navalny, which was absolutely appropriate. Those of us who watched the footage of Mr Navalny returning to Russia subsequent to the Novichok attack were humbled by his audacity and his bravery. His hope for a free and happy Russia must remain in the hearts of the many Russians who, despite extraordinary press censorship and repression, deserve to have the opportunity to live up to that promise.

It would be premature for me to comment on the prospect of future sanctions in addition to those that have already been put in place with regard to Mr Navalny’s poisoning, but I can assure the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty) and the House that we are working at pace and looking at all options in that regard. Of course, we will continue our active diplomatic work to crack down on the networks of corruption surrounding the Russian state and its kleptocracy. Sanctions evasion is a particularly important component of that and is something that our diplomatic teams around the world, in concert with our allies, are focused on.

The hon. Gentleman asked a relevant question about seizing versus freezing assets. We continue to work with G7 allies to look at all legal routes to ensure that frozen assets might be used to help the reconstruction effort by those who deserve them. We will keep the House updated as and when we make progress on that. We do seek to act in that regard, and that is how we can honour Mr Navalny’s memory and his legacy—by acting, not just making rhetorical statements.

The hon. Gentleman asked about Mr Vladimir Kara-Murza. Through our ambassador in Moscow, we continue to make representations inquiring after his health and wellbeing and seeking consular access to him. I can confirm that the Foreign Secretary remains in contact with Mrs Kara-Murza and continues to support the family.

Draft European Organization for Astronomical Research in the Southern Hemisphere and the European Space Agency (Immunities and Privileges) (Amendment) Order 2023

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Monday 5th February 2024 General Committees

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Fovargue. I thank the Minister for setting out the specifics of this SI in more detail. We will not seek to divide the Committee on this necessary measure.

We regularly discuss how immunities and privileges orders affect international organisations that the UK hosts, and many individuals present in the UK are covered by such immunities and privileges. I hope the Minister can explain how the Government keep those measures under review to ensure people are not abusing those privileges. We know of some cases—including a very tragic case in the past—regarding the immunities and privileges of foreign personnel who were in the UK for very legitimate reasons.

It is right that we put in place the measures to support the presence of key organisations in the UK, including in the space sector. Indeed, we have a proud history in space exploration, research and development; it is an excellent launchpad for future growth and investment into science, technology, engineering and maths sectors, and for inspiring the younger generation to go into those sectors. It provides huge opportunities for our economy, pushes our technological boundaries, and boosts our soft power for developing strategic inter-dependence with our allies, including those across Europe. In that regard, it is very important that the ESA has a robust presence in the UK, and that there are well-defined and open lines of dialogue and co-ordination between the UK space sector and that organisation.

The cluster at Harwell is very significant. A number of key programmes operate there, including the Advanced Research in Telecommunications Systems programme, and those of the European Centre for Space Applications and Telecommunication. There is also key work being done there, including the monitoring of major meteorological events and climate change research, and on making sure that data is shared with other researchers and institutions across the UK.

Harwell is home to a key space cluster that looks at how space technology and research can be applied to business, and at boosting investment in space technology—particularly satellite remote sensing technology. I know that particularly at Harwell they are looking at issues around communications from satellites and remote sensing down to the ground here in the UK. Therefore, it is important that the privileges and immunities, including those in the original order, are suitably updated.

The original order also refers to role of the European Southern Observatory—another a key organisation that we are part of—which has links to many institutions and sectors across the UK. In 2020, the ESO’s research potentially underpinned the discovery of phosphene—one of the key building blocks of life—in the atmosphere of Venus. It was actually a British astronomer, Jane Greaves at Cardiff University, who used the Atacama Large Millimeter/submillimeter Array telescope—part of the ESO—to try and confirm the detection of that element. That potential discovery is currently being hotly debated by scientists.

The ESO is linked to the facilities at Harwell and the University of Oxford in ensuring the construction of the High Angular Resolution Monolithic Optical and Near-infrared Integral field spectrograph for the Extremely Large Telescope. To do this, the observatory is working with the University of Oxford, the UK Astronomy Technology Centre and the ELT’s MOSAIC programme. There are many different collaborations around those programmes, and it is very important that the diplomatic and legal frameworks are in place to ensure they happen.

Again, we will not oppose the order as it is important that these measures are in place. I hope the Minister will say more in his concluding remarks about how we are seeking to further develop co-operation with our European and transatlantic partners—particularly in North and South America—in the area of space research. As we see an era of extreme geopolitical competition and risk to the United Kingdom, and indeed to our European and transatlantic allies, could the Minister explain why space technology, and ensuring that we have those collaborations, is critical—not only for business, technological and scientific research, but also for our national security?

Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) (Amendment) (No. 5) Regulations 2023 Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) (Amendment) (No. 4) Regulations 2023

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Monday 22nd January 2024 General Committees

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairpersonship, Mr Stringer. I thank the Minister for bringing these measures to the Committee and relaying their significance to us today.

We all know that it has been a profoundly challenging winter for the people of Ukraine, particularly those on the frontlines. Although we are confronted by a world in multiple crises at the moment, I am sure the Minister will agree that we must ensure that a Ukrainian victory remains at the forefront of our political and public consciousness, not only here in the UK but among our allies. He and I have had many conversations to that effect. There is unity in this House. He will have heard the clear statements made by the Leader of the Opposition in the Chamber the other day when responding to the Prime Minister.

We in the Labour Opposition stand resolutely with Ukraine and the Ukrainian people in their fight against Russia’s illegal and barbaric war. We know that Ukraine fights not only for its own liberation and victory but for the wider security of Europe, the principles of democracy, liberty and the rule of law.

I draw attention to my declaration in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. In my capacity as a shadow Minister, I visited Ukraine last autumn, for the second time since the outbreak of this phase of the hostilities, and made clear our direct solidarity and engaged at the highest levels with President Zelensky and his Government, and with Ukrainian parliamentarians and representatives of civil society.

As the war continues and Russia’s barbarism against civilians continues, we need to step up our support now and for the long haul, and also set an example to allies about what is needed, whether that is materiel or sanctions, to ensure a Ukrainian victory, that Putin is defeated, and that there is reconstruction and stability in Ukraine as it charts a definitive course towards Europe, NATO and the democratic rules-based order.

We have resolutely supported the Minister on such measures before and will continue to do so—we do not seek to divide the Committee today. We have also challenged where we do not think measures are robust enough or go far enough. I therefore have questions for the Minister.

On the regulations relating to diamonds, which were the second set that the Minister addressed, we welcomed the Government’s commitment to prohibit the import of Russian-origin diamonds by the end of 2023, but I must ask again: why did it take so long to make that commitment back in May 2023? That was a year after this phase of the atrocious war started. The Minister mentioned that this is, as the explanatory memorandum states,

“the first step in implementing a broader ban”,

to be entered into force on 1 March. But that is two years on since the barbaric invasion. We know the types of commodities that Putin has been attempting to generate revenue from to fund his war machine. Why has it taken us two years to get to that? I have to ask again: what resourcing is being given to the Minister’s excellent officials in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and also in the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation to ensure that there is not only legal rigour behind the regulations—we have already heard of one small mistake in them—but that we have the capacity to fully implement and enforce them when necessary?

Another potential challenge that the Minister highlighted is the continued importation of materials and commodities through third countries. We have seen clear allegations—I have raised them on multiple occasions with the Minister and his colleagues—about not only diamonds but Russian-origin oil and steel being refined and transited through third countries, and continuing to permeate the borders of the UK, Europe and the United States and reaching markets here. Does the Minister agree that that is completely unacceptable? Will he set out for us the steps the Department is taking to close loopholes not just in diamonds but in those other key commodities that fund the Putin war machine? Russian diamond miners generate about $4.5 billion in revenue each year, which is a huge sum of money, and we must ensure that that is not helping to fund Putin’s efforts against Ukraine.

Turning to the other set of regulations, we also welcome the commitment to banning the imports of Russian-origin aluminium, copper and nickel by the end of 2023. The explanatory memorandum states that these new trade restrictions also include:

“Prohibitions on the export, supply and delivery, and making available to, or for use in Russia of additional categories of goods with a potential for military and industrial application.”

As the Minister set out, that also includes a range of other components, including chemicals, electrical goods, metals, vehicles, machine parts, electronics and others, that could be used in Russian capabilities.

In November, a report in The Times brought to light that a British company had allegedly continued to ship semiconductors to Russia since the beginning of the war, and that they had been identified in at least one Russian tank deployed in the conflict against Ukraine. I brought the Government to the House over this very serious and glaring oversight, and other Members have raised concerns. It was also reported that the company stopped shipping to its Russian distributor only after the bank refused to process payments for those exports. That underscores that there have clearly been serious deficiencies in the implementation of our regime, and they must be addressed, despite what the Minister has said today.

I hope that the Minister can say a little more about what has happened in those investigations. I appreciate that there may be matters that he cannot go into, but can he provide assurance on reports that materials from not just the UK but our allies are finding their way into military applications that are being used by Russia against Ukraine? I have had this raised with me on a number of occasions by key senior Ukrainian officials. Given the fantastic support that we are giving—which is fully acknowledged—it would be absurd if there were loopholes and gaps through which we were unwittingly aiding and abetting the other side. Will the Minister tell us what steps are being taken?

Finally, these sanctions regimes need to be enforced and actions to be taken in order for them to be effective and to serve as a deterrent. Could the Minister update the Committee, or perhaps write to me as soon as possible, on how many prosecutions or actions have actually been taken under the Russia and Belarus sanctions regimes since they came into effect? I am afraid to say that my suspicion is that the answer is not many; that is certainly what I was told by the Minister’s officials recently, in a meeting with his colleague who covers the wider sanctions regimes. We must take action, as we have heard that hundreds of companies informally admitted, in their words, “involuntarily” breaching regulations, and reported this themselves. If we are not seeing action being taken, it will not act as a deterrent to those who are actively trying to bypass these sanctions we have before us today, or indeed the other measures we have debated.

In June 2023, the House was unanimous in passing Labour’s motion to compel the Government to introduce necessary legislation to fully seize, sequester and repurpose frozen Russian state assets within 90 days. It is now more than 200 days since that motion was passed, but we have not heard anything further from the Government. I appreciate that it is a complex matter, but that is very disappointing given the loopholes, the lack of speed and the failure to seize, not just freeze, Russian state assets so that they can be put towards the very substantial needs of Ukrainian reconstruction.

In conclusion, we support these measures. There is unity across the House, but I will continue to hold the Government’s feet to the fire to ensure that these measures are as effective and consequential as possible. Ukraine needs that support, we need to defeat Putin’s actions in Ukraine, and we need to stay united around the world and across our allies.

[Leo Docherty]

I am grateful, as ever, for the measured approach taken by the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth, in reiterating his support. He asked some very cogent questions, which I will seek to answer.

The hon. Gentleman asked why it had taken this amount of time to deal with the diamonds. He will know that subsequent to the invasion, a 35% tariff was immediately put on diamonds to reflect the change in circumstances. It took a bit of time to co-ordinate with allies, but we hope that this very forthright approach across the G7 will have a very big impact on the billions of dollars garnered by the Russian state on the sale of diamonds. Inevitably, it has taken some time to co-ordinate, but it will be very impactful now that it is in place.

The hon. Gentleman also asked about the resourcing of OFSI. I assure him that it is well resourced and that it has been an active part of the Government since 2016. Additional resource and effort have been committed since the Russian invasion. He asked a good question about the risk of sanctions evasion through third countries. That is something that we are keenly aware of. Day in, day out, we seek to close loopholes using our diplomatic network, our intelligence network and our alliances around the world to ensure that countries are not hosts to sanctions evasion behaviours. Often, they can be without their willing or knowledge. We are keenly aware of that risk, and a huge amount of institutional effort goes into preventing it.

[Stephen Doughty]

Could the Minister provide specific updates on the issue of the refined oil loophole—or, at least, write to me on that? It has been raised multiple times publicly. I have raised it privately and publicly with the Minister and his colleagues. There are also concerns about steel. These are very real. I am sure British people would be very concerned if they thought that any products that were aiding or abetting Russia were being used in this country.

--- Later in debate ---

[Leo Docherty]

I am very grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that. This Committee, and indeed the whole House, will remember the late hon. Member for Rochdale with fondness and admiration. His work as a parliamentarian was tremendous, specifically on this specific issue of Belarus. Of course, our sympathies are with his family at this time.

[Stephen Doughty]

I thank the Minister for that, and the House will have a wider opportunity to pay tribute tomorrow. We have been contacted by many people from the Belarus opposition, Ukraine and places in the western Balkans who were deeply affected by the work of the late Member for Rochdale. He was a friend and a great inspiration to me and many others in this place, and he was also a predecessor of the Minister as Minister for Europe.

[Leo Docherty]

I am grateful for those interventions.

The measures will of course be meaningful. Our sanctions continue to have a damaging impact on Putin’s war machine and efforts. Without sanctions, we estimate that Russia would have had more than $400 billion more with which to fund its war machine. On the UK Government side, we are committed to keeping up the pressure until Putin ends this brutal and senseless war.

Citizens’ Rights

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Thursday 14th December 2023 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

I thank the Minister for advance sight of his statement. We welcome engagement between the Government and the European Union on these issues. Maintaining an open, constructive and consistent dialogue is critical to the mutual welfare and rights of all those affected by the withdrawal agreement. We also welcome the work of the Independent Monitoring Authority, the specialised committee and bodies such as the EU-UK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly.

We will always stand up for the rights of the British in Europe, but we recognise that these issues must be addressed in a spirit of mutual and constructive co-operation. As the Minister outlined, the joint statements made in the light of the specialised committee on citizens’ rights appear to show important progress. Fewer issues relating to healthcare, benefits and housing were relayed to the IMA in 2022 than in 2021, but it is clear that some challenges persist. The Minister has outlined a number of those, and we need to work pragmatically and constructively to address them. One of the issues that he mentioned is whether data is fit for purpose. There is not consistency in the data provided by individual countries—it is incomplete and variable. I hope the Minister can say a little more about what he is doing with his European Union counterparts about the data missing from certain member states, in order to achieve baseline parity.

It has also been relayed to Labour that there are continuing problems with the process of issuing residence cards—an example often cited is Portugal. I understand that that process is now under way, but problems are being reported with family reunification, as people struggle to obtain appointments and QR codes. We have also heard about problems with payment systems and delays in printing and issuing cards, which can have an impact on other rights under the withdrawal agreement. What discussions has the Minister had about that?

Concerns have also been raised about the number of refusals in a number of member states and the varying approach to late applications across many countries. British in Europe, an important advocacy group on behalf of citizens, has stated that late applications and the prevalence of refusals are causing consternation and anxiety for many. There is also concern about the lack of communication and information on these issues. Concerns have been raised in the past in relation to Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Belgium, although again the situation has improved, for example with the Danish Government’s decision to extend the deadline for British citizens to apply for status to the end of 2023. Can the Minister update us on the concerns raised in that regard?

Particular concerns were raised about the situation in Sweden, where the refusal rate and the order to leave are statistically higher than in equivalent countries. I have heard some very concerning cases, including one relating to an elderly lady with dementia. Again, can the Minister say what discussions he has had specifically with the Swedish Government on those issues and what he is doing to improve communication with British citizens?

There are concerns about absences and the impact on ordinary and permanent residents. We need a clear statement from the European Commission on the position in the light of recent legal cases. There are concerns about fees. For example, I understand that citizens are being charged €200 to upgrade their status in countries such as Latvia. There are also concerns about cases—thankfully, a very small number of cases—where families have unfortunately been split up due to inconsistencies. Does the Minister have an assessment of how many cases there are in that regard?

Many citizens affected are raising questions about equal treatment and non-discrimination under articles 12 and 23 of the withdrawal agreement. Can the Minister say a little about how we are ensuring equality of treatment in all areas—tax, property, school and university access, health access and so on?

Finally, there is a more general issue about where UK citizens turn when they need advice on enforcing their withdrawal agreement rights—there is a lack of specialised lawyers in this area—and about funding for advice and advocacy services, although I recognise the importance of the work being done by schemes such as Your Europe Advice.

We also need clarity on how we are addressing the concerns of EU citizens here, many of whom have lived here for decades, have contributed and paid taxes, have marriages and children, and so on. The Minister outlined the number of people who have applied to the EU settlement scheme. Where are we on the progress on determining remaining cases and making determinations? We are aware that the scheme has faced serious issues, with hundreds of thousands of late applications, long delays on decisions, delays for those with pre-settled status, and a lack of clarity on their move to settled status. EU citizens over here also deserve clarity and certainty over their status and that of their loved ones. It is vital that the Home Office addresses those concerns, so I wonder if the Minister could update us on what conversations he has had with his colleagues in the Home Office.

One issue that is often raised with us is school trips. How can we address some of the problems that have emerged and may emerge around that important contact between our countries?

Finally, reconnecting Britain starts with Europe. They are our neighbours, partners and allies, and a Labour Government would prioritise building a new ambitious partnership with the EU and European member states. We will not rejoin the EU, the single market or the customs union, or return to freedom of movement, but it is in our mutual benefit to ensure tangible improvements in the experience of citizens on both sides under the withdrawal agreement, recognising the depth of our people-to-people connections.

[Leo Docherty]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his questions and for his warm endorsement of a statement that, I think, reflects the overwhelming success of the scheme on both sides. He made a welcome reference to the UK-EU Parliamentary Partnership Assembly, which I was pleased to address last week in Parliament. That shows the practical utility of the exchanges between parliamentarians, both from the EU and the UK, and how they can serve as an important platform for an exchange of views. The warm tone of that meeting reflected the health and positivity of the relationship.

There are, of course, some challenges. The hon. Gentleman asked a good question about data. We do need consistency across member states and we continue to work both with the Commission and bilaterally to encourage greater granularity in the data coming from member states. Bilateral work continues, for example on the issuing of residence rights. It is a particular issue in Portugal, but we have been very grateful to the Portuguese Government for their positive approach. We have raised it at the highest level and we continue to do so. The Foreign Secretary discussed these issues with Vice-President Šefčovič very recently. When I travel as a Minister, I am constantly engaged with these sorts of citizens’ rights as a routine part of my engagement across European capitals.

The hon. Gentleman asked a very good question about Sweden and Denmark. We continue to work bilaterally to resolve those specific issues. He asked a specific question about fees in Latvia. I will write to him on that and on his question about the number of family members involved in cases that are yet to have a satisfactory outcome.

The hon. Gentleman asked a very good question on where people should turn when they need help. In the first instance they should access help online, whether through the Independent Monitoring Authority in the UK or by approaching the EU Commission if an individual is resident in the EU. We have a very wide and comprehensive consular network in British missions right across Europe, with expertise that is deployable to help those concerned. I was very pleased to meet the group he mentioned, British in Europe. I had expansive discussions with that group, which does a terrific job of making British residents in Europe aware of the help available to them.

The hon. Gentleman asked a good question about the duration of a determination. Clearly, the Home Office is doing a terrific job in driving forward a high volume of applications. It is receiving and processing 1,000 cases per day. My understanding is that the average processing time is six months, but we should be very clear that no individual will ever miss out due to any kind of timeline. No one’s fundamental rights will be undermined. Settled status is guaranteed whether or not a certain timeline has been missed, and that was the basis of the recent extension.

In conclusion, the hon. Gentleman was right to point out that we are neighbours, partners and friends to the European Commission and to the member states. That warm tone and collaborative working dictates everything we do on citizens’ rights and beyond.

Oral Answers to Questions

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Tuesday 12th December 2023 Commons Chamber

[Mr Speaker]

I call the shadow Minister.

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

As you know, Mr Speaker, our global British family in the UK overseas territories contains 94% of all the unique species that the UK is responsible for. These huge marine areas throughout the world’s oceans are hugely vulnerable to climate change, yet are negligible contributors to it. It has been great to see more OTs sign up to the blue belt initiative, work with groups such as Great British Oceans and attend the recent COP. What is the Minister doing to encourage more overseas territories to join the blue belt and to assist overseas territories to get access to strategic international funding for conservation, adaptation and resilience?

[David Rutley]

It is an important question. Our need to tackle climate change extends widely to the OTs. We have done significant work on the blue belt programme, and we have engaged a large number of OTs at COP28 this year so that we can help push forward their work and give greater access to this funding. It is vitally important.

Beneficial Ownership Registers: Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Thursday 7th December 2023 Commons Chamber

[Richard Thomson]

Lib? Well, it shows that there is perhaps a future for progressive alliances of one kind or another, Mr Deputy Speaker.

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

Maybe on cups of water.

[Richard Thomson]

Yes.

We are regularly invited to believe that the greatest threat to our public services and our quality of life comes not from a lack of resources, but from immigration. Indeed, the governing party is tearing itself to bits today over the difficulties that it has set itself in pursuit of the votes of those they believe might be influenced by such sentiments. I cannot help but feel that we would be in a significantly better place if only the Government put half the effort into clamping down on the opportunities for tax avoidance, evasion and lack of transparency as they put into telling us that there is a problem about boats.

The three countries that ranked highest in the corporate tax haven index 2021, compiled by the Tax Justice Network, were the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and Bermuda, which is not an accolade to be proud of. Where a score of 100 is the most permissive system and zero is the least permissive, the UK itself scored a less than clever 69. Greece scored 46.4, but seven of the eight territories that scored a perfect 100— I use the word “perfect” advisedly—are British overseas territories or Crown dependencies.

The UK Government and the territory Governments held a joint ministerial council in November, but there has been no statement. Will the Minister update the House on the progress that has been made? How will that affect the December deadline?

In 2014 the Foreign Secretary, who was then Prime Minister, made a number of strides forward in addressing this issue. We on the Opposition Benches are struggling with many things, including my voice, but we can see the benefits that come from Lord Cameron’s appointment. On these matters, we very much hope that he is able to pick up where he left off when he demitted office as Prime Minister.

If not the clock, certainly my voice is telling me that it is probably time to wind things up.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

This has been a hugely useful debate on the implementation of public registers of beneficial ownership in the UK’s overseas territories and Crown dependencies. I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Barking (Dame Margaret Hodge) for securing this crucial debate and for her tireless and unrelenting work on combating illicit finance, fighting for transparency and opposing corruption. As shadow Minister for the overseas territories, I draw attention to my declaration of interest.

We have heard some important, passionate speeches, not least from my right hon. Friend. The campaigning motivations behind her speech have been clear and transparent in what she has attempted to achieve over many years, as many hon. and right hon. colleagues have reflected on.

Important points have been made, including by my hon. Friends the Members for Mitcham and Morden (Siobhain McDonagh) and for Hackney South and Shoreditch (Dame Meg Hillier), on one of the key reasons for transparency, which is understanding who owns buildings, for example, and in what way they own them. I have had the same experience in my Cardiff South and Penarth constituency, with many residents affected by fire and building safety issues having difficulty establishing who is the freeholder and how the ownership is structured.

In an equally passionate speech, my hon. Friend the Member for Wallasey (Dame Angela Eagle) clearly exposed why this matters in so many different regards. My hon. Friend the Member for Hackney South and Shoreditch also explained the importance to the public purse of dealing with these matters. My hon. Friend the Member for St Helens South and Whiston (Ms Rimmer) made an equally passionate speech about why this matters to our efforts against Russia and its illegal and barbarous war in Ukraine, and in relation to our responsibilities elsewhere in the world, including in Africa and many other locations.

We heard strong comments from the Father of the House, as well as from my hon. Friend the Member for Huddersfield (Mr Sheerman), the right hon. Member for New Forest East (Sir Julian Lewis), my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith (Andy Slaughter) and the hon. Member for Hendon (Dr Offord). The Chair of the Justice Committee, the hon. Member for Bromley and Chislehurst (Sir Robert Neill), also made important points on the constitutional position of the Crown dependencies. I am no expert on the different legal opinions that have been expressed on that matter, but I have certainly had it put to me clearly by representatives of the Crown dependencies.

As Labour’s shadow Minister for the UK overseas territories, I want to begin by reiterating our unwavering commitment to each member of our global British family, their sovereignty and their right to self-determination. We are committed to a respectful but candid, productive but principled partnership between the UK and each territory, and the same is true in many respects of the Crown dependencies. It was a pleasure to meet the premiers, Chief Ministers and representatives of each overseas territory earlier this month during the week of the joint ministerial council and to hear their insights, concerns and perspectives on issues from security to sovereignty, climate change to infrastructure, and constitutional relationships to this very issue of financial services and beneficial ownership.

As I have said in previous debates, we need to be careful that we do not pursue misconceptions about the overseas territories and Crown dependencies. Each territory and dependency is distinctive and unique. Many of the overseas territories do not engage in financial services, and this debate applies less to them. We must also recognise that steps have been taken and that there has been progress in some areas. Indeed, reference was made to the public register of beneficial ownership in Gibraltar, to the exchange of notes agreement, which has existed since 2017, and to a number of other steps that have been taken. I also want to acknowledge— I have discussed this with them over the last two years—that a number of the overseas territories, and indeed Crown dependencies, have been integral to efforts on freezing Russian state and other assets since the onset of Putin’s illegal and barbarous war in Ukraine.

However, Labour believes that being part of the British family comes with clear responsibilities. We share common values, obligations and principles, including a robust commitment to democracy, the rule of law and liberty, and the protection of human rights. We also believe in the advancement of good governance and in ensuring proper democratic accountability and regulation, which of course includes transparency in financial services.

The 2018 Foreign Affairs Committee report was referred to, and I note the comments in it and comments made today about the interdependence between proper regulation and transparency and our wider national security and foreign policy objectives. That is why we must respond to the calls made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Barking and many others today for us to tackle these issues by urgently bringing about the full implementation of public registers of beneficial ownership in the UK’s overseas territories and, I hope, Crown dependencies.

Sadly, action on economic crime has been held back by years of Conservative delay and dithering. As has been referenced, we were first promised a register of overseas ownership by Lord Cameron in 2016, and it beggars belief that we are still debating how it should be implemented.

Section 51 of the Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018 required the Secretary of State

“no later than 31 December 2020”

to

“prepare a draft Order in Council requiring the government of any British Overseas Territory that has not introduced a publicly accessible register of the beneficial ownership of companies within its jurisdiction to do so.”

Yet here we are in 2023.

We should also remember the Economic Crime (Transparency and Enforcement) Act 2022, which was passed as emergency legislation in the light of the situation in Ukraine and the need to sanction Russian state entities and others involved in the invasion. Its primary purpose included setting up a register of overseas entities and their beneficial owners and requiring overseas entities that own land in the UK to register in certain circumstances.

We have repeatedly been clear that overseas entities should not be able to hide behind trusts, and it is important to explain why that matters. A recent article by Advani, Poux and Summers from the London School of Economics tells us that

“63 per cent of cases where beneficial ownership is not publicly reported”

involve “the use of trusts”. It also states:

“The Crown Dependencies and Overseas Territories are…heavily implicated here. Over 85 per cent of all trust arrangements come from…Jersey (32 per cent), Guernsey (25 per cent), British Virgin Islands (17 per cent) and Isle of Man (11 per cent).”

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine only highlighted why we need to see who owns what and in a way that is transparent and publicly available.

We have made clear time and again the need to bring forward much-needed reforms to Companies House, alongside a review of the register of overseas entities, to ensure that the right balance is struck between privacy and the public interest, including our ability, for example, to apply sanctions effectively. Here in the UK I am afraid we have been playing a game of catch-up. We need to move forward in that respect, working co-operatively with the overseas territories and the Crown dependencies, but taking action if it has not yet been forthcoming.

The views of the British public are clear. The results of a poll for the UK Anti-Corruption Coalition show that 72% of the British public believe that the Government should take more responsibility, working with offshore financial centres to tackle money laundering and tax evasion. That will require the opening up of corporate registries to public scrutiny, and for the end-of-year deadline to be met as a matter of priority. We are seeing, as never before, a confluence of the need to ensure good governance across financial centres and our own national security.

Let me ask the Minister some questions. First, will the deadline be met—yes or no? If not, what do the FCDO and the wider Government consider to be a reasonable deadline, and what will be done to meet it? Can he clarify the position in relation to the Crown dependencies in particular, given the comments that have been made today? Obviously I have seen the statement that they have made about coming forward with a public commitment—I think that was the phrase—in relation to their approach to access to information on registers of beneficial ownership by the end of December 2023, to replace the 2019 commitment.

I was pleased to read the Joint Ministerial Council’s communiqué, which said that

“the Overseas Territories and the UK…will be establishing a technical working group on beneficial ownership…and…the implementation of publicly accessible registers”.

What is happening about that, and what support is being given to smaller territories, in particular, to enable them to make progress? What is the group doing, and how will it move forward and actually deliver results? After the November JMC, the Minister pledged that he would report to Parliament before the recess on the progress toward the deadline. Is today that day, and can he provide a precise timeline? Could he also provide an update on the status of the draft Order in Council and the circumstances in which it would be invoked? Will he tell us what percentage of business covered by the 2017 exchange of notes agreement is being covered now? I understand that in 2019 it was 87%; is it now 100%, as promised? At what speed is the information being exchanged? The Cayman Islands has told us that it does it within 24 hours; is that timeline the same in every single territory?

I hope that the Minister can answer those questions today. We want to see progress as a matter of urgency, as part of a respectful, constructive but principled relationship with our overseas territories and Crown dependencies.

[Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Nigel Evans)]

If the Minister can sit down by about two minutes to 5, that will allow Dame Margaret Hodge to sum up the debate.

South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands: Marine Protected Area

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Wednesday 22nd November 2023 Westminster Hall

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairpersonship, Dr Huq. I thank the right hon. and learned Member for South Swindon (Sir Robert Buckland) for securing this very important debate. This area has long been of interest to me. Of course, my constituency has connections with the South Atlantic, with the Terra Nova expedition having left in 1910 from Cardiff bay, where it is commemorated. There was also the Welsh involvement in the Falklands conflict; the first I heard of South Georgia was in relation to the terrible events in 1982. I am a fan of Shackleton—as I am sure many others in the room are—and have read his diaries, “South”, and “The Voyage of the James Caird”. The arrival at South Georgia and his incredible efforts along with Crean and Worsley has never left my mind.

I take a deep interest in the overseas territories, large and small. I was delighted to meet the previous chief Ministers and representatives of the overseas territories last week as they visited London for the Joint Ministerial Council. On my visit to the Falklands in November last year—I draw attention to my declaration in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests relating to that, as a shadow Minister—I had the pleasure of meeting Laura Sinclair Willis, the chief executive officer of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, and Alison Blake, who, as well as being the Governor of the Falkland Islands, serves as His Majesty’s Commissioner for South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. We discussed these issues in great detail. Indeed, at Mount Pleasant in the Falklands, I was privileged to meet RAF pilots who had conducted some of the patrol missions over South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, and they showed me the incredible footage they had taken from their A400M the week before. That was a truly special occasion.

Before I go into some of the detail, I reiterate Labour’s unwavering commitment to the UK’s overseas territories in the South Atlantic and across the world. In particular, I want to make clear our cast-iron commitment to the economic, physical and environmental security of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, and indeed every territory that makes up the global British family. We will defend their sovereignty. It is non-negotiable—end of—particularly given some comments that we have heard in the media in recent weeks.

My visit to the region underscored to me not only the relevance of the South Atlantic as a crucial area for global environmental diversity, but the competing geopolitical and economic interests in the region, which are growing only more prominent. That is why I am thankful for this debate. I am also familiar with the wildlife in the South Atlantic and, indeed, the very, very cold waters. I had the pleasure of swimming at Yorke bay with the noble Lord Hannan as the gulls watched on, and I swam with penguins at Bluff cove. I have had some very direct experiences of the incredible environment in the South Atlantic.

Very important points have been raised by right hon. and hon. Members today about a range of issues, from avian flu to the importance of krill. We have also heard about the situation facing other overseas territories in relation to their marine resources, including from the right hon. and learned Member for South Swindon. I refer to my comments about the Chagos islands and the importance of the environmental and marine sustainability in the debate we had in this place a few months ago.

Of course, the South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands marine protected area is one of the world’s largest MPAs. The full protection now covers 283,000 km and is supported by the Government there, with the aim of conserving the rich marine biodiversity while allowing sustainable fisheries. Indeed, as we have heard, the MPA harbours a quarter of the world’s penguins and breeding colonies of several species of albatross, along with Antarctic fur seals and southern elephant seals.

The UK overseas territories’ marine environments are of global significance, from Antarctica to the Caribbean, and from the Pacific to the Atlantic. They contain 94% of the unique species that the UK is responsible for and have marine areas that extend over 2% of the world’s ocean surface. Although they are negligible contributors to climate change and global warming, their unique environments are particularly vulnerable to the effects of not only rising sea levels, but climate change, rising temperatures in waters and the loss of biodiversity that comes with that. They must also be integral to the solutions we find going forward.

However, we also see the clear focus on the region by many global powers; China and Russia have been mentioned. I saw evidence of that in the presence of Chinese fishing vessels off the economic exclusion zones of the Falkland Islands—I am talking about the jiggers that pull up squid from the ocean. There were 300 Chinese vessels stationed there, operating on an industrial scale with little data sharing or other co-operation because of the wider disputes in the region, despite the very important efforts made by fisheries scientists, many of whom are based in the Falklands, and of course the excellent work of organisations such as the British Antarctic Survey.

[James Gray]

Just to clarify, the fishing vessels that the hon. Gentleman mentioned are outside the marine protected area, within which they cannot fish.

[Stephen Doughty]

Yes, absolutely, but the point that I am making is that the ambitions of, and indeed, the attempts by global powers to operate in these environments are increasing. We have seen that with the Chinese application for—

[Dr Rupa Huq (in the Chair)]

Order. The Clerk is telling me that the shadow Minister should be reaching a conclusion, in order to allow the actual Minister to speak and the response at the end by the Member who secured the debate.

[Stephen Doughty]

I will be very quick. However, I note that the SNP spokesperson, the hon. Member for Dunfermline and West Fife (Douglas Chapman), took about seven and a half minutes and I should have an equivalent length of time, if that is okay. I will be as quick as I can, because I do want the Minister to answer.

I come on to my questions for the Minister. Concerns have obviously been expressed about sustainability by Great Blue Ocean and many other organisations. Can she explain to what extent the UK’s interests and the aims and operations of CCAMLR align, and will she say how we will work to protect the region and make sure that, crucially, we make data-based decisions about the measures that are brought in?

Can the Minister explain what our ambitions in terms of climate change are and what the evidence is about how the changes in the marine environment, in particular, are affecting fishing stocks and krill stocks? There has been a mean temperature increase in South Georgia of between 0.9% and 2.3% between January and August, and 97% of glaciers have retreated. Those are really serious issues.

Can the Minister explain how we are consulting environmental and scientific experts in the region? In particular, given the nature of the governance of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, can she explain how that operates and say whether we have any plans to ensure that there is full accountability? There are obviously a lot of concerns in the Falkland Islands about how decisions are taken, a little distance away across the oceans.

The blue belt programme and all the global initiatives are absolutely critical. They enjoy our full support, but we need to make sure that we are ready and aware of the challenges to come—geopolitical, environmental and otherwise—so that we make the very best decisions to protect our crucial oceanic biodiversity and resources.

UK Sanctions Regime: Russia and Belarus

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Thursday 9th November 2023 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

(Urgent Question): To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs if he will make a statement on the effectiveness of the implementation of the UK sanctions regime against Russia and Belarus.

[The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Mr Andrew Mitchell)]

The sanctions regime is dealt with by the Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my right hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Anne-Marie Trevelyan), but I shall do my best to answer this most important question posed by the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty).

Sanctions are an important tool that we use to weaken Putin’s war effort and to underline our unyielding support for Ukraine. Britain alone has sanctioned more than 1,800 individuals and entities under the Russia sanctions regime, more than 1,600 of which have been sanctioned since Putin’s full-scale invasion. Although I cannot comment on individual cases, we are pleased that the High Court has in recent weeks recognised the Foreign Office’s expertise on deciding which persons should be sanctioned to ensure maximum effect.

We have frozen over £18 billion-worth of Russian assets through designations and over 60% of Russia’s central bank foreign reserves—assets that can no longer be funnelled back to Russia to fund its war machine. Rather than the surplus that the Russian Government predicted for 2022, Russia suffered an annual deficit of £47 billion—the second highest of the post-Soviet era. Its budget remains in deficit in 2023, despite tax increases. We have also targeted those who have enabled sanctioned persons to hide their assets in obscure and complex financial networks, and we are working to crack down on phoenix companies, which continue to operate after sanctions are imposed or which are developing fronts to avoid sanctions.

Just yesterday, we imposed 29 further sanctions targeting individuals and entities operating in and supporting Russia’s gold, oil and strategic sectors—critical sources of revenue for the Russian war machine. Those sanctions include Russia’s largest gold refiner, as well as international networks propping up Russia’s gold, oil and finance industries.

Our co-ordinated sanctions, working in line with our G7 partners, are having an impact. Without our sanctions and those of our partners, we estimate that Russia would have over $400 billion more to fund its war machine. We are starving Putin of the resources he needs to fund his illegal war on Ukraine. Sanctions are thwarting Russian access to western components and technology. Russia’s budget remains in deficit. Our oil price cap has contributed to a fall of 25% in Russian oil revenues between January and September 2023, compared with the same period in 2022, and our export bans have starved Russia of thousands of products needed for the battlefield.

His Majesty’s Government are fully aware, as Members will be, that sanctions are not static. We are constantly monitoring to see where and if they are being circumvented. Alongside our international partners, we are closing loopholes and tackling sanctions evasion, as Putin desperately scrambles to restructure the Russian economy and smuggle goods in through back channels. We will continue to isolate Russia’s financial system and support businesses that are seeking to divest from their links with Russia. We will bring forward further legislation in the coming weeks to deliver on our G7 commitments and further deprive Russia of lucrative remaining revenue sources, including banning imports of Russian diamonds and ending all imports of Russian copper, aluminium and nickel—

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Speaker]

For the record, I want to say that we had a bit of drift over earlier. We are back in a new Session. The rules are quite clear: the time limit is three minutes for the Minister, and for those who have tabled the question, it is two minutes. Please adhere to it. Do not take advantage of the Chair, because you are taking advantage of the people I represent: they are called Back Benchers.

[Stephen Doughty]

I thank the Minister for his response. He will know that there is unity across the House in standing with Ukraine, but there are serious concerns about the effectiveness of our sanctions regime. Almost two years have passed since Putin began this phase of his illegal and barbaric invasion of Ukraine, but on Monday, it was revealed by The Times that a British company has allegedly continued to ship semiconductors to Russia since Putin’s war began and that these have been identified within at least one Russian tank deployed in the conflict against Ukraine. It also reported that the company only stopped shipping to its Russian distributor after the bank refused to process payments for these exports. There are clearly serious deficiencies in the implementation of our regime that must be addressed. I had these raised with me on my recent visit to Kyiv, and I draw attention to my declaration of interests.

I would like clarity from the Minister on a number of key points. Can he confirm whether there are loopholes within our regime that continue to allow for materials to be exported to Russia and Belarus that could be used in the production of military items? Why do those omissions still exist, and what steps are being taken to deal with them?

Secondly, can he set out what assessment has been made by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and the Treasury of the existence of alleged loopholes that allow indirect imports into UK markets of Russian or Belarusian origin steel, or indeed Russian origin crude oil that has been refined in third countries? These are very serious allegations.

Thirdly, City AM revealed this week that nearly 130 UK companies have admitted breaching Russia-related sanctions as a result of a freedom of information request by the law firm Pinsent Masons. It is good that those companies have come forward voluntarily, but it shows the scale of the problem.

Finally, according to the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation, only one financial penalty has been issued regarding a sanctions breach within the Russia and Belarus sanctions regimes since February 2022, and only three penalties have been published across all UK sanctions regimes since June 2021. That compares very unfavourably with the United States and other allies, which have been issuing fines and dealing with this issue. Labour stands unshakeably with our allies in providing military, economic, diplomatic and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine in the face of Putin’s illegal invasion, but that must include a robust sanctions regime.

[Mr Mitchell]

I thank the hon. Gentleman very much for his comments—I know the revelations in the British media to which he referred at the beginning of his remarks. I will write to him today on some of the technical points he has raised, giving him a very specific answer. On the general point he has made, I can tell him that Britain has prohibited the export to Russia of thousands of products, including semiconductors, and our trade with Russia is down over 96% from pre-invasion levels. We are also providing advice to UK businesses on how to identify methods of circumvention and have shared a list of products of particular concern that could end up on the battlefield.

Oral Answers to Questions

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Tuesday 24th October 2023 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

On 27 June, this House passed Labour’s motion calling on the Government to bring forward within 90 days legislation to seize and repurpose Russian state assets for Ukraine’s recovery, but it has now been 120 days since that motion was passed and we have heard nothing but vague words. When will the Foreign Secretary do what Labour has called for and deliver what Ukraine needs by taking difficult but necessary steps to ensure that Russia pays?

[James Cleverly]

The state seizure of private assets is a serious act that we typically condemn in other countries. The Government have made it absolutely clear that the people who are responsible for brutalising Ukraine will ultimately pay for its reconstruction.

Freedom of Religion and Belief

Stephen Doughty Excerpts

Tuesday 19th September 2023 Westminster Hall

[Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairpersonship, Mr Hollobone. I thank the hon. Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce), the special envoy, for securing the debate. I thank all colleagues for their contributions and all the organisations that many of us have drawn on. As the hon. Member for Glasgow North (Patrick Grady) said, they do such important work, often in very dangerous circumstances, bringing the truth to light about some truly horrific situations around the world.

I thank the special envoy in particular for her powerful opening speech and for highlighting the growing trend of clampdowns on freedom of religion or belief across the world in many different contexts, including by states. She was right to highlight not only the situation of the Uyghur Muslims in China, which we often hear about, but the persecution that has gone on in Tibet, not least of Tibetan Buddhists. The horrific circumstances there include the state monitoring of monasteries and the use of facial recognition cameras, restricting people’s practice of their beliefs. She was also right to highlight the Bishop of Truro’s important report, which we have debated many times in this place.

The hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), who is always a powerful advocate on these issues, was absolutely right to draw attention to the situation in Pakistan. The right hon. Member for Chipping Barnet (Theresa Villiers) raised important concerns about Cyprus, which have also been raised with me; I saw some of that with my own eyes on my visit there. My hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Preet Kaur Gill) is always a powerful advocate on these issues as well, and she rightly highlighted the dangers of social media and disinformation in spreading intolerance and hatred. My hon. Friend the Member for Newport West (Ruth Jones) raised the situation in Nepal, and the hon. Member for Glasgow North rightly raised the situation in Iran, particularly for women.

All those examples and the others that we have heard about show the real concerns about the clampdown and the trends that we see globally. There is huge concern across the House about these issues and a desire for the Government and the United Kingdom to play a role in promoting freedom of religion or belief not only domestically, but globally through our diplomatic networks and other engagements, including sometimes difficult conversations with allies and friends about issues in their own countries. We have a crucial role in that as a leading member of the United Nations Security Council and many other bodies, including the Human Rights Council.

We all know that the 1948 declaration of human rights states that everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and freedom to choose, change and practise their own belief or faith—or, indeed, not to profess one. In their most recent survey, in 2020, the special rapporteur found that legal restrictions on freedom of religion or belief have increased in recent years, including restrictions on the freedom to worship publicly, the operation of humanitarian agencies and associations, the appointment of faith leaders and access to education.

We know that in many cases the greatest persecutors and inhibitors of such freedom can be states themselves. The special rapporteur said that

“states employ a range of extra-legal measures that violate freedom of religion or belief, which also serve to delegitimise and stigmatise certain religious or belief groups.”

As we have heard on a number of occasions, the rising intolerance of authoritarian regimes throughout the world is supplemented by the increasing use of technology as a means of state-sponsored repression and the increased adoption and implementation of anti-blasphemy laws and the criminalisation of apostasy.

[Rehman Chishti]

The hon. Gentleman mentions the role of authoritarian states, but what about democratic states? The House of Commons Library briefing dated 8 September contains a question by the special envoy to the Second Church Estates Commissioner, in which she referenced the killing of about 100 people, and the displacement of 50,000, in Manipur in India. We have a strategic foreign policy objective of prosperity, security and values, and we have engagement with the Indo-Pacific region on security, but then we have issues in a democratic state with regard to religious minorities. How would the hon. Gentleman go about addressing those challenges and engaging with a country as important for the United Kingdom as India? What levers would he use?

[Stephen Doughty]

We have to have a robust, honest and candid dialogue with our closest friends and allies. Indeed, a number of those have already been mentioned, and I will go on to mention a number of them myself. It is incumbent on us to have those conversations when there are clear concerns. The hon. Gentleman mentioned several countries, but there are a number of democracies around the world where we see these issues.

[Jim Shannon]

The hon. Gentleman is right. Further to the intervention by the hon. Member for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti), there are ways of doing this; I indicated that in my speech, as did others. We can tie human rights and freedom of religious belief in with aid. We give India and Pakistan substantial aid, as we do other parts of the world. If we make that conditional, we can effect some change.

[Stephen Doughty]

Indeed, there have always been, as far as I understand it, partnership principles in giving UK official development assistance. It is important that all those are considered when we engage with countries, even those that are friends and allies or might be rightly receiving assistance for other reasons. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom identified 16 countries of particular concern in 2023 and recommended 11 countries for a special watchlist. In 10 countries, the crime of apostasy is potentially punishable by death in all or part of the state, and there are seven countries where blasphemy potentially carries the same sentence.

We have heard about persecution of lots of different faiths. It will be too difficult to do justice to all of them, but let me highlight a few instances. On persecution against Christians, according to Open Doors, more than 360 million Christians worldwide suffer high levels of persecution and discrimination for their faith. That is a staggering one in seven believers. In Sudan, the ongoing political unrest has led to an intensification of anti-Christian sentiment. We have seen a horrific situation in Afghanistan under the Taliban, with the Christians who remain in the country pushed into hiding; those who are discovered could face the penalty of death. We have seen the expulsion from Nicaragua of the Missionaries of Charity, founded by St Teresa of Calcutta, and the religious of the Cross of the Sacred Heart of Jesus without due process.

In Egypt, there are reports that authorities have continued to prosecute and imprison Christians and other religious minorities. Jihadist violence continues to wreak havoc and horror in northern Nigeria, where a horrific attack in June last year saw 41 people killed at the St Francis Xavier Catholic Church in Owo. In Myanmar, pastor Hkalam Samson remains in prison for his religious beliefs. The sad fact is that I could go on and on, but there is simply not enough time to speak to the number of situations where Christians face persecution.

On the persecution of Jews, antisemitism is utterly abhorrent and I know that all hon. Members will condemn it in all its manifestations. The most recent report from the special rapporteur, in 2019, stated clearly that

“in many States antisemitic harassment is significantly underreported. Nevertheless, reports of hostility, discrimination and violence motivated by antisemitism have increased in many parts of the world.”

Eighty-five per cent of respondents

“felt that antisemitism was a serious problem in their respective countries, 34 per cent reported that they avoided visiting Jewish events or sites because of safety concerns, and 38 per cent had considered emigrating because they did not feel safe as Jews.”

The UK has a critical role to play both at home and abroad, whether on the desecration of cemeteries, on attacks and killings at synagogues or on the daily persecution and discrimination that so many Jewish people face around the world.

On the persecution of Muslims, the appalling treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang and of the Rohingya in Myanmar are high-profile cases, but we have seen that in many other places. India, Pakistan and Bangladesh are all rich and diverse societies, but we must all continue to raise concerns about religious freedom wherever necessary and urge the leadership of those countries to ensure that the right to freedom of religion is fully respected, whoever happens to be in the minority. We unequivocally condemn recent incidents of Koran burning and other attacks on Muslim communities. Indeed, I have stood alongside Muslim communities in my own constituency when they have faced violence and intimidation from the far right and neo-Nazis, with swastikas sprayed in their communities and acts of violence towards mosques and Muslims in my local area.

We also see violence against Hindus. In 2020, Dipti Rani Das, a teenager from the Hindu minority in Bangladesh, was arrested for a Facebook post, taken to a detention facility and held for 16 months. She faced up to seven years in jail for “hurting religious sentiment”. Whatever the rights and wrongs of her post, that is an extraordinarily draconian approach to take to an under-age individual. Amnesty and others successfully campaigned for her eventual release, but huge concerns remain.

Of course, there is also persecution of Sikhs. We saw a horrific assault on two Sikh businessmen in Peshawar, Pakistan, in May 2022. Afghanistan, under Taliban rule, has seen the near extinction of the Sikh community, which goes back to the 15th century. Until the 1980s, there was a vibrant community of 300,000 Sikhs, who played a critical role in the economy. It is now believed that their number is down to 200 people in hiding, as many have fled the brutality of the Taliban. Sadly, we know that humanists, atheists and those with no religious beliefs also face continued persecution, and we have discussed many such cases in the House.

I want to ask the Minister a few specific questions, given the horrific record that we have heard about today. First, it was good to see that the G20 communiqué specifically highlighted UN General Assembly resolution 318, particularly its

“commitment to promote respect for religious and cultural diversity, dialogue and tolerance”,

but can the Minister outline why this issue did not feature in the G7’s communiqué and whether the UK, as a leading member of the G7, the Security Council and other bodies, will ensure that we use all forums to highlight these issues?

Secondly, what steps are being taken more broadly to ensure that freedom of religion is prioritised internally? We have heard different suggestions about how that might be done, particularly in our bilateral conversations with friends and allies. We need to ensure that freedom of religion is central to our diplomatic and economic engagement.

Finally, could the Minister explain how the Government continue to engage with diaspora, civil society and religious communities here in the UK on setting priorities? They often have critical insight and intelligence about what is happening and the experiences of those within their faith communities, and it is critical that the Government engage with them.

I am privileged to represent a constituency with huge religious diversity. At the last count, I think I had eight mosques, three Hindu temples, a Sikh gurdwara and a Jewish synagogue. There is every type of Christianity, from Greek Orthodox through to Nigerian Pentecostal, Catholic, protestant—you name it. One of my predecessors, who is a Member of the Senedd, is a humanist celebrant. Cardiff South and Penarth is a place of huge religious diversity and tolerance, going back to our history as a port city, and I am really proud of some of the interfaith work that goes on. When we have had difficulties and there have been threats to people, the community has responded. Sadly, however, we do not see that in so many situations and countries around the world. The UK has a critical role to play, and I hope to hear from the Minister what steps we are taking to ensure that we uphold the UN declaration and the fundamental principles that we have all espoused today.