PIP Breast Implants

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Monday 30th January 2023 Commons Chamber

[Fleur Anderson (Putney) (Lab)]

I know, Mr Deputy Speaker, that despite this late hour you will be very interested to hear the shocking story I am about to tell, in this first ever parliamentary debate on a health scandal that is affecting at least 47,000 women across this country in one way or another. When I told people that I had secured this debate, it seemed that most, like me, remembered stories about the breast implant scandal from quite a few years ago. Like them, I thought the issue had been dealt with, and that the women had been recalled and supported, and the breast implants removed if necessary. But no.

A few months ago, local resident Jan Spivey from Putney came to my surgery with her shocking story. She is a victim of the Poly Implant Prothèse breast implant scandal, and she has had years of illness as a result. She also leads the national PIP Action Campaign, and I will start by thanking Jan, Louise, Wendy and Diane for all the work they have done to lead the campaign. I also thank all the women who wrote to me in advance of this debate telling me their stories, the relatives of the young women who have died as a result of this scandal, and the journalists who have exposed it.

Doctors estimate that, unless action is taken, there will be a peak of implant-related cancer deaths in 2026. Thousands of women and their families have been failed, by the implant companies that knew they were dangerous; by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, which should never have allowed it to happen; by the medical clinics that restructured to avoid their duty of care towards PIP patients, and got away with it; and by the Government, who failed to take action over a decade ago when all the evidence was there. This just makes me angry. This is a women’s health issue, and I do not think it would have happened if it was men who had been affected. I think action would have been taken by now, but instead women have been suffering and dying in silence.

PIP stands for Poly Implant Prothèse, which was once the third biggest supplier of breast implants in the world, making an estimated 2 million sets of implants over 20 years. Following reports of abnormally high rupture rates, it was found in 2010 that the manufacturer had been filling implants with a sub-standard silicone gel made of a cocktail of chemicals intended for mattresses and not cleared for human use. The company went into liquidation in 2010, and its founder, Jean-Claude Mas, was convicted of aggravated fraud and sentenced to four years in prison in 2013. The French Government offered to pay for the removal and replacement of all PIP implants fitted in France, and after a decade-long battle, in 2021 a French court ruled that 2,500 victims are owed compensation. At the same time, 47,000 women in the UK have had PIP implants, but they have not been contacted to be told about the risks. Some have been offered and undergone removal, but many more have not been told about the risks of other illnesses and the links to cancer. They have not had the options.

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

I am incredibly grateful to my hon. Friend for securing this debate, because I do not think the general public know of the risk. But those 47,000 women do know, so does she share my concern that the mental health toll that is putting on them is almost as bad as the health risks they have?

[Fleur Anderson]

I absolutely agree. Someone knowing that they potentially have a ticking time bomb inside their body that might be causing poison is extremely worrying and causes huge anxiety. Many women have also not been told about the impact. For example, they have not been told by their GP of the links between having that in their body, and what they are experiencing.

Victims have reported a range of mental and physical health issues, including extreme pain, inflammation, headaches, infections, anxiety, digestive issues, sight issues, severe exhaustion and low energy. Many women suffered for years before realising that their health issues were a direct result of their faulty implants. GPs often are not putting the two together, and there is not the right information for them. One woman—she is an example of the many stories I heard—told me:

“I had the PIP implants placed in January 2009. Within a very short time I suffered from shortness of breath, heart palpitations, extreme fatigue, and my joints were swelling up to name a few symptoms. I was in and out of hospital for breathing difficulties and pains in my chest. At no stage were any of my symptoms ever recognised and I was told to take painkillers or, ‘It’s just your age’. I had the implants replaced in 2013 at my expense from the same company because they would not take any responsibility.”

She still has most of the capsules from the PIP implants, and she believes that they are still affecting her today. Her health has been compromised and the hazardous chemicals that remain inside her chest have taken a toll on her quality of life.

Women said to me that they were told that their implants were water-based and absolutely safe, and then they were not being listened to about their illness. They were often misdiagnosed and in so much pain. One woman told me of her “17 years of hell”, including that she could barely walk for two years. She also had sight loss and digestive issues. She felt that she was slowly dying inside from 2004, when the implants were put in. That was until September 2021, when the capsules were removed and she had her life back.

A serious impact is the link with cancer called breast implant-associated anaplastic large cell lymphoma, which is a rare type of cancer of the immune system. Susan Grieve, a mother of two young children, was the first person in the UK to have been recorded as dying from BIA-ALCL in 2013. As of 31 December 2021, the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency has received 81 reports of confirmed BIA-ALCL. My first ask of the Minister is to review the link with cancer and to review the NHS website guidance. A long list of peer-reviewed papers—too long to include in my speech—evidences the link with cancer in the UK and internationally. However, the NHS website mentions six times that there is no cause for concern for women with PIP implants. It does say that there is a high risk of rupturing, but it should clearly explain the link with cancer to avoid GPs and PIP victims missing that important link and making a diagnosis too late.

One such diagnosis came too late for 36-year-old Lydia Bennett, who died from BIA-ALCL in 2019. Lydia’s family were not informed that she had died from breast cancer until 2022. The MHRA set up the plastic, reconstructive and aesthetic surgery expert advisory group and, based on the group’s advice, issued several medical device alerts stating that patients undergoing breast implants for any reason should be warned about BIA-ALCL before the operation. However, that does not go far enough. By contrast, in 2021 the US Food and Drug Administration made the links clear and placed so-called “black box” labels on breast implants, warning that they have been linked to a host of chronic medical conditions including autoimmune disease, joint pain, mental confusion, muscle aches and chronic fatigue, as well as to lymphoma.

In replying to my written questions on concerns about PIP implants last November, the Minister cited two reports from the MHRA in 2010 and 2012, which seemed to be the basis for deciding that there was not a risk and putting that guidance on the website. However, so much more evidence has come to light since then. Does she have a view on the new evidence and why that has not been taken into account? Evidence buried away on the website contradicts the view that people with PIP breast implants do not need to worry. The risks are clear and well evidenced, and women should be told the truth.

My second ask is that there needs to be a register, and it needs to be used. The Government’s initial response to the scandal in 2010 was to issue a medical device alert to all UK clinicians and cosmetic surgery providers, asking them to cease use of the implants but not proactively to offer advice, removal or support for women who had had the implants. That support has fallen short ever since. The Government conducted the Howe report into PIP breast implants in 2012 as well as the Keogh review of the wider system of regulation for cosmetic interventions and whether a breast implant registry could be put in place. Both reviews promised action that has not been taken, and neither addressed the need to recall the PIP implants and let women know about the risks, let alone went into the area of compensation for the women affected.

All the women affected should be on a register and should be contacted proactively. There is no central register now. Since 2016 there has been a breast and cosmetic implant registry, which collects data for England and Scotland, but the problem is that it does not include women who had their PIP implants removed or replaced up until 2016. In the Government’s February 2014 response to the Keogh review, three recommendations were singled out for agreement, one of which was

“creating a breast implant registry to reassure women that if problems arise they can be contacted, kept informed and called in for treatment if necessary”.

Even the limited new register has not been used to proactively contact all women on the register to offer them medical check-ups, advise them of the links with cancer and other illnesses and, if suitable, offer them removal of implants.

Officially, as I think the Minister is about to tell me, anyone who has a PIP breast implant can request that it be removed, but that has not been the experience for many women with PIP implants—even those who know that their implants have ruptured. Many applications have been turned down, leaving women with a ticking time bomb in their body. They are unable to afford to get their implants removed privately, are worried that they will rupture further, and are experiencing clear side effects. Not only are they suffering through no fault of their own, but they are costing the NHS more because of the treatments that are needed.

Another shocking fact is that for those PIP victims who had their implants privately, all the major clinics that treated them have avoided paying compensation by “financially restructuring”—changing their name and reopening with another name on the same premises, with the same staff and the same medical records for the same patients. How can that be allowed? I know that many women affected by the issue will be watching or reading this debate; I urge them to contact the patient safety commissioner and tell her what they have experienced.

I know that the Minister was not in post when the scandal initially happened, but the support that victims are receiving now can be changed. I know that she is professionally experienced in the area, and I thank her for her interest so far. I fervently hope that she will take a personal interest in looking into the scandal and the reality of how women affected can be supported. I hope that justice can be done, and that the deaths from cancer that have been predicted can be prevented. I ask the Minister to follow up on this debate by meeting me and members of the PIP Action Campaign group.

I will end with a list of nine actions that I would like the Government to take—I have quite a few more questions, but I will save them for our meeting. First, in the light of this scandal, will the Government please review and act on the Paterson inquiry and the Cumberlege review and their recommendations about patient information, complaints, recall, ongoing care and compensation? Secondly, will they please look at funding research into BIA-ALCL and creating and maintaining a national tissue bank of BIA-ALCL cases, including full genome sequencing, as recommended by the plastic, reconstructive and aesthetic surgery expert advisory group? Thirdly, will they please ask the MHRA to further investigate the evidence of the cancer link and change its guidance accordingly?

Fourthly, will the Government change the guidance on their website to give women all the information they need? Fifthly, will they change the guidance on the implants themselves so that they carry stronger warnings? Sixthly, will they set up a register for all women affected and proactively use it to offer them a full medical check-up and advice about their implants and tell them about all the risks of cancer and all other illnesses?

Seventhly, will the Government offer women removal of the implant and capsules? I know that that surgery carries risks, and that there is a balance of risk to be reached, but women need information and options. Eighthly, will the Government pursue companies for compensation for the women affected and stop the loophole that allows companies to shut down in one name without being liable and then carry on operating in the same building with the same patients? Lastly, will they hold an inquiry into how the whole scandal happened, so that the best support and treatment can be given now to women who were affected, and so that this can never happen again?

I am grateful to the Minister for the interest that she has taken in the matter. I hope that this debate will be the start of real action, taken at speed, to make up for the years of failure.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Health and Social Care (Maria Caulfield)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Putney (Fleur Anderson) on securing this important debate. Let me begin by expressing my sympathy for the women who have suffered as a result of exposure to substandard PIP implants.

As soon as it was found that PIP had fraudulently changed the filler material used in its implants, they were withdrawn from use in the United Kingdom, back in 2010. It is true—as with all medical devices—that there are some risks associated with any breast implant, but the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, the UK regulator for medicines and medical devices, monitors all incidences reported to it, ensuring that they are investigated fully and any necessary action is taken. At the time, the MHRA worked with the NHS and other health partners to ensure that this specific issue was thoroughly investigated. It has undertaken extensive engagement work with PIP campaign groups such as PIP Action Campaign, and is committed to ongoing engagement with affected patients.

PIP implants were found to involve a higher risk of rupture than other implants, with a rupture rate roughly twice that of other types of implant. Ruptures often lead to unpleasant symptoms such as pain, hardness of the breast and swollen lymph glands, as well as many other side-effects to which the hon. Lady referred, although there is no evidence that ruptured implants—PIP implants or other types of implant—can cause serious long-term health risks.

[Sarah Champion]

I thank the Minister for engaging with this topic. I am aware that she knows about the field. Can she please explain why, more than a decade ago, both France and Sweden withdrew this device and facilitated the change in the process?

[Maria Caulfield]

I will come on to that. As I said earlier, we stopped the use of these implants immediately in 2010. As for the 47,000 women who were given PIP implants, mainly in private clinics, they are now able to come forward and have those implants removed on the NHS if their doctors agree. Many women have done that, either to avoid the risk of rupture or to prevent it from happening if they fear that it might.

The hon. Lady asked for an inquiry. As she mentioned, independent reviews have been conducted, expertly led by Lord Howe in 2012 and by Sir Bruce Keogh in 2012 and 2013. The Department has led a programme of work to ensure that the recommendations from all those reviews have been implemented, including a set of actions to prevent this from happening again. We have ensured that cosmetic surgery is effectively regulated, and that only doctors who are registered with the General Medical Council can perform surgical procedures. We have introduced a number of measures requiring all surgeons offering cosmetic procedures to follow the guidelines. The Care Quality Commission now has a duty to rate and assess the performance of providers of surgical cosmetic procedures to ensure that they meet fully the standards of safety and quality expected of them, and enforcement action is taken when they do not.

As the hon. Lady also mentioned, the Breast and Cosmetic Implant Registry was established in 2016. It collects detailed information on every implant, so that affected women can be traced and contacted in the event of a product recall or safety concern. The difficulty involved in doing that retrospectively is that many of the procedures took place in private clinics where there was no access to that information, either because it was not recorded at the time or because it was recorded but difficult to access. However, the registry covers both the NHS and the private sector, so that would not happen today, and it covers England, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

The lessons learned from the work on PIP and the recommendations made by Baroness Cumberlege in her report on medical devices have been used to drive wider-ranging improvements. NHS England now has speciality-level clinical steering boards for the top 10 medical devices implanted, which represent around 80% of the implants now used. The boards drive forward improvements for implants used in a range of medical devices, and are developing the medical device registry to ensure that the relevant patients can be traced and contacted if problems exist.

The MHRA intends to further drive forward this issue by improving the traceability of medical devices through the unique device identifier and implant cards. Again, those were not available when the incidents happened. The Medicines and Medical Devices Act 2021 introduced powers to allow the MHRA to improve transparency on medical device safety issues. As the hon. Lady indicated, we now have the plastic, reconstructive and aesthetic surgery expert advisory group, which looks for future issues around implants or other medical devices used in aesthetic surgery in a way that was not available back in 2010.

The breast cancer element is important for women to know. I take the hon. Lady's point about making that information more readily available. I also take her point about the black box labels that the FDA is using in the US, to see if we need to improve the information available for women. Any breast implant has the potential to cause a very rare form of non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma called breast implant-associated anaplastic large cell lymphoma. It is not breast cancer but a rare form of non-Hodgkin lymphoma that grows in response to the body’s reaction to a breast implant. It is not specifically related to PIP; there is a small risk from any breast implant. The MHRA has issued guidance for people with breast implants, but I take the hon. Lady’s point that women need to be informed of that small risk when deciding to go for a cosmetic procedure. We will follow up on that after this debate.

Steel Safeguards

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Wednesday 29th June 2022 Commons Chamber

[Anne-Marie Trevelyan]

Sadly, I must decline the invitation as my diary precludes it today, for pretty much the same reason as this morning. I will be working with international partners to ensure these clear and temporary safeguards are understood by our WTO partners and can be used as a springboard to support our steel industry to think about how it can transform to be important and successful globally.

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

Protecting British steel from unfair competition is, of course, welcome, but we need more to safeguard the industry itself. Will the Secretary of State explain what the Government are doing to protect the sector as a whole? I am particularly interested in Liberty Steel in my constituency, regardless of the broader issues in the sector.

[Anne-Marie Trevelyan]

The hon. Lady, with whom I have worked on many issues, is a doughty champion of all in her constituency, including Liberty Steel. We will continue to work with all steel producers through the DIT and across Government to make sure we drive forward solutions not only on high energy prices, on which there are a number of sources of support for the steel industry, but on making sure we have the best steel we need, produced in the UK, as we move towards net zero. It is a strategically crucial industry for us. Our producers need to be able not only to produce what our downstream users need, but to export some of the finest steel production in the world to the rest of the world, where it is needed. Having been able to remove the section 232 tariffs, we are now going to see some of our high-end steel production back in the US market. That is important to the US, because some of the stuff it imports we make here, and it needs it. So we are going to continue to work to ensure that those flows—imports and exports—are as they should be and are part of the free and fair trade that the steel industry needs to have.

Protecting Britain’s Steel Industry

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Monday 21st June 2021 Commons Chamber

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

The decision whether to extend safeguards in steel production is the first real test of the UK’s independent trade policy. As of today, it is a test that the Government have woefully failed. The recommendation of TRID, now confirmed by the TRA, is a crushing blow to the UK steel industry, coming at a time when it faces myriad challenges, both long and short term. The recommendation will leave almost half of all UK-produced steel production categories and a third of UK-produced steel by volume at the mercy of import surges, with devastating consequences. The interconnected nature of the industry means that those consequences will be felt across the sector.

Both the US and the EU are almost certain to extend their own safeguards. In contrast, Britain stands ready to open up our own markets, leaving import challenges inevitable; at the same time, our exports will face substantial tariff barriers, placing UK-produced steel at a huge disadvantage in the global markets. For years, the Government have blamed EU rules for their own failure to provide the UK steel industry with the backing it deserves. Now, free from those rules, rather than fighting to protect our industries, the Government are using steel as the canary in the coalmine.

This decision could not come at a worse time for the industry. In Rotherham, my constituents face profound uncertainty. The crisis that has engulfed Liberty Steel has placed steel production in the town in jeopardy. Steel is central to our local economy. With more than 900 Liberty staff based in Rotherham and many more workers in the steel supply chains, its loss would be a colossal blow, but more is at stake than the economic impact. Steel is integral to our town’s identity, its pride, its heritage. Although there has been some good news recently, with Liberty reiterating its commitment to the Aldwarke plant, the decision to seek a buyer for its specialist steels arms, which include the Brinsworth narrow strip mill, is a cause of real concern.

To date, the Government have done little more than keep a watching brief. We cannot allow this to continue. The Government must play an active role to make sure that our industry is secure.

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Rosie Winterton)]

We now go via videolink to Grahame Morris. To reiterate, if he speaks for less than three minutes, we will get more people in.

Global Britain

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Monday 11th January 2021 Commons Chamber

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab) [V]]

2021 is a pivotal year for the UK on the global stage: we will host the COP26 climate change summit; assume presidency of the G7; co-lead the action coalition on gender-based violence; and undertake a new chapter, having exited the EU. Against that backdrop, I await the findings of the Government’s integrated review of international policy, which provides an opportunity to clarify what the UK stands for internationally, and how we will hope to lead and achieve on the global stage not just through trade.

First and foremost, our development policy should be underpinned by a core commitment to tackling poverty among the poorest communities. The pandemic has meant that that commitment is needed now much more than ever. The World Bank estimates that covid-19 will push about another 100 million people into poverty, reversing hard-won gains. I am therefore concerned by the absence of an explicit commitment to tackling poverty in the Government’s new strategic framework.

Our aid policy should enable communities in developing countries to lead and shape their own development, using their own knowledge of what works best at local level to create long-lasting change. For example, local women’s rights organisations are grounded in their communities, with long-standing and trusted relationships. Their work is strategic, lasting and cost-effective. The United Nations Population Fund estimates that the pandemic will lead to an additional 2 million female genital mutilation cases and 13 million child marriages, so their work is needed more now than ever. To ensure that the Government meet their own commitments on girls’ education, global Britain must mean leadership on addressing violence against women and girls, which is a key barrier to girls globally accessing education in the first place. I was saddened when Baroness Sugg stepped down, but I admire her reasons for doing so. Can the Government confirm when her important role on gender equality will be filled?

In 2018, just 0.3% of UK aid was spent on ending violence against women and girls globally. We can and must do more. Alongside greater funding, there needs to be a robust framework to guide the Government’s work on gender equality. I urge the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to adopt and use the Department for International Development’s strategic vision for gender equality.

The UK needs to advocate for a world that respects internationally agreed rules and practices, including respecting human rights and the rule of law. We must call out the actions of those who break these rules, whether the Ugandan Government’s treatment of opposition politician Bobi Wine, or threats to human rights defenders in Colombia. Perhaps one of the greatest tests of this is our relationship with China. In Hong Kong, the rights and freedoms of citizens continue to be eroded following the introduction of the national security law. We need to work with like-minded international partners to stand up to these abuses and support pro-democracy campaigners.

European Union (Withdrawal) Act

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Monday 14th January 2019 Commons Chamber

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

Rotherham voted overwhelmingly to leave the EU, and I take very seriously my job to represent my constituency. I want to support this deal, but I cannot currently as it has fundamental flaws—not least, that it omits protections of workers’ rights. The political declaration is vague and non-binding. It is not a framework for a future trade deal.

To vote for the deal, I would need some assurances that are in the Government’s gift and do not require extending negotiations with the EU. My principal concerns are about women’s rights, equality and human rights. What will the Government do to ensure that those are protected?

Let me give some examples of the EU rights that we need to see. Under the working time directive, 2 million workers gained entitlements to paid annual leave and many were women working part-time. There are the pregnancy and maternity rights at work and the work-life balance directive. I turn specifically to violence against women and girls: how will the UK replicate the VAWG protections and sustained funding currently provided by the EU? European protection orders grant victims of violence equivalent protection orders against a perpetrator across the EU. Those will no longer automatically be available to the UK after Brexit unless the Government commit to opt in to the protection after 2020.

When will the Government actually ratify the Istanbul convention? Fundamentally, what measures will they take to ensure that we are keeping pace with the EU in maintaining gender equality? There is a precedent. We are currently members of the United Nations convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, under which each member state reports on the progress that it has made in respect of implementation targets. Will the Government agree to monitor and report on our standing on equality and human rights in relation to EU legislation? The House could then debate the report, and a commitment could be made to update our legislation if that was the will of the House.

Let me now say something about human rights, and specifically about the charter of fundamental rights of the European Union. On the Government’s current terms, as the UK leaves the EU the charter will no longer have effect in UK law, and the rights for which it provides are therefore are at risk. I know the Government do not think that removing it will affect substantive rights, but the Equality and Human Rights Commission disagrees. Last year its chair said:

“The Government has promised there will be no rowing back on people’s rights after Brexit. If we lose the charter protections, that promise will be broken. It will cause legal confusion and there will be gaps in the law. ”

The reason the charter is so important is that it gives rights to us all. It gives us the right to dignity, and the right to the protection of personal data and health. It gives protections to workers, women, children, older people, LGBT people, and disabled people. I understand why the Government do not want to adopt the charter—it has the potential to override Acts of Parliament—but we should not be afraid of that. As we have seen in the case of universal credit, it is possible for the Government to get things wrong, and the safeguard provided by the charter is an excellent safety net from which we should all seek comfort.

There are a number of charter rights for which UK law does not provide equivalent protection. They include articles 20 and 21, on “Equality before the law” and “Non-discrimination”, and article 24, on the right of children for their “best interests” to be “a primary consideration” in all actions taken by a public or private institution. The charter also contains an explicit prohibition of discrimination based on someone’s sexuality. I urge the Minister to take that point seriously.

Oral Answers to Questions

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Thursday 6th July 2017 Commons Chamber

[Justine Greening]

I think that we can be proud of the work that this country is doing, not just here at home, but internationally, to beat the drum for women’s economic empowerment. In fact, alongside the work that we have been part of at the UN, this week the Prime Minister will attend the G20 summit in Germany, where women’s economic empowerment will be a priority, and we will keep on being a champion of that.

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

The Minister will be aware of the levels of persecution, intolerance and hate crime towards transgender people. Can she therefore confirm whether she has plans to develop a new transgender action plan, in line with the previous response to the Women and Equalities Committee? Also, do the Government plan to conduct a review of the Gender Recognition Act 2004?

Oral Answers to Questions

Sarah Champion Excerpts

Thursday 23rd March 2017 Commons Chamber

[Caroline Nokes]

The hon. Lady will recall that there was a debate on this subject in Westminster Hall in October. I am aware that there have been repeated requests for further scrutiny and debate on this subject, and the usual channels have considered them.

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

I associate myself with the Minister’s comments about PC Keith Palmer. We will always owe a debt of gratitude to him and our hearts bleed for his family.

From 6 April, new mothers will not be able to claim tax credit or universal credit for their third child. What communications has the Minister had with women who are pregnant now to tell them that they face an unexpected drop in income because of this Government’s choices?

[Caroline Nokes]

Of course, the hon. Lady will know that no existing family will be a cost loser as a result of this policy. We consulted widely on the exceptions and how to implement them, and we have worked hard with Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs to make sure that information is available to all staff who have to communicate the policy.

--- Later in debate ---

[Justine Greening]

Absolutely. The Department for Transport set out an ambition for women to represent at least 20% of new entrants to engineering and technical apprenticeships in the transport sector by 2020. My right hon. Friend the Minister for Apprenticeships and Skills visited the Crossrail Academy recently. The academy is exceeding the target: 27% of its apprentices are female.

[Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)]

Some 54,000 women are forced out of work due to maternity discrimination. Will the Government look at reducing the extortionate fees for employment tribunals, and will the Minister specifically look at extending the time for application from three months to six months?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Women and Equalities (Caroline Dinenage)]

We are consulting on proposals to extend the support that is available under the help with fees schemes. We propose that the gross monthly income threshold for a full fee remission should increase to £1,250, which is broadly the level of the national minimum wage.