Future Government Spending

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Wednesday 4th March 2015 Commons Chamber

[Tom Greatrex]

Many people in my constituency who were out of work and are now in work are employed on zero-hours contracts—as I said, contracts that make them wait for a text message at the start of the week to find out whether they will get any hours that week. They have variable levels of hours from week to week. It does not involve simply doing a top-up job or an additional job. In many cases, this provides these people’s main source of income, and these contracts have increased over the last five years. That is the reality, and the hon. Gentleman should be ashamed that his Government have failed to tackle it. It is a disgrace that this is where we are in the 21st century—and that is exactly where we are at present.

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

Will my hon. Friend give way?

[Tom Greatrex]

I will, but for the last time.

[Sandra Osborne]

My hon. Friend will be aware of the thousands of people using food banks in our constituencies up and down the country—and many of the people using them are in work.

[Tom Greatrex]

Indeed. My hon. Friend makes a very important point—that many of the people accessing and using food banks are the same people who are increasingly reliant on in-work benefits. They are not out of work or seeking to be in work, but the hourly wages they receive are not enough to heat their homes or put food on the table for their families. That is a notable feature of the economy at present.

--- Later in debate ---

[Stewart Hosie]

It is a Labour motion, and I might not even support it. I am merely pointing out that the Tory party told us that the current account would be back in the black, but it is not. We are borrowing almost £80 billion this year. The Tories’ austerity programme has failed.

We need to reduce debt to a prudent level, with the Government of the day specifying what is or is not prudent, depending on the circumstances. A second principle should be that, once debt is reduced, the Government should maintain a balanced budget on average over the medium to long term, not in a way that would prevent them from implementing the steps they believed necessary to achieve their long-term objective, but in order to afford them the flexibility to deal with external shocks over the medium term.

A third principle is that the Government should achieve and maintain a level of net worth that provides a buffer against unforeseen factors. A fourth calls on the Government to manage fiscal risks prudently. A fifth principle is that the Government should pursue policies consistent with a reasonable degree of predictability about the level and stability of tax rates. That is incredibly important, because the tax system, tax rates and tax certainty form a vital component of fiscal stability and fiscal responsibility.

[Sandra Osborne]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Stewart Hosie]

I am sorry; I have given way already, and we are time-limited.

The motion also calls for a programme to get the current account into surplus and to get the national debt falling as a share of GDP as soon as possible. In principle, I agree with that, but my party wants to see an explicit end to austerity because, as the hon. Member for Rutherglen and Hamilton West (Tom Greatrex) pointed out, people have suffered enough already. That is why we have set out a plan for a modest real-terms increase in departmental spending that would deliver £180 billion of investment in the next Parliament. Our plan would result in the deficit coming down, from 3.4% to 3%, 2.5% and 2.1% of GDP from 2016-17. It is a plan that would see the national debt fall as a share of GDP, albeit on a different, more shallow trajectory. It is a plan that would in the first year, 2016-17, not see £23 billion of extra Tory-Liberal cuts, but £25 billion of investment. We think that is extremely sensible, and it ties in to what the Chief Secretary said about active government and what difference that and the Government’s investment can make.

The motion also calls for

“sensible reductions in public spending”.

Our plan is to see a modest increase in departmental spending. Although I would most certainly accept a sensible reduction in spending on Trident and its replacement—a policy apparently supported by three quarters of Labour candidates—that is not on offer today. Sadly, what Labour appears to have proposed is no more than keeping to the Tory spending cuts, and we simply cannot support that.

I hope that tomorrow, in Scotland, Labour will take a different view, and support a real end to austerity and a real increase in public spending, because we do need to take a different approach. We need to take a different approach to economic management because if we do not, we will have set in concrete a further attack on our welfare budgets. With 22% of our children, 11% of our pensioners and 21% of our working-age adults in Scotland in poverty, launching a further attack on welfare, as this Government are planning to do, is simply wrong. We also need to change the way we manage the economy or we will be faced with a plan, set out in January by this Government, for future discretionary consolidation that changes the ratio of cuts to tax rises from 4:1 to more than 9:1—in effect, trying to balance the books on the backs of the poor. I am sure no Opposition Member would support that.

This motion also talks of the need for

“an economic plan that delivers the sustained rises in living standards needed to boost tax revenues”.

That is sensible, so I hope the Labour party and others would support the Scottish Government’s economic strategy, which was published yesterday. In particular, I hope they would support the Scottish business pledge, which is designed not just to promote economic growth, which is necessary, but to drive fairness and help tackle inequality at the same time. In return for assistance from the Scottish Government, businesses will be required to pay the living wage, commit to an innovation programme, cease using zero-hours contracts, agree to pursue international opportunities, make progress on gender balance, support youth and so on. That is the kind of initiative that should form the bedrock of any genuine long-term economic plan, and it is one that recognises not only that business growth and economic growth are essential to fund and pay for our vital public services, but that squeezing out inequality is an absolute prerequisite for a growing economy in the first place.

I am sure that there will be more of this debate as we move towards the end of this Parliament and into the election. I am disappointed that Labour appears on its last Opposition day to have said that it will stick to the Tory spending cuts. Let us hope that the results after the election ensure that everybody can change their mind.

Tomlinson Report

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Tuesday 17th December 2013 Westminster Hall

[Natascha Engel (North East Derbyshire) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Roger. I am delighted that the hon. Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb) has secured this important debate on what is an absolute shocker of a report. He has led a campaign to expose the bullying tactics that were often used by banks on interest rate swaps. We have all been quite shocked to discover that interest rate swaps were just the tip of what is a very large iceberg.

The Tomlinson report gives us an insight into behaviour that, if it is not systematic fraud, certainly reflects a culture and set of practices in the banking sector that are shocking in the eyes of most right-minded people. Small and medium-sized businesses are already struggling in a difficult business climate; to find that the very institutions that are supposed to help them through that difficult time are using practices that make their situation even more difficult—and often force them into insolvency —is truly shocking.

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

On interest rate swaps, is my hon. Friend aware that tailored business loans sourced from the Clydesdale bank, for example, have been excluded from regulations and from the review? Businesses taking out those loans are just as badly affected as everyone else, so does she agree that such loans should be included in a review?

[Natascha Engel]

Absolutely, and I will conclude later by saying that that means we really have to look at the whole banking sector. The Banking Commission has done a good job of starting to expose some of these malpractices, but they are very worrying. The issue does not affect just RBS, and it needs to be looked at more widely.

What is really worrying is that RBS would, arguably, not exist if not for the fact that it was bailed out, and is 80% owned, by the taxpayer. However, some of the practices exposed by Tomlinson represent a double whammy for the taxpayer. I can cite examples of RBS using the GRG to take money out of bank accounts that businesses had set up expressly to pay Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs. The bank was, therefore, not just taking taxpayers’ money so that it could continue to exist, but taking money from accounts specifically set up to pay HMRC.

I started to get involved in this issue as a result of constituents coming to see me about interest rate swaps. One particularly big example involves a man who owns care homes, which are disproportionately affected by interest rate swaps. He was a solvent customer running a successful business, but RBS bullied him into taking on loans that included interest rate swaps. He wanted to refuse, but RBS bounced his cheques until he took the loans on. He is now involved with the GRG, even though it was expressly set up for severely distressed customers. He is not in severe distress now, but he soon will be, because the money he has to use to pay back the interest rate swaps RBS forced him to take on should be going into investing in his care home business. In addition, when RBS first forced him to take on the loan, the exit fee was £10,000. Only a few months later, it was £150,000. Given the amounts involved, we really need to start taking a serious look at what RBS is doing.

The hon. Member for Aberconwy was reluctant to use the word “fraud”, and I understand why, because it is a serious accusation. However, what I would like to hear about from the Minister is the reverse: what makes him confident that systematic fraudulent activity is not happening in RBS? I am focusing on RBS because that is what the Tomlinson report focused on, but also because RBS is more than 80% state owned. What makes him confident that the bank is not forcing people into the arms of the GRG, with the result that perfectly solvent businesses are not solvent any more, and asset stripping them at the same time? What makes him confident the bank is not taking huge fees from companies that bank with them, asset stripping them and making sure they can no longer exist properly?

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Russell Brown (Dumfries and Galloway) (Lab)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb). I must be honest: I had not intended to speak, but given that there are so few contributors, I want to say a little about my experiences and, more importantly, those of some of my constituents. I also congratulate the hon. Gentleman on the work he has done over a sustained period with the all-party group on interest rate swap mis-selling, which is what initially drove me towards the all-party group.

I want to tell Members about the sad experience of one of my constituents four or five years ago, although I suspect that one or two people in the room will be sick of hearing about it. The story initially confused me, and that is part of the problem: this is a complex issue, which makes it all the more difficult for a layperson to understand. As anyone who has had a constituent come to them to explain their difficulties will know, it takes considerable time to plough through what the constituent is saying, and to begin to understand the complexities of the banking system that has been operated for businesses for a considerable time. The lack of understanding that MPs will have initially, coupled with the fact that perhaps some sectors of the media do not understand the problem, means that light has not been shone on the issue in the way that it deserves to be. Stuck in the middle are businesses, which are going to the wall. As a result, people are losing their jobs. That is having an impact on family life across the length and breadth of the country.

A gentleman who was banking with Barclays bank got in touch with me about a family-run business that had been around for more than 20 years. It operated caravan parks in four parts of the UK: one was in my constituency, a couple were in the south Lake district, and one was in the Yorkshire dales. The company was encouraged, by almost a separate arm of Barclays bank, to look at investment in the business; the offer came in that guise. It was told, “We have set up a special arm of the bank to assist you; we can do some good business here and develop your business further.” The end result was the bank shifting products; it asked its client to sell one product back to it and to take out another. It ended up with three of the parks having to be sold so that the company could retain one, which continued to operate in Dumfries and Galloway for a period.

The businessman was reluctant for me to create any kind of a storm, because he could see that the first thing the bank would do was immediately move to close the business down. However, time passed and eventually administrators moved in. It all happened at and around the time of the LIBOR scandal and the involvement of The Daily Telegraph and Guardian Care Homes. That very much drew the issue into the spotlight, and as a result, I had a closer look at the case that my constituent had brought to me. I went to the administrators and said, “Quite clearly, this is a case of mis-selling. If this is mis-selling by the bank, and you are conducting business on behalf of this bank, you are doing nothing more than driving this business to the wall.” The administrators could not work quickly enough; basically, they drove the business into the ground.

That comes back to the point that the hon. Member for Aberconwy hinted at. The administrators were fine; their cheque was signed off. However, anyone else who was owed money was left waiting in the wings. The administrators and anyone dealing with the insolvency are absolutely guaranteed their money, despite the plight that many businesses are in. The shocking thing about the business that went down was that it did so owing £1.2 million, of which £900,000 was bank charges. That was punishing—crippling—and it destroyed that business. Goodness only knows how many other businesses the length and breadth of the country have experienced the same thing.

The Tomlinson report’s title is “Banks’ Lending Practices: Treatment of Businesses in distress”. Businesses in distress is one thing, but businesses being driven into distress is completely different. We heard this morning from the hon. Gentleman, and from my hon. Friend the Member for North East Derbyshire (Natascha Engel), about some experiences; I have three cases before me. One involves a gentleman whose small business—the family have a number of businesses—is some 200 yards along the street from my office in my constituency town of Dumfries. He discovered that the bank was dipping into other bank accounts—not only those that were relevant and related to his business, but those of family members. It had taken total control of all his finances. That poses a serious question mark about how banks are carrying out their business and what they are doing to people.

When my constituent contacted me, I said, “Come back to me in a couple of days”—because he was scheduled to meet the bank—“and let me know what action I need to take.” He came back saying, “It look as if they are prepared to move and assist.” The fact was that those were mere platitudes. The bank did not help him one iota, and that business, which is down the street from my constituency office, is closing down.

Another businessman who is, again, involved in caravan and camping sites has been mis-sold products. He does not have a kind word to say about the global restructuring group. His view is that the bank will quickly move to settle with him on the products that he was mis-sold. There has been an admission, but he also knows what is waiting in the wings. If he takes that early settlement, it will move in on other aspects of his business and close him down. That is no way to treat people who have probably been loyal customers of these banks for many years.

The most shocking case I have concerns a gentleman who is involved in property and is a private landlord. In the mid-1990s, his business had a value of about £300,000 to £400,000; gradually, over the years, he built that up into a business that provides jobs, of course, as well as a roof over the heads of individuals and families, and it was worth several million pounds. He then fell foul of the bank. He made me aware—he is an astute businessman—that he was always wary of the bank’s promises that what it was selling him was good for his business. The value of that business has fallen dramatically, and it may be worth somewhere in the region of £1.5 million to £2 million. However, stuck in the middle of all that are people living in homes that he is providing as a private landlord.

[Sandra Osborne]

Does my hon. Friend agree that private landlords seem to be targeted by the banks? I had a constituent in that business who was taken to a hotel in Glasgow and treated to a big presentation about how the loans could help with the business. They were not told all the facts and then ended up getting into difficulty. Does he agree that this has been a conscious effort to dupe people?

[Mr Brown]

I can only agree with my hon. Friend. I do not think there is any doubt that certain sectors have been targeted. I mentioned at the start of my contribution the caravan camping leisure sector, which Barclays had created a separate arm for, so there is no doubt there. Let us be honest: the types of businesses that can grow, even under difficult financial circumstances, appear to be targeted. There is an indication in the Tomlinson report that there have been elements, if I can put it this way, of predatory practice.

Again, I want to emphasise the point made by the hon. Member for Aberconwy: this is about businesses being told what is good for them. It is about businesses, once they get into financial difficulties, being told, “We need a report. We need someone to come in and do some work on how you’re running your business. We need valuations—and, by the way, you’ll pay for them at our behest.” The cost is not a few hundred pounds, or a couple of thousand pounds. These are significant sums of money. In any other world, we would call what the banks are doing an absolute rip-off. They actually gerrymander the valuation of businesses. That is simply not acceptable.

On the last couple of occasions on which I have attended meetings of the all-party interest rate swap mis-selling group, chaired by the hon. Member for Aberconwy, I have made this plea. The Royal Bank of Scotland—I should have declared at the beginning of my speech that I have banked with the Royal Bank of Scotland for more than 40 years; I try my best to keep on the right side of it—is 80% state controlled. We cannot release it back to where it was before the banking crisis. I have been pleading with the chair of the all-party group, and there is a Minister here this morning, so I plead with him: do not release the Royal Bank of Scotland and send it back whence it came, because we need some kind of control over this bank until some of the problems that it has caused are sorted out.

I know that the hon. Member for Aberconwy was anxious about the language that we should use in this place, despite the cover that we have, but I think that there is a culture of predatory business that is destroying businesses and, more importantly, destroying people’s lives. I apologise if I have missed a piece of work that the Select Committee on the Treasury has carried out, but I think that we need some of these people back in front of the Treasury Committee, explaining some of the charges that they are imposing on business. They are crippling business, not helping it. These big banks are organisations that we all looked at years ago, before the crash, and thought, “These are decent people that we can all do business with.” Frankly, they have been wolves in sheep’s clothing. They do this nation and the economy of this country no good whatever when they take businesses down.

[Toby Perkins (Chesterfield) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Roger, as we discuss a subject that is vitally important for small business owners across the country. As someone who was a small business owner before coming into this place, I like nothing more than the opportunity to reflect on what is happening with small businesses and, of course, the vital relationship between small businesses and their banks.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb) on securing the debate. Everyone in the House will know how much of his parliamentary energy he has dedicated to the cause of small business redress, most notably through his campaigning on the interest rate swaps issue—an issue about which he and the Opposition share many concerns.

This debate and this report go to the heart of several big questions that Government and society need to address. What are banks for? Whom should they serve? What is the role for Government in that relationship? Where does the balance lie for banks in protecting their own interests and those of their customers when a conflict is seen to exist? A key question is not whether there has been any wrongdoing, but whether, as has been alleged in the Tomlinson report, there has been systematic fraud by Britain’s largest bank. We need to be clear that that is what Tomlinson is suggesting in his report. It is an incredibly powerful and potentially huge allegation from someone who sits at the heart of Government as an entrepreneur in residence at the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills.

The report also poses questions about how a responsible Government should balance the need to expose wrongdoing and scrutinise questionable practices, which has come across loud and clear in this debate, with the need for a measured and considered approach to evidence gathering, particularly when the allegations are as serious as those made in the Tomlinson report. The report is clear in its call for a change in the culture of British banking. Indeed, Tomlinson echoes concerns and remedies that the Opposition have already called for.

Mr Tomlinson is a much respected entrepreneur who has won admiration from across the business sector for his own business success as a British manufacturing success story, but he is involved in a long-running and bitter dispute with RBS. Given the way in which his report changed between the original draft that was sent to RBS and its subsequent publication, many people feel disquiet about the independence of the report and the strength of the evidence base that led to a report as hard-hitting and potentially damaging to UK plc as this one.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Streatham (Mr Umunna) has said and few will disagree, there were many things wrong with banking practices and many causes for concern about the way in which the relationship between businesses and the banks has been conducted in recent years and continues to be conducted today. That was why my hon. Friend publicly called for those guilty of LIBOR rigging to face jail, and why Labour has led the way in calling for decisive action on the mis-selling of interest rate swaps. We have been very much with the hon. Member for Aberconwy on that. We have been resolute in calling for speedier action to bring about closure and settlement for companies that were mis-sold products, and concerned at the way in which the Financial Conduct Authority has failed to ensure that the banks complied with timetables that they had promised to adhere to. At this stage, I would like to place on the record my admiration for the work done by Bully-Banks to highlight some of these issues and to ensure that the matter is kept under the glare of public scrutiny. Indeed, as we meet today, banks have paid out less than 3% of the amount that they have set aside for compensating the victims of that scandal.

Those concerns were also why Labour tabled an amendment to what was then the Financial Services Bill that would require Ministers to bring forward proposals to help firms to pursue collective redress against the mis-selling of swaps, which the Government combined on to vote down.

[Sandra Osborne]

Does my hon. Friend agree that tailored business loans, which are currently not included in the review, should be considered as well?

[Toby Perkins]

I think that many important points have been raised during the debate and that is certainly one of them.

We share the disappointment at the continued excesses in bank bonuses and the failure of the Government’s bank bonus levy to yield the returns that it promised. After all, we are having this debate just a day after publication of a survey showing that managing directors at banks in London are expecting a 44% rise in bonuses for 2013.

I turn now to some of the contributions made by hon. Members to the debate. Unsurprisingly, the hon. Member for Aberconwy made a series of significant contributions to the debate that he initiated. It was interesting that he reflected on the fact that Tomlinson had spoken to the all-party group on interest rate swaps. I was surprised to discover that during this process, Tomlinson never spoke to RBS and never gave it an opportunity to put the allegations that he was making in an alternative light.

The hon. Gentleman refused to take the bait that I generously offered him to say that the behaviour highlighted in the Tomlinson report would have verged on the illegal. I think that he understates the case. Tomlinson is fairly unequivocal. He is clearly alleging systematic fraud on the part of Britain’s largest bank—in effect, it is feathering its own nest by bringing down businesses that without the intervention of the bank would have survived and thrived.

Beer Duty Escalator

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

I greatly welcome the opportunity to participate in today’s debate, and it is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman), who made an interesting and insightful speech. I would like to thank the hon. Member for Leeds North West (Greg Mulholland) and others who have kept the all-party group going for a number of years, providing a strong focus for this issue, which is important for all our constituencies. I shall concentrate my remarks on my concern about the pub trade in my constituency.

There are 86 pubs in Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock, which support 877 full and part-time jobs in my constituency. Pubs inject an average of £80,000 into the local economy each year, but these pubs will be under threat if the beer duty escalator remains in place, because, as hon. Members have said, this mechanism is making a pint in the pub unaffordable. In my constituency, many pubs have already closed.

[Jonathan Edwards (Carmarthen East and Dinefwr) (PC)]

Was the hon. Lady as surprised as I was to learn that beer tax in the UK is 13 times higher than in Germany?

[Sandra Osborne]

I am not really surprised: I am well aware of it, and I was going to make a similar comment. I know that this will be of concern to many Members.

In their first Budget after the 2010 general election, as hon. Members will be aware, the coalition Government launched a review of the taxing and pricing of alcohol, including the beer duty escalator, which was first introduced by the former Labour Government in 2008. The coalition’s aim was to ensure that it

“tackled binge drinking without unfairly penalising responsible drinkers, pubs and important local industries.”

If the views expressed so far are anything to go by, we would all agree that that is simply not working. I am aware that the Government have stated that they intend to keep the escalator in place until 2014-15, although Treasury forecasts have shown that no additional revenue will be generated from beer duty, despite the increases of 2% above inflation planned in forthcoming Budgets over the next two years. The Government are not even going to make any money out of it. The planned 2% rise above inflation, equating to a 5% price increase, came into effect from 1 April 2012.

The Campaign for Real Ale, which has 450 members in my constituency alone, and the British Beer and Pub Association have criticised the decision not to abolish the escalator in the Budget, claiming that the increase could cost thousands of jobs. CAMRA has also expressed concern about the impact of the escalator on the industry, stating that a third of the cost of a pint of beer goes to the Exchequer—as was said earlier, that is the second highest rate of duty in the EU—while 16 pubs now close in the UK every week. The Government need to recognise the harm this is doing to brewers as well as to community pubs.

Since the escalator was first introduced, beer sales in pubs and clubs have fallen by 23%, leading to more than 6,000 pubs closing. Since that time, so much has changed: inflation has risen, VAT has increased, brewing costs have risen and household incomes have fallen. According to the Beer and Pub Association, beer taxation now costs the average pub around £66,000 a year. As other Members have stated, this is having a terrible impact on towns already suffering from the current economic situation, as more people are purchasing alcohol from supermarkets, which is competitively priced, to drink within their homes rather than having a social drink in their local pub. I am aware that the most common complaint received by the local licensing department in my constituency is about the threat posed to the local pub trade by the volume of cheap sales of alcohol by supermarkets.

Given that beer and pubs support almost a million jobs in the UK and that 48% of pub employees are under 25, the Beer and Pub Association has stated that if the escalator is removed, the industry has a real capacity to create jobs, raise more for the Exchequer and contribute to growth.

[Heather Wheeler]

I am interested in the hon. Lady’s point about how many jobs are created by our pubs. The 115 pubs in South Derbyshire employ 1,040 people. It is a hugely important industry for us locally. I am grateful to the hon. Lady for making the point that this is about jobs, industry and growth. I am sure that Ministers will be listening intently to that.

[Sandra Osborne]

I thank the hon. Lady. Another problem is that when many of the small pubs that employ only a few people close, that is not highlighted. With bigger announcements about redundancies, it is always made clear that huge job losses are involved, but I would argue that this is just as insidious for those working in the smaller pubs.

I recognise concerns about alcohol-related harm and the serious problems that alcohol causes, of which we are very aware in Scotland. I recognise, too, that campaigners have called for some time for the Government to introduce a duty rate escalator on alcoholic drinks as part of a wider strategy to tackle the social impact of alcohol consumption.

[Mr Iain McKenzie (Inverclyde) (Lab)]

My hon. Friend makes an impassioned point about the alcohol problems that continue to be encountered in Scotland. Pubs are more sociable places for the consumption of alcohol and are more family friendly nowadays, but what we are seeing is the mass purchase of alcohol in supermarkets for home consumption.

[Sandra Osborne]

That is very true, and I think we should give some credit to UK pubs which they have made great efforts to be family friendly places where people can drink with the assurance that there will be no problem if they take their children with them. That is important.

I share the concern that continued increases would penalise only responsible drinkers and, as stated earlier, drive responsible social drinkers out of pubs and into supermarkets because the price of alcohol is increasing in pubs but decreasing in supermarkets. The current duty system ensures that higher-strength drinks are the cheapest drinks available to consumers. Pubs are already being hit hard by the current economic situation and are suffering further with the escalation of beer duty.

On 23 March 2012 the Government published their alcohol strategy, which seeks to reduce the UK’s relatively high drinking levels and the serious health and disorder problems that are caused by excessive alcohol consumption. The strategy contains a number of proposals to

“reshape our approach to alcohol and reduce the number of people drinking to excess”,

including the introduction of a minimum unit price. As Members will know, minimum pricing has already been introduced in Scotland, but is currently being challenged in court by the Scotch Whisky Association.

Following a recent Adjournment debate, a Minister said that abolishing the escalator would cost the Exchequer £35 million in 2013-14, and that that revenue formed

“a vital part of the Government’s plan to tackle…debt”.

However, the Government would

“continue to keep all taxes under review and monitor the impact of alcohol duty”. —[Official Report, 2 July 2012; Vol. 547, c. 733-36.]

I ask the Government to recognise the tough challenges that face the beer and pub industry, and to take them into consideration. I think it would be a good idea for the Government to cut VAT temporarily and to undertake a wider reform of the industry, including the introduction of a statutory code to regulate pub companies. The last Labour Government introduced a 12-point plan to support community pubs, which was backed by CAMRA, and my colleagues on the Opposition Front Bench have pressed the Government to build on it.

As we have already heard, there is an online “Stop the beer duty escalator” petition, which currently has 104,000 signatures. I ask the Government to note that significant number, to support the country’s beer and pub sectors by conducting a thorough review of the economic and social impact of the beer duty escalator, and to announce before the 2013 Budget that they will abolish it.

Air Passenger Duty

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Priti Patel]

The right hon. Gentleman touches on both the cost of APD and our competitiveness. A 2011 York Aviation report estimated that Scotland would lose 1.2 million passengers, 148,000 tourists and around £77 million in the period up to 2014.

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

Is the hon. Lady aware that the Scottish airports consortium has published a report today that says that Prestwick airport, which is in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe), and which is very important to the whole Ayrshire economy, is the worst affected in Scotland in percentage terms? It will lose 14% of the traffic it currently hosts.

[Priti Patel]

The hon. Lady demonstrates the scale of the challenge, and why we need a review.

I am sure right hon. and hon. Members are aware that Britain has been ranked 134th out of 138 by the World Economic Forum on air taxes and airport charges. We clearly have a major problem. I am unapologetic in my belief in lowering taxes, which is the most effective way in which to promote sustainable growth in the economy. The figures demonstrate how damaging and counter-productive air passenger duty is becoming to the Government’s growth agenda.

I recognise that the current APD system was introduced by the previous Government and note that it raises £2.9 billion for the Treasury, which is a significant sum of money. I do not doubt that it is an essential contributor to removing and reducing the Government’s deficit, but when taxes cause more harm than good, they need to be reviewed and reformed.

Interest Rate Swap Products

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Thursday 21st June 2012 Commons Chamber

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

I, too, congratulate the hon. Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb) on securing the debate, and on the work that he has done in encouraging Members in all parts of the House to become involved in local cases.

My constituents do not want their names to be used because they are embarrassed by their position—although they have no need to be, because, as we have already heard today, they are not the only ones to find themselves in such a position. In November 2007, they were invited to a meeting in Glasgow by the Bank of Scotland. There was a fancy PowerPoint presentation, but it did not explain adequately the downside of the product that my constituents were being offered. Indeed, this was described by the bank’s relationship manager—which is a laugh in itself—as a win-win situation. The Herald, which has taken up the cause, described it rather more accurately as a “heads they win, tails you lose” situation.

The contract was struck verbally in a tape-recorded conversation. My constituents had had a 20-year relationship with the bank, and it seemed reasonable to rely on verbal trust and good will, because that had been their experience over all those years. They believed that they could take the bank’s word, and that the bank would follow through what had been agreed. They are shocked by the scale of the impropriety that they have witnessed, and we know that they are not alone in that view.

The bank’s behaviour in derivative selling has been reprehensible. It has bottled out, in the words of my constituents, because the rate swing does not suit it, and it has no appetite to proceed with what was agreed although no risk is posed to it. My constituents feel that the bank should be compelled to implement its selling commitments, or at least to reverse the arrangements as far as the point of sale to remove the premium/penalty element, which it is working both ways to suit itself with no regard for what it agreed with its customers. It seems confident that it can get away with that because the structuring of the arrangements relied on verbal trust and good will.

To add insult to injury, the bank has destroyed the tape of the conversation, wiping out the evidence that proves the verbal side of the bargain. When they requested the tapes, they were first told the bank had them, then they were told they had been lost in the wake of the bank merger, and finally they were told the tapes had been destroyed as the bank keeps them for only one year. How convenient for the bank. That has left my constituents even more vulnerable, however—and, frankly, conned. The bank refuses to discuss the matter with them in any meaningful way, denying a meeting with anyone with any genuine decision-making power. This has been ongoing for months, and they received a response to their complaint only yesterday. It was a glib and bland response; the bank did not engage in any meaningful way with what was a very detailed complaint.

Mr Clive Adamson of the Financial Services Authority told me its rules require the firm to investigate the complaint and respond to the consumer within eight weeks. The bank is therefore breaching FSA rules in respect of the complaints procedure, in addition to its conduct in the original sale.

So far, these are the only constituents who have contacted me on this matter, but I feel sure many more of them have been affected. The Herald estimates hundreds of struggling Scottish businesses have been caught up in this, with the 83%-taxpayer owned Royal Bank of Scotland alone costing thousands of UK companies £3 billion in extra bank payments. Its investigation shows that UK small businesses—which, as we all know, are crucial to our economic recovery—may have paid at least £10 billion in extra interest costs for IRSPs, and face extra liabilities of over £20 billion, potentially impacting on 80,000 jobs.

This is not a trivial matter. It has consequences for economic growth as well as for the individual businesses concerned. The financial ombudsman has rejected 66 complaints relating to the sale of IRSPs against RBS, apparently because the banks have a disclaimer saying that they do not give advice. How do we define “advice”, however? There was certainly hard-sell, weighted towards the positive aspects of deals, and it appears that the banks did not abide by their responsibility to ensure that any product they sell is appropriate, in the customer’s best interests and fully understood.

I realise that these are complex financial instruments that take time to investigate. However, action must be taken as soon as possible. It is undoubtedly true that regulation has in the past been insufficiently robust, so I welcome the creation of the Financial Conduct Authority, especially as it will focus on early intervention.

Previous mis-selling situations have gone on and on, and have caused a great deal of distress to the victims. We know from experience that the worry these issues causes can lead to serious health problems and some people die before justice is done.

We already know that the banks are not being transparent over this matter, and in some cases are being downright obstructive and unco-operative. We should not allow stalling tactics to impede putting in place a remedy. It is our responsibility as elected representatives to take this up immediately and encourage those who have been affected to come forward. Experience shows that a collective response is more effective in getting things sorted out.

It is not in the interests of the banks to have another long-running mis-selling scandal unfolding in a very public way. That will do nothing to restore public confidence. I understand that there is a six-year time bar for claims as well. Speed is of the essence, therefore, and I urge the Government to do all they can to make sure this situation is dealt with quickly.

[Several hon. Members]

rose—

Savings Accounts and Health in Pregnancy Grant Bill

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Tuesday 26th October 2010 Commons Chamber

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Mr Mark Hoban)]

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

The Bill does three things: it ends eligibility for child trust funds for children born from January 2011 onwards; it repeals the Saving Gateway Accounts Act 2009, following our decision not to introduce the saving gateway scheme; and it abolishes the health in pregnancy grant, again from January 2011. I will explain the detail of the measures shortly, but first I want to explain the rationale behind them, because they all have the same aim of helping to reduce Britain’s budget deficit.

As my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer set out clearly last week, the Government have inherited an exceptional fiscal challenge. Last year, we had the largest peacetime deficit in our history, and we were borrowing £1 in every £4 that we spent. We are now spending £120 million a day just to pay interest on our debt. As the Governor of the Bank of England said last month, that position is “clearly unsustainable”. Taking urgent action to tackle the budget deficit is clearly unavoidable.

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

Can the Minister tell me why this coalition Government are so determined to pick on children?

[Mr Hoban]

In September 2009 Carl Emmerson, acting director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, said:

“Abolishing the Child Trust Fund would make newborns worse off in eighteen years time. But spending cuts in other areas might leave them worse off.”

That is the challenge that the coalition Government face. This is the question that the hon. Lady should be asking: why did her right hon. and hon. Friends leave the country in such a mess that the present Government are required to take these measures?

Without healthy public finances, we cannot have sustainable growth in our economy. The consequence of failing to act now would be higher interest rates, business failures, rising unemployment and even, potentially, the end of the recovery. So we set out a clear plan, in the Budget statement in June and in the comprehensive spending review statement last week, to tackle the deficit. Last Wednesday the Chancellor set out more than £80 billion of spending reductions to help to deliver the Government’s fiscal consolidation plan, which will reduce borrowing by £11 billion per year by 2014-15. The International Monetary Fund has said that our plan

“greatly reduces the risk of a costly loss of confidence in fiscal sustainability and will help rebalance the economy.”

The Bill is part of that plan.

I realise that the changes made by the Bill will disappoint some Members and others outside the House. Indeed, when we were in opposition, the Conservative party supported the introduction of the policies that have been removed, although at the time we raised some questions about their effectiveness.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Hoban]

No; I will continue. I have given way quite a lot, and I want to make some progress. This is an important Bill, which is why I want to ensure that I have given Opposition Members the opportunity to intervene, but I want to continue setting out the case for why we need to take these measures to tackle the problem that the previous Government left behind.

We announced in May that Government payments to child trust funds would be cut in two stages—they will be reduced first and then stopped altogether. In July, we made regulations to take the first step. For those born from August this year, payments at birth were reduced from £250 to £50, or from £500 to £100 for children in lower-income families or children in care. Government payments at the age of seven also stopped completely from August. The regulations will end the additional payments made to disabled children from 2011-12 onwards, although, as I have said, we will recycle the money that we have saved on those payments to provide additional respite breaks.

Those regulations could not end eligibility for child trust funds altogether, because that process requires primary legislation. This Bill completes the process by ending eligibility for child trust funds for all children born from January 2011 onwards, which means that the remaining Government payments will stop altogether.

[Sandra Osborne]

Will the Minister give way on that point?

[Mr Hoban]

No; I want to make some more progress.

I realise that many people, including some hon. Members, will find these changes disappointing. As I have explained, however, the child trust fund is simply unaffordable given the deficit that we face and the need to focus our resources on supporting people now.

Although we need to reduce spending on the child trust fund, we remain committed to encouraging people to save. I want to see a saving system that is based on our principles of freedom, fairness and responsibility, as well as being affordable and effective.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Hanson]

My hon. Friend is correct in the sense that there are ways in which we can tackle child poverty, such as by ensuring that people have an equal opportunity at the age of 18 to make progress in their lives through jobs, training and university. One way in which we were doing that was through the child trust fund.

[Sandra Osborne]

Does my right hon. Friend agree that if the measures were due to financial constraints, the Conservatives would have kept the CTF mechanism in place, given its success, and perhaps cut the contributions with a view to reinstating them when times were better rather than abolishing the funds altogether?

[Mr Hanson]

I shall come to that point later. The Government have chosen to take a sledgehammer to the funds and not even to consider other options such as that mentioned by my hon. Friend.

Government Spending Cuts

Sandra Osborne Excerpts

Wednesday 26th May 2010 Commons Chamber

[Mr Laws]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right, first about the importance of supporting manufacturing, which has had a particularly tough time during the recession, and, secondly, about supporting young people, because we must be conscious that young people so far have borne the brunt of the recession in terms of unemployment. We are all aware of the consequences if young people stay out of work for a long time and of the scarring effect that it can have on their opportunities. That is why we were so determined to introduce these additional 50,000 apprenticeships, which will make a real difference.

[Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab)]

In my constituency, 300 young people are currently benefiting from the future jobs fund. They do not think it is a waste of time, and I have heard nothing but positive feedback from the DWP locally. Will the Chief Secretary provide the evidence that he is receiving from the DWP, which is contrary to what we have been told, and what would he suggest I tell my constituents, still suffering from the ravages of the last Tory Government, about the future jobs fund?

[Mr Laws]

I suggest that the hon. Lady tells her constituents the truth about the catastrophic amount of debt left by the last Government, their total irresponsibility and the risk that would have been posed to the country’s economy and their prospects if we had a Government sitting around doing nothing as her Government did for the past two years.