Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateRupa Huq
Main Page: Rupa Huq (Labour - Ealing Central and Acton)Department Debates - View all Rupa Huq's debates with the Department of Health and Social Care
(2 days, 14 hours ago)
Commons ChamberI will not give way.
Only by having the assessment of the palliative care system that is proposed in amendment 21 can we be confident of knowing whether access to palliative care is sufficient. If we are to provide a true choice at end of life, that is critical.
I also stand in support of amendments 103, 104 and 42. Amendments 103 and 104 would give this House a say over the key decisions that still remain to be taken on the implementation of the Bill. Given the significance of the Bill and the importance of the many questions still to be resolved, these amendments are critical.
Amendment 42 would ensure that we do not career towards the enactment of this Bill in four years whether or not the system is ready to operate safely and fairly. Taken together with amendments 21, 103 and 104, this would ensure that this House has the chance to consider whether those at end of life can access the full range of support, advice and protections intended by the Bill, and which they deserve from palliative care services across the country.
Like so many in this House, I have direct personal experience of the issues addressed by the Bill. My father was diagnosed with stage 4 cancer in May 2002. Over seven weeks, he and my family benefited from the incredible care of our local hospice. Sharing my dad’s life, care and death has shaped me, so I fully understand why so many of my constituents have asked me to vote on this legislation in the light of their and their loved ones’ experience.
Yet our task is to legislate for a new system that will affect thousands of people and society as a whole. However this House votes on this Bill, our debates must result in a new focus on the provision of palliative care, so that all people at end of life truly have options in the management of their care and death.
I rise to support amendments 34 to 36 and new clause 6, tabled by my right hon. Friend the Member for Walsall and Bloxwich (Valerie Vaz), who sadly cannot be here today.
Health inequality shapes life expectancy and outcomes —covid deaths illuminated that—but it is absent from the Bill. A younger me would have been 100% behind this Bill. I am very pro body autonomy when it comes to abortion, but 10 years of being an MP has exposed me to coercion, duress, the billionaire price of London property, and elder abuse. It is no coincidence that, like me, the majority of London MPs and of black and minority ethnic MPs oppose the Bill.
Let us look at amendment 34. The experience of my aged parents—now no longer with us—opened my eyes to a world of pills, incontinence pads, hoists, power of attorney, key safe boxes and carer worries. I saw how non-native English-speaking pensioners—I am not talking about Welsh speakers—have their agency denied, perhaps unconsciously, by health professionals in a stretched system. My mum’s GP had a clear contempt for her accented words. At every appointment she would say to her, “One question only”. As my mum grew frailer and began to lose the power of speech, she reverted to her mother tongue and was seen by hospital teams as an annoyance, a time waster, and bed blocker. Similarly, the disabled are often written off. People cannot see beyond the wheelchair or the non-verbal. Amendment 34 would place a duty on the chief medical officer to provide information at every step of the way
I totally agree. We know that Esther Rantzen and Jonathan Dimbleby want the Bill to be implemented, but our role is to be voices for the voiceless, so I totally agree with her.
As opposed to the vague, ever-changing qualifying criteria that are held up as safeguards, at least these amendments would put ethnic minority people on the board: new clause 6 says that if they are on the ward, they should be on the board as well. The Bill seems to have neglected them altogether, so the new clause would provide real protections.
We know that in a cost of living crisis, assisted dying could be quite attractive. BAME communities have lower disposable household incomes than standard households, and during a cost of living and housing crisis, it is possible to imagine relatives wanting to speed up granny or grandad’s probate—or naani maa or dadima, even—to get a foot on the ladder.
No, because I will not get any more time.
Given the cost of care, people could convince themselves that elderly relatives would be better off out of the way, in order to get the younger generation on the ladder.
We know from the experience of other places that once assisted dying is allowed, the scope broadens—depressed 12-year-olds in Holland can get it—and the incentive to fix palliative care will lessen. Why now, with the state of the NHS? What of Suicide Prevention Week? Yes, we know that public opinion is in favour of assisted dying, but public opinion also supports bringing back hanging.
No, I am not giving way.
At my advice surgery, people have pointed out the unfairness of the £10,000 cost of Dignitas. We know that the status quo is imperfect, but let us not remedy it with something that will make things worse. We need to get this 100% right if we are going to do it all.
Although well intentioned, the Bill has too much room for error, manipulation, misapplication and unintended consequences. Six months to live is impossible to predict and, with life and death, it is too late to change your mind after the latter has happened, is it not? This week, 1,000 doctors have argued that it will widen inequalities and it is simply not safe. These amendments strengthen the Bill by taking ethnic minorities into account, when hitherto they have been completely unacknowledged by it. They must be incorporated into any assisted dying legislation, but the best thing of all would be not to rush down this road with indecent haste in the first place, because it is so littered with obstacles.