Preparedness for National Emergencies

Paula Barker Excerpts

Tuesday 2nd June 2026 Westminster Hall

[Several hon. Members rose—]

[Paula Barker (in the Chair)]

Order. After the next speaker, I will have to impose a two-minute speaking limit. I call Dr Ben Spencer.

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[Ms Julie Minns (Carlisle) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mrs Barker. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Dunfermline and Dollar (Graeme Downie) for bringing us this important debate.

In remote villages and communities such as mine, severe weather can often lead to prolonged power outages. Following Storm Arwen last year, one village in my Carlisle constituency was without electricity for five days. Data analysis found that the storm triggered a rapid, severe and sustained decline in mobile performance across all operators on a scale not seen before. Historically, when electricity networks were hit by power cuts, people could still rely on the old copper wire telephone network to remain in service. However, with the full retirement of the public switched telephone network scheduled for January next year, our communications infrastructure will become increasingly dependent on digital fixed lines and mobile networks, both of which require power.

That raises an important question about resilience. It is not difficult to imagine a scenario in which a prolonged power outage leads not only to the loss of electricity but to a telecommunications blackout. Mobile masts are currently required to have only one hour of back-up power, which is nowhere near sufficient when there is a real possibility of a multi-day outage. I recognise that mandating longer power back-up on every single mast would be disproportionate. A more proportionate response would be to require mobile network operators to maintain a fleet of mobile electricity generators that could be towed to mast sites to restore power while the electricity network is repaired. With extreme weather events becoming more frequent and intense as the climate warms, I believe that the UK’s preparedness for national weather-related emergencies requires the Government and Ofcom to look again at the adequacy of the current regulatory requirements for power back-up to mobile masts.

[Paula Barker (in the Chair)]

After the next speaker, I will have to reduce the time limit to one minute. I am really sorry; this is obviously a very popular debate. I will call the Lib Dem spokesperson at around 5.10 pm.

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[Maya Ellis (Ribble Valley) (Lab)]

We currently have a maternity inquiry addressing the fact that two thirds of maternity units are deemed unsafe in normal times, yet one of the clearest lessons from the covid-19 pandemic is how easily mothers and pregnant women can be overlooked even more when decisions are made at pace. As chair of the all-party parliamentary group on babies (pregnancy to age 2), I am aware of how often babies and their parents are left out of policymaking, yet they absorb so much of the impact of keeping going in a crisis.

Analysis of meetings of the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies during the covid-19 crisis showed that gender was largely absent from key discussions. Helen MacNamara, a senior official at the time, later acknowledged that the lack of a female perspective

“led to significant negative consequences”.

She particularly highlighted the failure to properly consider childcare, domestic abuse victims, and pregnant women. The result was that many women faced pregnancy, birth and the post-natal period alone. That will have impacts for generations.

If we are truly to be prepared for future national emergencies we must ensure that parents, babies and pregnant women are built into planning from the outset, rather than being treated as an afterthought.

[Paula Barker (in the Chair)]

I call Perran Moon.

[Perran Moon (Camborne and Redruth) (Lab)]

Meur ras, Mrs Barker. It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship.

On 8 January Cornwall was smashed by one of the most powerful storms in decades. Storm Goretti delivered 100 mph winds, thousands of trees were torn from their roots, roofs were ripped off and communications infrastructure was flattened. Despite warnings that storms of this nature will become increasingly frequent, resilience systems proved wholly inadequate. The local resilience forum is not even based in Cornwall but 110 miles away in Exeter, which led to a woeful response at critical moments.

Five months on, where is the review of Cornwall’s digital connectivity? What is the assessment of Cornwall’s critical infrastructure? When will the Government commit to an overhaul of the 40-year-old Bellwin formula? What assessment has been made of the use of satellite technology in remote areas? I cannot help thinking that if the storm had hit Surrey, London or Manchester, those questions would have been answered and solutions put in place, but for us in Cornwall—the home of the critical minerals industry—it feels once again like we are second-class citizens. I have to say that if the Minister thinks Cornish MPs can be ignored or placated, he is wrong.

[Paula Barker (in the Chair)]

After the next speaker, I will call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.

Lord Mandelson

Paula Barker Excerpts

Wednesday 4th February 2026 Commons Chamber

[Paula Barker (Liverpool Wavertree) (Lab)]

I place on record that my thoughts are with the women and girls who were victims of Epstein and his cronies. I am also deeply concerned for those who suffered incredible loss through the financial crisis in 2008.

This House is at its best when we can find common ground and put aside party politics for the good of our country, and I believe that we are seeing that today. As the deputy Chair of both the Standards Committee and the Privileges Committee, I take that responsibility seriously, and I believe colleagues would say that I always act without fear or favour. Standards in public life and the Nolan principles are not optional to me; they guide my work every day. As politicians, every single one of us in this place must be guided by them every single day.

Our national security is of paramount importance, and I know that nobody in this House would want to undermine that. During the Hillsborough law debate, it was made clear that there are existing legal protections for national security. At moments like this, we are reminded of the importance of and the desperate need for the Hillsborough law and a duty of candour. During this debate, it has been clear that allowing the ISC to have oversight is unquestionably the way forward. At a time when public trust and confidence in politicians and politics are at an all-time low, we must individually and collectively lead the way and assure the public that there is no hiding place for those who seek to betray our country for their individual greed.

Mandelson has a chequered history in my party. Some might say that he has been like a cat with nine lives, being sacked from numerous positions. I cannot think of a more self-serving and self-absorbed politician than Peter Mandelson: a man who leaked market-sensitive information to a convicted paedophile and sex offender while the people of this country queued outside banks and building societies, wondering if their life savings had gone; a man who has benefited so much from being in this nauseous, disgusting web that he cannot even remember his account being credited with $75,000; a man who had no respect for our national security and international relations, because his nose was firmly in the trough.

As a party, we must investigate the culture and those who have enabled Peter Mandelson to thrive for decades, constantly putting his own needs above those of our country and party. Leadership is about integrity, principle and vision. Those are the values of my Labour party, and we must embody them now more than ever.

I am really sad to say that I am ashamed of the amendment the Government tabled. We have to do much, much better. I implore my Government to withdraw their amendment and let the ISC deal with the issues, because that is the right thing to do. Therefore, if it is not withdrawn, I must with a heavy heart vote against my Government’s amendment. I wrote to the Chief Whip earlier today to let him know my intentions.

[Dr Mullan]

Rumours abound that a manuscript amendment will be tabled to bring forward something that Labour Members feel they can vote for. Does the hon. Lady agree that Labour Members should not forget the fact that the Government were willing to try to make them vote for the original amendment?

[Paula Barker]

I think I have made it clear what I think of the Government amendment.

I will end by saying, as my hon. Friend the Member for Leeds East (Richard Burgon) did, that the Prime Minister said consistently during the general election campaign that we must always put country before party. He promised the country that this Labour Government would put country before party. I implore my Government to ensure that that is what they do today.

Public Office (Accountability) Bill

Paula Barker Excerpts

2nd reading
Monday 3rd November 2025 Commons Chamber

[Paula Barker (Liverpool Wavertree) (Lab)]

I rise to support the Bill. I start by thanking the Prime Minister for delivering on our manifesto promise to bring the Hillsborough law before the House. As a Liverpool MP and someone who had family and friends at Hillsborough—they fortunately all came home—I would not have accepted anything that was not accepted by the families, and I know that my neighbouring colleagues feel the same. I am grateful, as I know the families will be, to the Prime Minister for confirming that he will accept no watering down of the Bill during its parliamentary passage. I sincerely hope that those in the other place have heard that pledge loud and clear.

I pay tribute to my constituent Mark Corrigan, who is in the Public Gallery, along with many family members of the 97. Mark’s brother Keith McGrath was one of the 97 who was unlawfully killed at Hillsborough. His parents, Mary and Joe Corrigan, fought all the way to the end for truth and justice, and demonstrated the strength, dignity and resilience of all the families.

Our city, on the banks of the Mersey, knows about solidarity, love and empathy. We have one another’s backs, and we know all too well that an injustice to one is an injustice to all. I can say proudly that the bonds that were forged in the fire of 15 April 1989 are as a strong today as ever. As I have said previously in this place, Scousers have long memories. We shall never forget. We will continue to mourn our lost loved ones, and we will always fight for truth and justice, opposing those who continue to spread the appalling lies about that fateful day with every fibre of our being.

On that point, Margaret Aspinall, who lost her son James at Hillsborough, has said:

“Today Hillsborough Law is finally debated in Parliament. But justice won’t be done until the S*n, too is made to answer for its abuses. The Prime Minister promised us that he would see this through. It is time for him to deliver the justice he promised, to build on today’s vital achievement by making Leveson 2 a reality, and ensure the media is held to account for its role in state failures and cover-ups.”

Appallingly, The Sun played a key role in the cover-up of the Hillsborough disaster by working with South Yorkshire police to spread lies about what happened and hide the truth.

The Bill before us does not contain any references to Leveson 2 or the role of the press and is exclusively focused on public officials and authorities. As welcome as that is, I would be grateful if the Prime Minister could update the House as soon as possible—I note that he is no longer in his place. Will he consider establishing a public inquiry into the relationship between the police and The Sun? Will he keep his promises by meeting with victims of press abuses and working with them to introduce further legislation to tackle press standards and corruption? If any small flicker of light can come from the darkness of Hillsborough, it must be protection for succeeding generations from the pain and anguish of the lies, the misinformation and the cover-ups that we witnessed and suffered from for more than three decades.

I welcome the fact that this law will ensure that families bereaved by public disasters are treated far better and do not have to fight for decades, and I welcome the duty of candour, although I can hardly believe that we must legislate for people to tell the truth. The fact that it has taken more than three decades to get to this point is a grotesque abdication of responsibility by those in this place to those whom we represent, those who do not pull the levers of power, and those with little resource other than their collective determined voice.

When we say “Never again” to Hillsborough, we are also saying “Never again” to Grenfell, the Manchester Arena attack, the Horizon scandal, nuclear test veterans, the infected blood scandal and so many more. If the law does not place itself on the side of ordinary, good and decent people, it will consign itself to being a hobby tool for the privileged and powerful in safeguarding their own interests.

We should never hear just the voices of those in this place; we should listen to the people who do not walk these corridors of power. Let us give power to them and amplify their voices. Anything less is an injustice. We need to pass this Bill in full for the families, the victims, and the survivors. Justice for the 97!

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[Jim Allister]

I agree absolutely, and such interventions have happened many times. If we are serious about saying there is a basis of equal citizenship across this United Kingdom, and that is what it is to belong to a United Kingdom, the duty of candour being given to England and Wales should equally be given to all of the United Kingdom. I welcome it for England and Wales, and I welcome it so far as it goes in Northern Ireland, but it does not go far enough. I am disappointed by the Government’s reticence to accept that this Bill, like any other, could be improved. A mighty step forward in improving it would be ensuring that it provides that duty of candour across the United Kingdom.

[Paula Barker]

Will the hon. and learned Member give way?

[Jim Allister]

I would give way, if I had not run out of time. I say to the Government, yes, let us go forward with this Bill, but let us make it a better Bill that gives the same rights across this United Kingdom.

Debate on the Address

Paula Barker Excerpts

Wednesday 17th July 2024 Commons Chamber

[Paula Barker (Liverpool Wavertree) (Lab)]

In responding to the Gracious Speech, I will focus on just a couple of issues. I welcome all new hon. Members to the House. It can be a lonely place at times, but there is always someone on hand to help, so please reach out, and remember: it is a marathon, not a sprint.

Since I was elected in 2019, I have called for far-reaching measures to address the housing crisis and the worsening homelessness emergency. It will reassure the communities that I represent that they now have a Government who understand the scale of that endemic problem and, crucially, are willing to take action to remedy it. I wholeheartedly applaud the commitment to planning reform that will get Britain building again—building the homes that we need now, and on which future generations will rely to get on in life. It is right for any serious Government to be ambitious in that regard.

I welcome the Chancellor’s commitment in her first speech to setting up a taskforce to tackle stalled housing schemes across the country, beginning with a focus on Liverpool central docks. That is a positive sign of things to come. Solving the housing crisis demands that we be bold. Over 14,000 people are on the housing waiting list in Liverpool, so it is imperative that we push the agenda for social and council housing. Homes for social rent must be front and centre of our plans to give every household—every family—the dignity of a home that they can call their own. That would provide a long-term vision to address the burgeoning numbers of households languishing in temporary accommodation, which at the last count shamefully included over 145,000 children.

I ask the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government to work with our councils to better regulate the proliferation of houses in multiple occupation in concentrated areas across our cities and towns, particularly in the north of England, where it is common- place for whole communities to be disrupted. In my own constituency of Liverpool Wavertree, some streets have over 50% of houses as HMOs. With that come environmental issues, such as rubbish and noise, and it has ripped the heart out of communities while landlords—the majority not from the city—make massive profits. Year after year during the last Parliament, we heard repeated promises from the previous Government to bring in their Renters (Reform) Bill. However, the last Conservative Administration shamelessly caved in to the landlord lobby on their own Benches, so it falls to this Labour Government to make it happen.

The private rented sector has lost all sense of proportion. Section 21 evictions must be ended: they pile greater pressure on local councils, and I know through my office’s casework that no-fault evictions are worsening the homelessness emergency. I will be urging my colleagues on the Front Bench to make our renters reform Bill as comprehensive a package as possible for a beleaguered generation of renters who have lived the consequences of the cost of living crisis as much as any. The report led by Councillor Cowan, the leader of Hammersmith and Fulham council, should provide the basis of our plans: a national landlords register to enforce standards, rent stabilisation measures, and a holistic approach that prevents landlords from moving to short-term holiday lets or making a mint from the provision of temporary accommodation. All this will not be easy. The Prime Minister has long talked of smashing the class ceiling, and I very much look forward to supporting him and the Deputy Prime Minister in ensuring that we deliver the bold measures that are required to address the housing and homelessness crisis, and so much more.

As someone who was privileged to be a trade union official before entering this place, and who is still a very proud trade union member—I refer to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests—I am delighted with our plans for workers’ rights and a new deal for working people that is long overdue.

As a proud Liverpool MP, I also want to say how delighted I am that a Labour Government will deliver the long-awaited Hillsborough law. I pay tribute to the resilience of the families who lost loved ones, the survivors and my city as a whole; they have never given up their fight for truth, justice and accountability. Of course, I also pay tribute to my neighbour and right hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool Garston (Maria Eagle), who has spent decades in this place fighting to get that law on to the statute books. That shows what tenacity can deliver.

We have heard much this evening about cross-party work, and it would be remiss of me not to also place on record my thanks to the former right hon. Member for Maidenhead, who will go to the other place, Theresa May. She was pivotal in the Hillsborough inquiry as well, and for that I place my thanks on record. Like so many Scousers, I had family and friends at Hillsborough on that fateful day in April 1989; fortunately, they all came home, but 97 innocent men, women and children did not. This law is a valuable step in obtaining justice for the 97.