Childcare Payments Bill

Neil Parish Excerpts

Monday 14th July 2014 Commons Chamber

[Nicky Morgan]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for that point. As I am sure he will be aware, my colleagues in the Department for Education, and particularly the Under-Secretary of State, my hon. Friend the Member for South West Norfolk (Elizabeth Truss), have been working to encourage the provision of more places, including by providing £500 to enable child minders to set up new businesses, and through schools and a wide variety of places. He is absolutely right that in order to tackle the issues of child care, we need to think about not only the costs but the supply side. We are confident that there will be places available for all the families who want them.

Let me turn first to the “why”. As hon. Members will know very well—many from their own experiences—every year millions of families across the country are faced with a difficult decision: whether it makes greater financial sense to stay at home and manage child care themselves or to go to work and arrange for someone else to do it.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

I very much welcome the Government’s approach to tax-free child care, especially for the self-employed. In the past they have been ruled out of help, so the sooner we can put that right, the better.

Oral Answers to Questions

Neil Parish Excerpts

Thursday 1st May 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Vaizey]

Absolutely. I echo what the hon. Lady says. During the severe floods in Oxfordshire in 2007, BBC Radio Oxford certainly played an invaluable role. I can assure her that the value of all BBC services, including local and regional services, will be considered as part of the review of the BBC’s charter. We have not yet announced the timing, scope and process of the charter review, so it would be premature of me to say anything further at this point.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

May I also add my congratulations to the Secretary of State on his appointment? The Blackdown hills and villages such as Upottery, Clayhidon and Rousdon are finding it difficult to get broadband. We welcome the Government’s money, but BT is finding things difficult and there is secrecy about where the broadband will be delivered throughout the constituency. Will the Secretary of State meet me and local representatives to discuss the way in which we can roll out this broadband in a much better way?

[Mr Vaizey]

Absolutely. It is important to point out that the progress of rural broadband is really picking up pace, with 20,000 homes passed every week, but we must get out the information to local residents. I am sure that the Secretary of State will meet my hon. Friend at the earliest opportunity to discuss his points.

Finance (No. 2) Bill

Neil Parish Excerpts

Wednesday 9th April 2014 Commons Chamber

[Catherine McKinnell]

On the basis of my hon. Friend’s insightful intervention, I am looking forward to his speech on this matter. He makes the point well, and it is the point that I am seeking to make. As the Chief Secretary to the Treasury has said:

“This policy is not about children and families…it does nothing for millions of families with children struggling to make ends meet.”

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

Does the hon. Lady agree that although this marriage allowance is not going to persuade people to go or not to go down the aisle, it does recognise what marriage and stable relationships really bring both to children and to the couples? Does she think that in 13 years the Labour party might perhaps have considered it?

[Catherine McKinnell]

Today, we are discussing the merits of this Government proposal in this Bill. We think it is a dud of a policy, and the Chancellor and the Chief Secretary seem to think so, too. I will set out all the reasons why it is a dud, but talking about whether the previous Labour Government considered this policy does not address the issues we are debating today—this policy and our amendment to it. If Government Members are so keen for there to be genuine support for families, for children and for marriage, they should welcome our amendment proposing a proper review on the impact of the tax relief that the Government are suggesting as part of this Bill and exploring alternative tax reliefs that could benefit a greater number of families and, potentially, a greater number of married couples, given the Government’s proposition’s clear deficiencies in recognising most marriages.

Amendment of the Law

Neil Parish Excerpts

Thursday 20th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr Carswell]

I would love to cut tax right across the board on a whole range of things, which would help people in that situation. The reduction in income tax for people on relatively low incomes will undoubtedly be welcomed.

I am also thrilled and delighted—it warmed the cockles of my free-market heart—to hear about tax breaks for savers. With interest rates having been so low for so long, it has been a pretty torrid time for savers. The raising of the personal tax-free savings allowance is fantastic news. So, too, is the removal of the artificial distinction between different types of ISAs. The more we can encourage people to save, the better. One person’s deferred consumption and saving is somebody else’s loan or credit.

I cheered, too, when I heard about giving folk flexibility as to how they use their pension pot. The implications of that are potentially profound and radical. It could mean that pension pots no longer die with people. It could mean that they become a vehicle for passing wealth down the generations. The implications are potentially huge and welcome.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

My hon. Friend is making a powerful speech. I agree with him that it is absolutely right to allow people to have their own pensions and spend their own money. Will the changes not also deliver better annuities for those who want to buy them, by introducing more competition into the financial services sector?

[Mr Carswell]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The need to buy an annuity was something that troubled a lot of my constituents, and I am pleased about this change. The fact that the Government are no longer going to presume, rather paternalistically, that they know best how folk should manage their pension pots will have big implications, and we need to reflect on them. The change will have big implications, not least for the people who will now be taking steps to plan for their own financial security.

I was encouraged to hear the Chancellor talking about energy costs. He was absolutely right to say that the low energy revolution was helping to re-industrialise the United States, and that that could happen here too. However, rather than simply reining in the worst excesses of the carbon price fixing scheme and other corporatist market-rigging systems, I would like us to abolish some of those schemes entirely.

I was slightly less enthusiastic about one or two aspects of the Budget, and I shall talk about those now—albeit briefly, those on my Front Bench will be delighted to hear. First, I am concerned that the Budget is fiscally neutral. We have relied for the past few years on cutting the deficit by increasing spending in cash terms and hoping that tax receipts will rise faster. I do not think that that is the best way to do it. We need to take a slightly more robust approach. As a result of the approach that we have taken, the deficit has fallen from 11% in 2010 to approximately 5%, which is good, but we said in 2010 that we would close the gap within four or five years. We are still saying that today. It means that we are still borrowing more than £100 billion a year—money that we do not have. That will have enormous consequences when this cheap money merry-go-round comes to an end and interest rates rise.

I am also baffled that the Opposition are unable to ask the obvious questions about this. Perhaps that is because they have no coherent alternative, or because their policy is simply to borrow more. However, as someone who occasionally opposes his Government on certain things, I find it extraordinary that the party whose job it is to ask the awkward questions seems to be unable even to understand the questions.

I am delighted that the Government are taking action to encourage exports, but I am not absolutely convinced that giving cheap credit to exporters is the only way to do it. I wonder whether this country’s relatively poor export and productivity performance over the past decade is partly a consequence of malinvestment, and whether that in itself is a consequence of cheap credit. Perhaps we need to flush out malinvestment and remove what is, in effect, the cholesterol in our economic arteries. Cheap credit can boost exports, just as it can boost the housing market in the short term, but I wonder whether it can have those effects in the longer term.

I shall spend the minute I have left making a wider point about economic output. It will soon exceed the pre-crash peak, which is wonderful news. The revision of output to 2.7% is impressive, but I ask the House to bear two things in mind. I say this in a spirit of non-partisanship. First, we are seeing a massive fiscal stimulus in this country, even though we do not call it that. We do not call it a massive Keynesian fiscal stimulus; we all prefer to pretend that it is not happening. By definition, however, if we spend £100 billion more each year than we take in tax, that is a Keynesian fiscal stimulus, and it is happening on a vast scale.

At the same time, we are having a massive monetary stimulus, with record low interest rates, cheap credit and quantitative easing. Without question, fiscal and monetary stimulus will raise output. I want to ask whether that is sustainable. I am genuinely baffled—I say this frankly and honestly—as to why the Opposition are unable even to ask these questions. Overall, I think this is a good Budget and it is to be welcomed, but I am genuinely surprised by the response of the party opposite.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Robinson]

I will come to that in a moment, although the hon. Gentleman may have been here when I intervened on the Secretary of State on that precise point.

Let us examine the borrowing record, as borrowing should have been central to all this. Because we have been able to have more investment and more exports—capital investment and exports—we should have growth, which would reduce the borrowing. In fact, over the four-year period, with us now entering the five-year period, we are going to borrow nearly £200 billion—the figure is £190 billion—more than we projected. We were to reduce borrowing as a percentage of GDP, but even in the next two years—years 5 and 6—it is projected to go up as a percentage of GDP. As for balancing the budget, that has been pushed out by a further two years. This is not a plan that has succeeded; it is a plan that has failed in almost every respect.

There is one exception—the hon. Gentleman referred to it and I also challenged the Secretary of State precisely on it during his speech: the employment record, particularly in the private sector, is remarkably and surprisingly good. I do not want to get into how many jobs are part-time, zero-hours contracts and so on. The fact is that the labour market has shown itself to be much more retentive of labour and productive of labour than we expected. For anybody in this House or in the Government, or on any of the other projections indicated from any sector, the performance is quite encouraging, except in one crucial respect: it suggests that, given where output is relative to employment, we have suffered a dramatic loss—probably for the long term, for all we know—in the productive capacity of the economy and in the productivity of our labour force. Unless that can somehow be rebuilt—there is nothing at all in the Budget to address that point—we are in for a much longer and slower recovery than we could have achieved. That is a big disappointment. The Secretary of State analysed it willingly, but the Office for Budget Responsibility itself says, “There’s nothing here that’s going to make any difference to the forecast we made a year or so ago.”

In other words, we have done nothing and are proposing to do nothing, to address the central issue of the productive capacity of the economy, which would underpin, sustain and increase our recovery rather than hold it back. There is nothing in the Budget that will improve that. Of course there are a couple of measures that we welcome, including the increase in capital allowances. I never understood why they were cut in the first year. We viciously opposed it at the time. We also approve of the improvement in export financing. However, there again, the Chancellor and the Government have form on those issues. They introduced two similar export financing schemes, one of which was strangled at birth and the other helped just five firms. I hope the Government are serious this time. We do not want to see imaginative and quite substantial measures being choked off by the bureaucrats.

[Neil Parish]

The hon. Gentleman has been making many predictions. The shadow Chancellor said that our policies would mean 1 million fewer jobs, and yet we have created 1 million more jobs. Will he comment on that 2 million credibility gap?

Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

Neil Parish Excerpts

Wednesday 19th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Simon Danczuk (Rochdale) (Lab)]

I am pleased to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford and Urmston (Kate Green), who made an extremely good speech about how the Budget and the Chancellor’s actions have a direct impact on people—she discussed the social dimensions to this Government’s actions. I wish to concentrate on the economic aspects.

On Sunday, the Chancellor said that we need to tackle the long-term economic challenges facing the country, and I could not agree more. The problem is that he also said that we have “a balanced recovery”—I could not agree less. If we are serious about tackling the big problems in our economy, it is best to start by admitting what they are. The simple truth is that there is a huge imbalance in our economy between the north and the south, and that is one of the biggest challenges our country faces. The Chancellor came into office talking about rebalancing the economy, driven by what he called the “march of the makers”. But this Budget shows that this Chancellor is incapable of matching words with actions. Instead of the march of the makers, we have yet another championing of the capital; we have an economic policy that suits London but that does not suit the north of England.

To see that, we need look no further than tonight’s London Evening Standard, whose front page says it all: “Osborne’s Budget boost for London”. It talks about Barking Riverside housing, Brent Cross regeneration, the Ebbsfleet garden city and the air ambulance for London. I am not saying those things are not needed, but all that was in the Budget speech and it is all about the south-east and about London; there is nothing about the north—about Greater Manchester, Merseyside, Yorkshire or the north-east. That is the reality of it; there is no rebalancing of the economy.

Let us just look at this Government’s record on rebalancing the economy. All of this Government’s major infrastructure projects have been based in London and the south-east. Weeks ago we even had trains from the Pennines being hauled down to Oxfordshire—that is the reality of it.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

rose—

[Simon Danczuk]

I will not give way. These trains were needed in the north to provide vital links between our cities. There is no better example to show where this Government stand and what their priorities are.

Let me give the House another example: the new homes bonus. According to the National Housing Federation, it has taken £104 million from councils in the north and given £342 million to councils in the south, stuffing money into the back pockets of well-off local authorities—that is the reality of it. The regional development fund was supposed to counter many of these issues by pumping regeneration money into the north of England, but even that has been a failure under this Government, with more than £2 billion of the £2.6 billion budget still lying in Government coffers—it has not even reached the targets it was supposed to reach.

Perhaps the worst example of this Government’s southern bias is the way that they have treated business rates. Delaying the revaluation of business rates was a cynical and calculated move designed only to insulate southern businesses from paying fair rates. That is the reality. We now have the ridiculous situation in which struggling retail centres, such as Rochdale high street, are effectively subsidising places such as Regent street in London where business is booming. It is outrageous, and business people in the north of England are quite rightly furious about it.

[Simon Danczuk]

I appreciate the intervention. The reality is that the Government are writing off the north of England, because they know they will not have any success there in the forthcoming general election.

[Neil Parish]

rose—

[Simon Danczuk]

Let me make a little progress. Out of the 25 worst performing retail centres in the country, 21 are in the north. Those are businesses desperately in need of help from the Government, but they are not getting it. The Chancellor did not even mention business rates in his Budget, except in relation to enterprise zones. The Government collect £26 billion in business rates, and nearly every business in the constituencies of Government Members raise them as an issue and yet the Chancellor could not be bothered to mention them. The impact of those rates on businesses in the north of England is even bigger. The simple truth is that the Chancellor has not got the will to reform business rates because he knows that powerful interests in the south will lose out. Instead, what we get are quick fixes, as my hon. Friend the Member for Chesterfield (Toby Perkins) pointed out, and some tinkering around the edges. That is typical of the Government’s approach to the economy. They talk about their long-term economic plan, but the reality is that they shy away from every major challenge.

The Chancellor is very proud of raising the income tax threshold, and it is something that I welcome, but when it comes to addressing the causes of low pay and investing in the vocational skills we need, he has nothing to offer. When it comes to energy, he would rather tinker with the carbon tax than show real leadership and reform the energy market. The Chancellor talks of tough decisions, but he only takes the tough decisions that hit the poor and voiceless, not the rich and powerful. For all the talk of a long-term economic plan, it is becoming increasingly apparent that the only date that concerns this Government is May 2015.

It is clear that this Budget fails to address the fundamental challenge of our unbalanced economy. This London-centric Government cannot be trusted to make the big decisions about the economy of the north. The time has come for more fiscal devolution for our northern cities, such as Greater Manchester, so that they can keep more of their own money and use it to unlock the economic potential that is being wasted by this Government. More than that, we need a Labour Government committed to rebalancing our economy and securing the long-term economic future of the country.

[Mr William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab)]

This is the Chancellor’s fifth Budget, the aim of which is to turn the focus of the Government towards the election, and given the events of recent days, that election must be the leadership election, which is drawing ever closer within the Conservative party. As Government Members return to their constituencies to prepare for Opposition next May, they will have many weeks and months to decide how they can explain to voters why this Government is the first since the 1870s to leave households worse off at the end of a Parliament than at the beginning. Rather than their taking to the airwaves to produce ideas to tackle the country’s growing trade deficit, or our deep problems with productivity, the principal topic of debate among Conservative Ministers is the surfeit of Etonians around the Cabinet table. Nothing demonstrates how out of touch and ill-equipped they are to comprehend, much less end, the historic cost of living crisis that has enveloped the country. We should make no mistake: this was a Budget by the few, of the few, and for the few.

Like a stage magician asking his audience to suspend their disbelief at his latest rope trick, the Chancellor attempted to persuade the country that the money that has disappeared from people’s bank accounts and pockets over the past four years was all an illusion, and it is still there after all. The partial use of information cannot conceal the real-life experiences of millions of ordinary people across the country. In my constituency, the median wage fell in real terms by 5% in the year to last April, and median incomes across the United Kingdom will not reach pre-crisis levels until 2018, according to the Resolution Foundation.

[Neil Parish]

It is the hon. Gentleman who is under an illusion, because he does not seem to remember the £150 billion deficit that we have managed to halve. Is it morally right that our children and grandchildren should labour under more and more debt? Do we not have to deal with that, as this Government have done?

Payday Loan Companies

Neil Parish Excerpts

Monday 20th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Fiona O’Donnell (East Lothian) (Lab)]

I was rather hoping that you would not be in your seat when I rose to speak, Mr Speaker—not because it is not always a pleasure to speak under your chairmanship, but because you will realise that I am being rather greedy this evening, having secured an Adjournment debate on pre-payment meters and fuel poverty. I think there is a link between the two topics of debate, and it is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Brigg and Goole (Andrew Percy), who I thought seemed to be arguing rather dangerously in respect of financial education: those who can’t should teach.

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich West (Mr Bailey) on the work he, his staff and members of the Select Committee did in bringing this report before us. At last, we are seeing some serious progress on regulation of the payday lending sector. I also congratulate, and express the gratitude of my constituents to, my hon. Friends the Members for Sheffield Central (Paul Blomfield) and for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy) on the work they have done, because it takes real courage to take on payday lenders, especially when a Member does not have the support of the whole Committee. To go out there alone to take on these payday loan companies can be a terrifying experience.

My first encounter with Wonga was very similar to that of the hon. Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long), so we must catch up later. I received an e-mail, saying that I had previously secured a loan from them and they wanted to be back in touch. I tried to contact the customer care service and then phoned. They told me it was a fraud, so I asked why I was being put through to customer care service when I replied to their e-mail, but I really got nowhere. My next encounter with Wonga was when a constituent had two loans fraudulently taken from her account. I put out a press release on my website, mentioning legal loan sharks. Within a few moments, Wonga was on the phone in my constituency office. It was presumably whoever it is who tries to promote the good name of Wonga. He said, “If you have a problem with Wonga, I really wish you had lifted the phone to us.” I explained that I had not found phoning to be the most fruitful way of dealing with Wonga in the past. He then said that my description of them as “legal loan sharks” was not helpful to Wonga. I responded that I had not waited 50 years to come to Parliament to be helpful to Wonga. The conversation pretty much ended at that stage!

We have definitely reached the stage where we need regulation and reform of this sector. The hon. Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds), who is unfortunately not in his place—I am sure he has something very pressing to attend elsewhere—spoke in praise of markets. I do not want to bury them, but I believe different markets work in different ways. In the food retail sector, for example, competition drives down prices. Generally, people in areas of larger population concentrations have access to other companies offering the same service. Other markets, however, do not operate in that way, and it almost seems that the different players are colluding to drive up the price rather than drive it down. I certainly think that that applies to payday lenders.

The hon. Member for Brigg and Goole spoke about walking down his local high street. I urge him not just to walk down it, but to stand in it and campaign against payday lenders. I did that in Musselburgh high street, in partnership with my Labour colleague in the Scottish Parliament, Kezia Dugdale, whom I must praise for her work on the Debtbusters campaign. I was goaded by the hon. Member for Edinburgh West (Mike Crockart) to put on a shark costume in the high street, which I duly did. I must add that, after I had positioned myself outside the premises of each of the four providers of expensive unregulated credit in Musselburgh, each one came out and challenged me about my right to be on the pavement.

I think that it is time for action, and that it cannot come soon enough. I had the strong impression that people in Musselburgh did not like the fact that those shops were in their high street. I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Makerfield (Yvonne Fovargue) that we should look at other sectors as well, including pawnbrokers. One of them kept saying, “We do not lend money”, but there were signs all over his shop saying “cash loans”, which seemed to contradict that. The whole sector needs a thorough examination.

We need to look at the total cost of credit. I realise that that will be difficult, but we must find a way of doing it. We also need to deal with advertising as rigorously as we have dealt with it in the alcohol industry. Advertising should not just make the facts clear, but should not be able to glamorise credit.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

I think that we are now seeing a cross-party attack on payday loans, along with a wish to attract people to credit unions and create more of them. We should put pressure on payday loan companies not to charge huge interest rates and huge fees for late repayment, and try to give people access to credit at an affordable rate through credit unions.

[Fiona O’Donnell]

I want to finish what I was saying about advertising, but I shall then say something about possible alternatives.

I was very disturbed and disappointed to learn that Kerry Katona was advertising Cash Lady. I saw no reason for her to be involved in a project that was aimed specifically at women. Car insurance is a different matter, because, as we all know, we are better drivers than men, and a separate service may be appropriate in that context. I was pleased when many people complained and the advertisement was removed, but Kerry Katona then appeared in another one. Advertising in this sector must be rigorously controlled.

The hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton (Neil Parish) mentioned alternatives, and I agree that we should think about them. My hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh East (Sheila Gilmore) said that credit unions needed to have the same sort of presence as payday lenders. Unfortunately, the credit union shop in East Lothian closed, and credit unions have no high street presence in the area. That makes it far more difficult to reach out to people, and makes competition much more difficult. One Member said that the sector did not need support, but I think that that is unlikely. We do not want the cost of credit from credit unions to rise, because that would defeat the purpose.

The hon. Member for Dover (Charlie Elphicke) spoke of watching “It’s a Wonderful Life” at Christmas, with its talk of mutuals and building societies, and the Building and Loan company. This evening’s debate has been cordial, apart from, as ever, the contribution of the hon. Member for Stratford-on-Avon (Nadhim Zahawi), who also reminded me of “It’s a Wonderful Life”, because in his account of where we are today he seemed to be saying, “Imagine what it would have been like if the Conservatives had never been in government.” I think that the hon. Gentleman was the only Member who—as he often does—struck the wrong chord. There are links between increased poverty and welfare changes, and the fact that more and more people are having to turn to payday lenders.

The Select Committee report and the debate are welcome, and I hope that they will result in more protection for many of my constituents, such as those who came out of Loretto primary school to find people from the cash store in Musselburgh giving balloons to the children and providing fliers that did not contain any information about the cost of borrowing money. I hope that we shall see an end to practices of that kind, and an end to some of the poverty that is driving people to these lenders.

Financial Services (Banking Reform) Bill

Neil Parish Excerpts

Wednesday 11th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Sajid Javid]

It is a pleasure to introduce these amendments. Much work has been undertaken in this House and in the other place since my predecessor closed the Second Reading debate in March. That work has improved the Bill. The Bill has expanded greatly in length and content since it left this House. In large part, the variety of new issues that it covers reflects the Government’s acceptance of the vast majority of the recommendations that were made by the Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards, which published its final report after the Committee stage in the Commons.

I pay tribute to the members of the PCBS and especially those who sit in this House: my hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie), the right hon. Member for Wolverhampton South East (Mr McFadden), the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross (John Thurso), the hon. Member for Edmonton (Mr Love) and my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre Forest (Mark Garnier). It was their hard work that led to the reports.

I will speak in support of the amendments that resulted from the work of the parliamentary commission, but ask the House to reject the Opposition amendment that was made in the other place, Lords amendment 41. I will begin by explaining how the former amendments will deliver the goal of improving the standards of conduct in banking.

The Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards concluded that the current system for approving those who hold senior positions in banks, the approved persons regime, had failed. The commission’s central recommendation was the creation of a senior persons regime that applies to senior bankers. The Government accepted that recommendation. The amendments will deliver on the recommendation by putting in place a senior managers regime with five key features.

First, the regime will reverse the burden of proof so that senior bankers can be held to account for regulatory breaches in their area of responsibility, without the need to prove that they were personally involved in the wrongdoing. Secondly, there will be mandatory statements of responsibility for senior managers. Thirdly, the regulators will be able to make conduct rules for senior managers in banks. Fourthly, there will be provision for time-limited and conditional approvals of senior bankers. Fifthly, the financial services register, which is kept by the Financial Conduct Authority, will state who is a senior manager in a bank and give details of the regulatory action that has been taken against them. The amendments will provide a clear and effective system for raising standards and increasing accountability among the country’s senior bankers.

Lords amendment 53 introduces a certification regime for bank staff. That will apply to all staff below senior management level who have roles in which they could seriously harm the firm or its customers. The Prudential Regulation Authority and the FCA will therefore be given a far-reaching new power to make enforceable rules of conduct for all employees in a bank. Banks will have to verify that employees who have roles in which they could do significant harm to a bank or its customers are fit and proper for those roles. Banks will have to do that on appointment and annually thereafter. They will have to issue certificates, which may be electronic, to those employees, confirming that they are fit and proper for their role.

The Government have always supported the spirit and substance of the commission’s licensing regime recommendations. However, we do not consider it appropriate to call it a licensing regime. That would imply that the individuals concerned had been given licences by a regulator. That is precisely the opposite of what the commission recommended. We therefore cannot use the words “licence” or “licensing”. It is in order to refer to “certificates” and “certification” because certificates will be issued by the banks. Banks will also have to notify employees of the banking standards rules that apply to them and take steps to ensure that they understand them.

I would like to say something about the firms that are covered by the senior managers regime and the new obligations under the certified persons regime. The parliamentary commission naturally focused on banks. However, the definition was extended to include systemically important investment firms that do not take deposits, but that are regulated by the PRA. We have also included a power to extend the senior managers and certified persons regimes to cover UK branches of foreign banks and investment firms if it is considered appropriate to do so. Some large branches of foreign banks and investment firms operate from London, so it is prudent to equip ourselves to bring them into the new regime.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

Does the Minister agree that it is essential that companies can trust their banks in order that they can do business? We must get the legislation right so that companies can again trust their banks. Companies must feel able to give banks confidential information in the expectation that it will remain confidential. Companies need to be able to access finance to compete in business and create employment. The banks are holding back our businesses.

[Sajid Javid]

I agree wholeheartedly with my hon. Friend, and I hope that he agrees that all the effort that has gone into setting up this new regime—in particular the senior managers regime and the certification regime—is a huge step forward in achieving that aim.

National Infrastructure Plan

Neil Parish Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Danny Alexander]

The decision on the A14 was taken in direct response to our public consultation. The A14 would have been the only road in the country to be tolled in that way. We said that we were considering that and wanted to know what people thought, and they told us what they thought. Tolling on estuarial crossings, I am reliably informed, is usual practice and an important part of financing such projects.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

I welcome the Chief Secretary’s pipeline of funding. Will he turn the tap on in relation to the A30 and the A303 running east out of Honiton so that it can be continuously dualled and we can have a second pipeline of roads into the west country?

Interest Rate Swap Derivatives

Neil Parish Excerpts

Thursday 24th October 2013 Commons Chamber

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Madam Deputy Speaker. I congratulate you. I also congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb) on opening the debate, and congratulate him and his Committee on all the work they have done.

In mythology, David felled Goliath. [Hon. Members: “It is in the Bible!”] It is in the Bible, but it is also slightly mythological. [Hon. Members: “It happened!”] If Members have absolute proof, that is fine. Anyway, I want to make a serious point. We have seen a banking sector that has used corporate lawyers and all its muscle and might to ensure that it can take on small businesses.

This is what small business is up against. People can call me cynical if they like, but much of this selling of swaps was going on in 2006 and 2007, when interest rates were 5.5%, but by 2009 they had dropped to 0.5%, and I believe that many of those banks knew that interest rates were going to fall. Why were they so keen to go out and get everybody tied up in these swaps? Under the terms of the swaps, the higher interest rate could probably be capped at around 6.9%, but if they started to fall below 4% or 3%, people immediately got clobbered for huge amounts of money. It was therefore very much in the banks’ interests to get people into these schemes. That is where I do actually say that what went on was criminal. That is why we expect our great Minister, along with the FCA, to do something about this. The fact that only 32 or 33 cases in the whole country have been dealt with is an absolute scandal.

[Bob Stewart]

My hon. Friend referred to the Bible. Does he agree that this would be called usury or robbery in the Bible?

--- Later in debate ---

[Neil Parish]

I certainly do, and there is another word for it: theft. That is exactly what it is, because people entered into these agreements in good faith, and that brings me to another point I want to make. Throughout my business and farming career, I had a good relationship with my bank. I trusted my bank manager, and when I spoke to him or her, I expected them to give me good advice. That trust in our banks has been broken by this affair. If people in small businesses and in business generally cannot trust their bank when they want to raise finance to build up their company and employ more people, where on earth are we going to build a recovery? We are building a recovery, of course, but we could build it so much better if we could restore that trust. The FCA must do much more, so businesses can recover from this.

I have many affected businesses in my constituency, and two businesses in particular, both of which are with the Clydesdale bank. One of them is a large successful farm and the other is a hotel. They have all been put under enormous pressure and have paid enormous amounts of money, and this is stopping them expanding. One of the businesses was not given much choice about whether to take out the deal. Basically, it was told, “You either take the money with a swap, or you don’t have the money at all.” That is the kind of coercion that went on. We need to deal with this issue, because we need these businesses to prosper.

Some companies who have been sold a swap and have therefore come under enormous financial pressure have been driven into liquidation, and I suspect that, because of the wonderful financial institutions we have in this country—I am being sarcastic here—they will be snapped up at rock-bottom prices. That is all wrong, because we are talking about businesses that have worked hard for years and family businesses that have been established for generations being destroyed by this system.

It is great that we have got this second debate, and, in respect of the banks, it is great that the snail is beginning to turn into a hare, but I suspect, if we are not careful, that as soon as this debate is over it will transform back into a snail. That is why I say to the Minister that it is absolutely essential that he, along with the FCA, gets hold of the banks and makes them compensate people for what they have mis-sold and what they have done. Until that is done—until we have rectified the situation and compensated these businesses—we will not restore confidence in the banking system, which we badly need to be restored in this country. We must ensure that we move forward at an even quicker pace so that people have confidence to invest and know that if they approach their bank, they will be sold a good deal, not a pup, which is exactly what people were sold in this instance.

I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments because I have great confidence in him and he has great experience in this sector. I have had more pain from banks than anything else. If we do not get the banking sector right, we will not get the economy right.

Financial Services (Banking Reform) Bill

Neil Parish Excerpts

Monday 8th July 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Redwood]

I think that I agree with my hon. Friend. What I am suggesting is that I would like to get closer to 4% and further away from 3% by growth, and I think that that could be inferred in Labour’s new clause, because I noticed that the hon. Member for Nottingham East wisely did not pledge himself firmly to 4%. Although he might secretly want 4%, like the rest of us he is probably wise enough to know that, although it might be nice to have 4% in due course, to lurch straight to a target that some big banks could not meet might be very damaging to the economy.

[Neil Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con)]

One of the problems at the moment, as I know from my constituency, is that some companies are still finding it difficult to get money from banks, so the higher the leverage requirement, the more the banks will say that they have to keep the capital and cannot lend it. I agree with my right hon. Friend entirely that we have to be very careful about how we move from 3% to 4%, because otherwise it is companies and growth that will suffer.

[Mr Redwood]

I think that we have wonderful agreement across the Chamber on this, which might hearten the Minister. We would be happier with 4% than with 3% in general terms, but we do not want to get there too quickly if that means a further jolt to expectations and confidence and further actions by banks to pull back loans, rather than financing the recovery that we clearly need from them.