(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I will briefly add to the thanks, with one exception, that the Minister gave this morning. I give particular thanks to Professor Sarah Green and to the clerk of the Special Public Bill Committee, Joey Topping, who, in the short timescale into which everything had to be compressed, did an outstanding job.
I thank the current Leader of the House and Chief Whip for getting this back when we did not get it through last time, despite their enormous efforts. They really deserve immense commendation, as does the Minister, for having put up with lawyers seeking to build perfection on perfection—something that I am sure many in this House feel inappropriate. I also thank the noble and learned Lord, Lord Bellamy, who really smoothed over some of those difficulties but did not quite get the time for matters I suspect he did not even contemplate, bringing this so speedily to a conclusion.
I will make two more general points. First, as I did not have the opportunity to thank the Senior Deputy Speaker and Duncan Sagar for getting us a bit more time in the Special Public Bill Committee—because the matter moved so quickly—if it is permissible under the rules of the House, I express on everyone’s behalf our thanks for the small change to the procedure. It should make a huge difference, because the more time there is for clever lawyers to think of points in the committee, the speedier it is to get the Bill through the House—something I hope will appeal to the business managers.
Secondly, I have a hope for the future. This morning has reminded us, if we needed any reminding, of the need to remain highly competitive. This is a good day for England, Wales and Northern Ireland—I leave Scotland out because it has its own system. We have brought our law up to date. We must find a means of doing this very rapidly, as we must keep English law— I say English law deliberately—attractive and at the forefront of use internationally, for the benefit of our whole economy.
My Lords, I give personal thanks to the Minister for his very kind words to me and more general thanks to the Government for pressing forward with this Arbitration Bill. It is very befitting that the Government should have championed this Bill through, as they are at the moment, because it was a Labour Government 46 years ago who brought forward the arbitration reform that brought about the 1979 Act.
I join other noble Lords in thanking the prominent members of the Special Public Bill Committee and the prominent Members who took part in debate in this Chamber for all their contributions. I also thank the Ministers, the noble and learned Lord, Lord Bellamy, and—I keep calling him my learned friend—my noble friend Lord Ponsonby. Special thanks to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Thomas, who quite excellently presided over the Special Public Bill Committee, and to all the supporting officials.
Particular thanks should also go to the noble Lord, Lord Wolfson, and I am sorry he is not here to receive them. When he was the Minister, it was he who referred the arbitration issues to the Law Commission. That really was the beginning of the recent story on the Arbitration Bill.
This Bill is not as fundamental as the 1979 or 1996 Acts, but it deals with some very important issues. Perhaps the most important is Clause 7, giving power to arbitral tribunals to make summary awards. Those of us who practise in the courts—I am looking across the House at the moment—are well familiar with Order 14 proceedings, and this introduces into the arbitration world the Order 14 summary judgments.
It also clears up issues relating to the seat of the arbitration, arising after the unfortunate division in the Supreme Court in the Enka Insaat case, with two Supreme Court judges on one side and three on the other. I would have preferred new Section 6A(2) not to have been included, because I believe it complicates that issue, but none the less it is there, and I am very happy to support the Bill in that condition.
However, there is unfinished business. I suggest that the corruption issue should have further consideration. We know that the ICC has a commission on this and we must wait to hear what it says, but it is certainly a matter that needs further attention.
Other matters should have consideration, including expedited hearings and dealing with the length of written submissions, which sometimes stretch over 100 or 200 pages and argue every point under the sun. There is also the use of third-party funding and the question of what disclosures should be made, as well as the power to order parties into mediation, which is used successfully in litigation.
(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, it is a pleasure and privilege to follow the noble Lord, Lord Holmes, in his exposition of most of the main issues. I thank the Minister for his careful introduction to the Bill and join him in thanking and paying tribute to Professor Sarah Green, who has done so much to bring our law up to date.
My Lords, as I was not using written notes, I rely on the absolute skill of Hansard to make it look as though I have continued at the point where I stopped. I thanked the Minister for his very careful introduction, and I added my thanks and praise to Professor Sarah Green for what she has done, which is important in two respects.
First, it is wonderful to be able to go into the Royal Gallery as a lawyer and say, “You can actually do law on one piece of paper”, because most complain that lawyers do law in volumes. That is an immense tribute to her.
Secondly, the Bill achieves the right balance to making the critical change—which probably has to be made by statute—but not getting ourselves into an area where you cut off development of the common law.
There is one other respect that I hope the Special Public Bill Committee will be able to consider. We live in different times to when the dominance of English law was achieved. We were then a great industrial and commercial power. We cannot claim to be that in the world relating to digitalisation and digital technology. It is important that the solution adopted by the Law Commission is an internationally attractive solution. We must retain at the forefront of our mind the enormous contribution that having contracts governed by English law provides—it is far more important that they are governed by English law than that dispute resolution occurs here, which is a less significant industry—and that people will choose English law on the basis that they like the solution. This is important because the transnational view is emerging that selection of the governing law will almost certainly be the basis upon which most disputes are likely to be decided.
So we want to say, “Look, come: our law is a good solution and, if you’re under our law, you’ll get a solution that is attractive”. I think the answer is probably right. Another tribute to Sarah Green is the acknowledgement that this is not a matter for looking at solely through the eyes of English law. You have to look at what the Americans are doing, and she has looked at what the American Law Institute has done and what the commissioners at UCC have done—and she has also looked at what is incredibly important these days: the work of UNIDROIT. We have to recognise that it is vitally important that our law is seen in this transnational context.
As I understand it, the Law Commission is going to do a project on the proper law to be attributed and on jurisdiction. It is extremely urgent that this is done from the perspective of commercial transactions. It may be important in other areas, but where it is critical from this Bill’s point of view is that we want people to choose English law and put that into the contract—and if it is chosen in the contract, and it is likely that most of the pointers for the selection of the law that governs digital assets will be the law chosen by the contract, people are then happy that our solution is the right one. We simply cannot be little Englanders and just look at this through the narrow perspective of what is good for England. We have to look at it in a much broader context—at what is good for our legal system as producing money in very large amounts from its transnational use. If we lose sight of that objective, in an area that one reads about all the time, and which we were reminded of this morning, which is an area of intense international competition, we will cede away to other people’s legal systems the business that is done here.
I regard that as the paramount task: to see that this is attractive to those who are not British but who dominate the world’s commercial and industrial life. That is our audience—it is not the audience in the UK.
(1 month, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberThe simple answer to the noble and learned Lord’s question is that I do not know the answer to his question.
The subject is a complex one; the report was lengthy. Do the Government intend to set out in detail why the report was wrong? It would be very useful to have a chapter-by-chapter explanation of why what was recommended unanimously by a completely apolitical group of experts is thought to be wrong.
The noble and learned Lord’s report was a large piece of work. As I said in my initial Answer, it is for the Senedd to take forward the vast bulk of the recommendations, and the UK Government are acting on some of the recommendations and are continuing to act particularly on the disaggregation of data. The Labour manifesto made clear that the principal objective of the noble and learned Lord’s report is not one that the current Government share. We want to work in practical ways for the benefit of Wales, and the examples that I gave of youth justice and probation are good examples of that.
(2 months, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I entirely endorse what my noble and learned friend Lord Hoffmann has said, but I would like to say a word about the procedure that the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, has invited the Minister to adopt. Surely the stage of conferring with people as to what they think about this amendment has passed. This matter could have been raised in the Committee of the noble and learned Lord, Lord Thomas —it was not, of course—but now it is a matter for this Committee to decide whether or not to accept the amendment. It is as simple as that. With great respect, I think it is a matter for the Committee and not for anybody else now. I agree with my noble and learned friend Lord Hoffmann that this amendment should not be accepted.
My Lords, I agree with both the noble and learned Lords, Lord Hope and Lord Hoffmann, that this amendment ought not to be accepted. However, it seems to me, as the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hoffmann, said, that everyone agrees with the sentiment behind what the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, has proposed.
I had thought that we had agreed how to deal with this matter when the then Minister dealt with it at a hearing of the Special Public Bill Committee. I raised this point by way of an amendment to the old Arbitration Act. The Minister agreed, in response to that, that he would write to the arbitral institutions and we would see what the best practice was. I had assumed that all that would be made public, and I am entirely at a loss to understand why the letters that were written and the responses have not been made public. It would be extremely helpful to have all this information put into the public domain to show, for the benefit of London, what was being done to address this point. As I understand it, these were documents written by the Minister in his capacity of trying to deal with a problem that had arisen and was discussed in this House. It would be very helpful to have a discussion and look into the matter in detail. If something needs to be done—more than is being done—we can return to it. Certainly, we ought not to delay the Bill by this amendment.
My Lords, in our Second Reading debate on 30 July, I asked the Minister to respond about these consultations that had taken place, which he did in a letter on, I think, 15 August. He set out in some detail the various ways in which the existing system deals with corruption.
It would be beneficial, as the noble and learned Lord has just pointed out, if the documents which the Minister was summarising were themselves made public, with the consent of the relevant organisations, because there is a lot of detail here that needs to be discussed. Indeed, the remarks of the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hoffmann, illustrate that we cannot proceed on the matter of this amendment without some pretty extensive discussion about how it could work and how it affects the role of the arbitrator. Although I am very sympathetic to the amendment, to try to introduce it at this stage would be an unnecessary delay to a Bill that has had quite a lot of delays already, not least because of the general election. That would be an unfortunate consequence.
The most reassuring thing in the Minister’s letter is the reminder that the case to which the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hoffmann, referred, and in which he was directly involved, was of course dealt with in the High Court. The High Court set aside the results of the arbitration, having discovered the corruption that had occurred. This is a demonstration that, even without new statutory provision, our system can deal with corruption of this kind. It is still there, however. There is a lot of corruption about and it is quite likely that it will emerge or be present in matters that are the subject of arbitration, particularly between states and very large commercial undertakings.
I therefore do not think that we should be content simply to set aside the amendment that the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, has introduced, but I do not think that we should attempt to insert it into the Bill at this stage. We should seek to establish whether both the substance of the law and our ability to enforce it would be improved by new statutory provision, and I am not yet persuaded that that is so. We strongly support the Bill and do not want to see its progress delayed.