Gaza Crisis
Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts(1 year, 9 months ago)
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The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)
My Lords, resolving this conflict has been this Government’s priority since day one. It is now in PM Netanyahu’s and Hamas leader Sinwar’s hands to accept the deal on the table and agree urgently to a ceasefire in the long-term interests of Israelis and Palestinians. We are working alongside allies and partners to push for an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, the upholding of international law, the protection of civilians—including the rapid increase of aid into Gaza—and a pathway to a two-state solution.
Lord Hain (Lab)
My Lords, I agree with my noble friend the Minister, but does he also agree that this terrible crisis will not be resolved militarily? Netanyahu will not succeed in destroying Hamas as he has promised, not even by destroying Gaza, nor will he destroy Hezbollah, not even by damaging and destabilising Lebanon, and neither they nor Iran will succeed in destroying Israel. Unless Israel is to remain for ever under a state of permanent warfare siege, it is vital there is a negotiated settlement to end the horror. My fear is that that will not happen until this conflict escalates—as recent events seemingly make inevitable —to an all-out regional, maybe even global, war.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, we condemn Iran’s attacks against Israel and recognise Israel’s right to defend itself against Iranian aggression. At this moment, when tensions are at their peak, we call on Iran to step back from the brink. A regional war is in absolutely no one’s interest. We are deeply concerned about the escalation of conflict in the region that threatens to destroy many innocent lives. That is why we are working tirelessly with partners, including allies in the region, to establish immediate ceasefires, both in Gaza and along the blue line. In Gaza, a ceasefire must be the first step on the path to long-term peace and stability, with a two-state solution—a safe and secure Israel alongside a viable and sovereign Palestinian state—at its heart.
Lord Howard of Lympne (Con)
My Lords, I ask the Minister now to take the opportunity to correct the misleading Answer given to your Lordships’ House on 3 September by his noble friend the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, when she told your Lordships’ House that the Government were
“required to suspend certain export licences”—[Official Report, 3/9/24; col. 1065.]
to Israel. Is it not clear that what she said was in complete contradiction to what the Foreign Secretary told the other place on 2 September, when, in justifying the decision not to impose a ban on equipment for the F35, he made it plain that the Government had discretion on whether to ban or not?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The simple fact of the matter is that we have responded to the arms embargo based on an assessment of Israel’s compliance with international humanitarian law. In that assessment, we have made decisions on suspending export licences that we assess do not risk facilitating military operations. They include 60 military items—for example, trainer aircraft and other naval equipment—and other non-military items, such as food-testing chemicals, and telecoms and data equipment. On exports, the F35 programme covered in principle by this suspension is for parts that can be identified as going directly to Israel. However, this is an international programme where we cannot be absolutely certain where those parts are going. That is why we have covered it in relation to the F35. The noble Lord can be assured that we will be determined to comply with international humanitarian law and will take the necessary steps where appropriate.
Lord Singh of Wimbledon (CB)
My Lords, recorded history states that Palestinians were forcibly removed from the homes that they had lived in for centuries, by the Stern Gang, Irgun Zvai Leumi and others whom we then called terrorists, to create the State of Israel in 1948. Does the Minister agree that it is shameful and beyond belief that, in the 70 years that have passed, instead of helping displaced Palestinians to build a new life, the West has been selling arms to Israel to bomb schools, hospitals and even UN refugee centres in Gaza and the West Bank, killing tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children in atrocities condemned by the UN and all human rights organisations?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, the noble Lord mentioned 1948. The State of Israel exists and was approved of legally under international law. There is a duty on us all to defend its right to exist. However, that is no excuse for any breaches by any party to international humanitarian law. I reassure the noble Lord that we as a Government will be determined to uphold international law and condemn whichever side commits offences against it. What we obviously need to do, as we have done since 1948, is to defend Israel’s right to exist and promote a two-state solution, whereby a Palestinian state can live in harmony with its neighbours. That is the vital next step, and I am sure that it will achieve peace and security for all.
Lord West of Spithead (Lab)
My Lords, the IRGC controls and co-ordinates Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis in fighting Israel. Will we proscribe this organisation that causes such damage?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The noble Lord has participated in many debates where I have called for something similar when I was in opposition. This is a matter for the Home Office, and my Foreign Office colleagues are in consultation with it. What we must do is ensure that all actions that are terrorist in nature—and certainly those that attack British citizens on British soil—are properly addressed. I assure the noble Lord that we take these issues very seriously.
Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)
My Lords, the evacuation orders by the IDF in north Gaza for 400,000 people are the equivalent of relocating the city of Manchester to an area where there is no shelter, no security, scarce food supplies and no medicine. In particular, three-quarters of all water and sanitary health facilities have been destroyed. If the UK has no active role in bringing about an overall peace agreement, can it use its good offices to ensure that there is some kind of agreement that water and sanitary health provision, which directly affects girls and young women more than anybody else, cannot be a victim of this conflict?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The noble Lord knows of my concern about this issue and our absolute determination. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have made it clear that we want the fullest access for humanitarian aid into Gaza. That is vital. We remain concerned that over 85% of the Gaza Strip is now under evacuation orders, including new orders in the north that are causing serious distress to civilians and impacting on those humanitarian operations. We will make sure that all sides know of our concern and that we have the access to deliver the sort of support that the noble Lord has highlighted.
Lord Callanan (Con)
My Lords, in July, the new Government resumed funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which had been suspended by the last Conservative Government. In August, the UN then admitted that some of its staff may have been involved in the 7 October Hamas massacre and fired nine of them. What is the Minister doing to ensure that UNRWA properly vets its staff? Does he agree that it is completely unacceptable that UK taxpayers’ cash may have been used to finance those Hamas atrocities?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
I think the noble Lord knows that this Government, and the last Government, recognise the essential role of UNRWA in distributing aid into Gaza. However, that does not take away the concern about those who may have participated in the horrific events of 7 October. We have supported the Colonna review and will be ensuring that UNRWA and the United Nations take actions to ensure that that report is fully implemented. We are working with the Secretary-General and have resumed funding based on those assurances. It is appalling that nine members of UNRWA were involved in those atrocities, and we welcome UNRWA’s decisive action and support its decision to terminate the contracts of those individuals. This Government are absolutely committed, as were the previous Government, to ensuring that we can get aid into Gaza where it is most needed, and UNRWA is the vehicle to do that.
Sudan
Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts(1 year, 10 months ago)
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Lord Collins of Highbury
That this House takes note of the situation in Sudan.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)
My Lords, I welcome the opportunity to have an in-depth debate about the crisis in Sudan, one of the most pressing humanitarian emergencies of our time. It is clear from their presence here today that noble Lords share my concerns over the gravity of the situation. The world is not paying enough attention, and we must keep it in the spotlight in order to galvanise further international action and support.
This brutal conflict, primarily between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, has had devastating consequences for civilians. What began as a power struggle between military factions has escalated into a protracted war and a humanitarian catastrophe. This conflict is not merely a continuation of the country’s troubled history; it is a profound crisis with implications for the entire region. The immediate cause can be traced back to the breakdown of a fragile power-sharing agreement between the military and civilian leaders. The failure of that agreement plunged the country into chaos, undoing much of the progress made since the revolution.
The scale of this crisis is staggering. Sudan is facing a manmade famine and one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. More than 10 million people have been forced to leave their homes, and recent widespread flooding has pushed the country to the brink, devastating an extremely fragile ecosystem. The UN estimates that more than 24 million people—about half the Sudanese population—need humanitarian assistance, sadly a figure that continues to grow as the conflict drags on.
But the impact is not limited to the displaced population. The conflict has severely disrupted agricultural production and supply chains, leading to soaring food prices and widespread hunger. More than 9 million people face emergency or famine levels of food insecurity. The destruction of healthcare facilities and the shortage of medical supplies have left the population vulnerable to disease outbreaks, with little or no access to treatment.
My right honourable friend the Minister for Development visited South Sudan recently. It was one of her first visits since being appointed, and her first Africa visit. There, she met people who had fled Sudan only to arrive in a country facing its own humanitarian emergency. She witnessed the most appalling scenes of suffering and devastation. The stories she heard of families torn apart, children on the brink of starvation and communities destroyed by violence demonstrate the terrible human cost of this conflict.
In response to this crisis, the UK has significantly increased its humanitarian support to Sudan. This year we have almost doubled UK official development assistance for Sudan to £97 million, the majority of which is vital humanitarian assistance. This is funding critical services including nutritious food, safe drinking water, medical care and shelter, offering a lifeline to millions of Sudanese in desperate circumstances. The UK has also been proactive in supporting refugees who have fled to neighbouring countries. In August we announced an additional £15 million in funding to address the devasting impact of this regional crisis across Sudan, South Sudan and Chad.
The UK humanitarian response is complemented by extensive diplomatic engagement. In my first month I spoke with Ramtane Lamamra, the UN Secretary-General’s personal envoy for Sudan, and former Sudanese PM Abdalla Hamdok. The message was clear: Sudan must move towards a peaceful and prosperous future, and the UK is committed to using all diplomatic levers to support this. A co-ordinated international response is critical to resolving the conflict. To this end, the United Kingdom welcomes the creation of the Aligned for Advancing Lifesaving and Peace in Sudan—ALPS—Group in Geneva and its efforts to strengthen humanitarian access, protect civilians and de-escalate immediately in Sudan. The United Kingdom stands ready to support all these efforts.
During my visit last month to New York for the United Nations Security Council, I discussed efforts to secure peace in Sudan, in particular with the Ugandan Foreign Minister and the US Permanent Representative to the UN. The United Kingdom continues to use its role as penholder on Sudan in the UN Security Council to call on all states to refrain from actions that will prolong the conflict. We will continue to call on those who have influence on the warring parties to use it to bring them to the negotiating table.
Of course, peace cannot just be imposed from the outside; it must be built from within. That is why we are working with civil society groups, including women’s organisations, to ensure that any political settlement reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people. In addition to direct assistance, the United Kingdom has mobilised international support for Sudan, bringing attention to the crisis at the highest levels, including at the United Nations. When famine was declared in Sudan at the end of August, we immediately called a UN Security Council session to call on the warring parties to stop blocking humanitarian assistance. As our intervention noted during that session, more than 100 Sudanese civilians are dying from starvation every day. An announcement on the UK special representative for Sudan is imminent.
I stress that we are clear that this is an entirely manmade famine, and this appalling loss of life will continue until the warring factions put the Sudanese people before power. Put quite simply, using starvation as a weapon of war is a war crime. We condemn in the strongest terms the targeting of humanitarian workers and the destruction of their facilities. We welcome the decision to reopen the Adre crossing for humanitarian assistance at long last. We call on the Sudanese Armed Forces to remove the restrictions on convoys entering Sudan and urge the Rapid Support Forces to facilitate access across lines of conflict. We are continuing to push for humanitarian corridors to be stabilised, for civilians to be protected and for international humanitarian law to be fully implemented.
The UK has also sanctioned individuals and entities fuelling the conflict, including key figures linked to both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. These sanctions are not merely symbolic; they are a clear message that those responsible for the violence will be held accountable. External arms supplies are perpetuating this violence, and the United Kingdom has made clear that they must stop if we are to have any hope of achieving peace.
Turning to peacebuilding, the United Kingdom supports the establishment of a civilian-led Government in Sudan. This country’s future must not include those who have led it into turmoil. Our support extends to the Taqaddum coalition, where we are providing technical and diplomatic assistance to promote inclusive dialogue among all Sudanese stakeholders.
The international community must not turn a blind eye to human rights abuses in Sudan. The United Kingdom condemns in the strongest possible terms the atrocities being committed, particularly in Darfur, where mass killings and systematic rape are reported. Some attacks by the RSF and its allied militia appear to have been ethnically motivated, and these bear all the hallmarks of ethnic cleansing. Meanwhile, the SAF have launched indiscriminate air strikes in heavily populated areas, with no regard for civilian casualties. These atrocities have drawn comparisons to the darkest chapters in Sudan’s history, and we must act to prevent history repeating itself.
These crimes cannot go unpunished, and we are working closely with the International Criminal Court and the UN Human Rights Council to hold the perpetrators accountable and ensure that justice is served. This includes leading efforts in the HRC last year to establish the independent and international fact-finding mission for Sudan. We are also funding initiatives such as the Sudan Witness project through the Centre for Information Resilience. Such initiatives are crucial in documenting abuses, providing evidence for prosecutions and ensuring that victims are heard.
To conclude, it will require a concerted international effort to end this crisis, and the United Kingdom’s efforts to do so will continue as long as they are needed. We will continue working with our partners to provide humanitarian assistance, bring the warring parties to the negotiating table and hold those responsible for atrocities to account. Sudanese people deserve the dividends of peace. Sudan can and must move towards a peaceful and prosperous future—and, with sustained international support, I believe it will. I beg to move.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, this has been an excellent and well-informed debate, and it is an honour to close it. I have recommended to many of my colleagues in the other place to read this debate in Hansard, because I think it will inform future actions.
I have always held the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, in high regard, but my estimation of him has gone up since realising that it is much harder to answer questions than to ask them.
I say to the right reverend Prelate and other noble Lords that there is no doubt that we are dealing with a fast-changing situation, as was illustrated by the noble Lord, Lord Purvis. I told him earlier than an announcement on the Special Envoy for Sudan was imminent, and his phone was operating quicker than mine. I am pleased that the announcement has been made and that Richard Crowder is our representative and Special Envoy for Sudan.
In these changed and changing circumstances, it is my responsibility—I met the Africa APPG this week and have also met the Sudan and South Sudan APPG—to continue the dialogue, and I will ensure that I report back to the House on developments. It is our hope that circumstances will change, because they are pretty dire at the moment. With that caveat, I hope to respond to all the points made and to satisfy noble Lords.
The most reverend Primate was absolutely right when he described the priority that we must place on peacebuilding and building a sustainable system. My noble friend Lord Robertson told me that he had responded to the most reverend Primate on the strategic defence review, and I know that my noble friend will ensure that those elements are considered—they are vital. I would go further. The previous Government’s integrated review laid down some clear groundwork for this. If we do not bring together the three Ds—defence, diplomacy and development—we will never find a solution. It is critical that we work across government to deliver on these issues.
I want to make the point that we often look at the continent of Africa through the eyes of these crises, but Africa is a continent of huge diversity and dynamism. Its young generation is full of aspiration, as I have seen in recent visits. We need to recognise that, by 2050, a quarter of the world’s population will be in Africa. It will be the biggest market. In every conversation that I have had with any African leader, I have said that our intention as a new Government is to develop partnership for economic growth. We will be using economic growth and trade as the tools to do the very things that the most reverend Primate mentioned. Human rights are not in isolation, neither are food and agriculture. Issues such as economic growth are vital to achieving that. When I attended the Africa Food Systems Forum last week, exactly those points were made. Those people are also looking at the huge opportunities for their own industry to feed their continent and build intra-Africa trade. That sort of relationship will be the biggest ingredient to ending future conflicts.
I did not want to start this debate simply on a note of pessimism, because there is optimism in this continent. The United Kingdom—this applied under the previous Government, as the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, said— has been at the forefront of international efforts to bring peace to Sudan, leveraging its position as a permanent member of the Security Council and penholder on Sudan. We have convened multiple meetings to address the conflict, pushing for a ceasefire and highlighting the grave humanitarian and human rights crisis unfolding on the ground. However, external support to the warring parties, particularly through the supply of arms, risks prolonging the violence. We urgently call on all states to refrain from strengthening either side’s military capabilities, emphasising the need for neutrality and a unified approach toward achieving a ceasefire and civilian political transition. Failure to do so risks exacerbating regional instability, as many noble Lords have mentioned, especially with the involvement of external actors, which could further complicate efforts for peace in the region.
We have heard some horrific descriptions of what has been going on in the country and I appreciate the work of the noble Baronesses, Lady Helic and Lady Anelay, my noble friend Lady Goudie and the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, on the prevention of sexual violence. The number of reports of conflict-related sexual violence are incredibly distressing. The United Kingdom’s Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative is playing a crucial role in addressing these atrocities. That is why I reassure the noble Baroness, Lady Helic, that through this initiative we are working to provide support to survivors of sexual violence, document these crimes and hold the perpetrators accountable. The stories of the Sudanese people must not go unheard. We cannot allow such crimes to go unpunished, and we will continue to support initiatives that seek justice for survivors.
Women and children are bearing the brunt of suffering in Sudan, and we are determined to support them. This includes, in answer to my noble friend Lady Blower, through education. It is also through healthcare initiatives that are essential for the long-term recovery and stability of the country as a whole. As I said in my opening remarks, the humanitarian situation has reached a critical point. In response, as I said, we have almost doubled UK ODA to £97 million this year. This funding will support key UN agencies providing emergency and life-saving food assistance. Our support to the Sudan Humanitarian Fund will also provide flexible funding to NGOs and grass-roots organisations operating at the forefront of the response.
I reassure the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, and the noble Baroness, Lady Anelay, that as a consequence of my honourable friend’s visit, we will see an additional £15 million in funding specifically to address the regional crisis across Sudan, South Sudan and Chad. That will include food parcels for 145,000 people in Sudan and around 60,000 vulnerable refugees in Chad, while supporting critical nutrition services for children under five in South Sudan.
I think all noble Lords are right: we need to build support for greater assistance, and certainly our activity is focused on increasing that with our allies and persuading others to put their contributions in too—that broad alliance I mentioned in the beginning. We are not turning our back on the region. As I said, we will continue to press our partners to increase their support.
Many noble Lords and the noble Baroness, Lady Anelay, in particular, raised how we have been at the forefront of action in diplomatic initiatives to secure humanitarian access. Last month, we called an urgent meeting of the United Nations Security Council to discuss the IPC Famine Review Committee’s confirmation of famine. My noble friend Lady Amos raised the code of conduct, how things are implemented, how words are translated into deeds and how we monitor those actions. I stress to all parties that, while we can welcome the access given by the opening of Adre, it cannot be on a limited basis. We are absolutely arguing that there should be no conditionality or limit on it at all.
The noble and gallant Lord, Lord Stirrup, is absolutely right. He quoted Trotsky, but I rarely do that, so I am certainly not going to do it on this occasion. The simple fact, however, is that the impact of the conflict is affecting all our security; there is no doubt about that.
The figures in The Economist are true and are something we need to respond to. That is why we need to address these issues at source and back up the humanitarian support to reinforce the point about defence, diplomacy and development going together. That is absolutely the case with the funding I have mentioned in the region with Sudan, South Sudan and Chad. As noble Lords have mentioned, we are providing £2 million for up to 150,000 Sudanese refugees in Libya. I also confirm that FCDO officials continue to work with the Home Office to understand the ongoing impact of the conflict on migration numbers. We are absolutely determined to address that issue.
In response to the noble Lord, Lord Oates, we are committed to ensuring that aid is allowed to reach those in need. Starvation must not be allowed as a method of warfare; we have made that clear. The parties involved in that must be held to account and we will be pursuing that point. Our message remains absolutely clear: the obstruction of aid by the warring parties must stop in order to save countless innocent lives.
To respond to the noble Lord, Lord Verdirame, the United Kingdom acknowledges the decision to reopen the Chad-Sudan Adre border crossing for humanitarian assistance. We called on the Sudanese Armed Forces to extend the three-month limit as we are not satisfied that it meets their obligations. We have also, just to repeat myself, said to the Rapid Support Forces that they must urgently secure access across all the lines of conflict so that life-saving aid can get in.
My noble friend Lord Anderson and the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, raised sanctions. We have taken a leading role, and this Government, like the previous Government, are committed to advocating targeted sanctions against individuals and entities perpetuating the violence in Sudan. As I said, the sanctions are not only punitive but a necessary measure to deter further atrocities and to signal that the international community will not stand by. We have seen some progress. The sanctions imposed on key figures linked to both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces have sent a clear message to those who commit atrocities, and they will be held accountable. The UK will continue to work closely with the UN and other international bodies to ensure that sanctions are effectively enforced and that they contribute to the broader strategy of peacebuilding and conflict resolution.
Many noble Lords raised the vital issue of accountability. I knew that many noble Lords would look at Hansard to see what I have previously said, and I have not changed my mind. These issues are absolutely vital. We need to ensure that people who commit these crimes know that they will be held accountable. The reports that warring parties are deliberately targeting civilians, using sexual violence as a weapon of war and obstructing the provision of humanitarian relief are absolutely abhorrent. International humanitarian law is the cornerstone of our efforts to protect civilians during armed conflicts, and its principles must be rigorously upheld and enforced in Sudan. The UK will continue to press all parties on this.
We are actively supporting the efforts to document human rights abuses and gather evidence that can be used in international courts—noble Lords know I have raised this in previous debates. We led the efforts in the United Nations Human Rights Council last year to establish the independent fact-finding mission for Sudan, and allegations of human rights violations and abuses will be investigated impartially. The findings of the fact-finding mission this week are absolutely awful and reprehensible. There are reports of widespread attacks against civilians, the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war, and the killing and maiming of children. These are truly shocking. I reassure the noble Lord, Lord Kerr, and others that we will seek an extension of that body’s mandate and are absolutely committed to it.
Generally, we are bolstering the capacity within Sudan to monitor atrocities taking place. The evidence will be shared with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and other accountability partners. I reassure the noble Lord, Lord Bellingham, that this includes funding for the Centre for Information Resilience, a research body that is gathering open-source evidence about the ongoing fighting in Sudan. As I said, we will continue to provide support for all those relevant bodies.
I reassure noble Lords that we strongly support the ICC and its prosecutors’ continuing investigation into allegations of atrocity crimes committed in Darfur since July 2002. This encompasses the current conflict, where there are credible reports of further atrocities being committed. We are absolutely committed to that due process, and we will ensure that people are held to account.
Recently I visited Slovakia and spoke at the Holocaust memorial service, representing the United Kingdom. I also visited the genocide museum in Rwanda. The message I always understood, particularly with the Holocaust, was that it did not start with the gas chambers. It started with words, and a process of dehumanisation, where people were no longer considered human beings. When you visit the genocide museum in Kigali, you realise that those actions started under colonial rule, which is something we need to acknowledge in terms of the future.
My noble friend Lady Amos, the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, and others, raised the critical issue of the right to protect, which is vital in the UN’s policy. We have used our position as the penholder at the Security Council to call for a ceasefire and for all warring parties to protect civilians. On 13 June, the Security Council adopted at UK-led resolution demanding a halt to the RSF’s siege of Al-Fashir and requesting the Secretary-General to provide recommendations on the protection of civilians. These will be released in due course, but I reassure noble Lords that during our presidency of the Security Council in November we will ensure that those options are translated into action. We cannot let this be just a matter of resolutions and words.
The noble Baroness, Lady Anelay, and others raised the question of arms embargoes. We have a long-standing commitment on arms embargoes, which are in place for the whole of Sudan as far as the United Kingdom is concerned, as well as the UN arms embargo on Darfur. The Sudan (Sanctions) (EU Exit) Regulations 2020 put in place measures to ensure that the United Kingdom continues to meet its obligations under UN sanction regimes relating to Sudan to encourage the resolution of armed conflicts and the stabilisation of Sudan. We are determined to ensure that that process continues. However, as noble Lords, particularly my noble friend Lady Ashton, have said, the real effort has to be focused on diplomacy to bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. It is our firm belief that the future of Sudan must be determined by its people, free from the influence of those who have led the country into its current turmoil.
To respond to the noble Earl, Lord Dundee, we are actively supporting the Tuqaddum coalition—I mentioned it in my introduction—providing both technical and diplomatic assistance to promote dialogue among all Sudanese stakeholders. This includes working with 200 women within the coalition to find inclusive political solutions. This week, as noble Lords know, officials met the women’s shuttle diplomacy mission. The United Kingdom is committed to ensuring women’s equal and meaningful participation so that peace efforts can be fully effective.
Again, as my noble friend Lady Ashton and the noble Lords, Lord Ahmad and Lord Verdirame, have emphasised, our diplomatic effort by its very nature often has to be discreet. Diplomacy has to be in terms of building confidence and building that dialogue. We will continue to support international partners seeking to bring the warring parties to a ceasefire and to a sustained, meaningful and inclusive peace process.
I do not think this Government will rule out any option, particularly as penholder. We will be determined to ensure that we support any effort that could lead to all parties being brought round the table. Regardless of where mediation takes place, it is essential that African and Arab voices are represented and that all ceasefire initiatives are co-ordinated.
I very much welcome the ongoing advocacy and tireless efforts of the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury. Of course, the United Kingdom recognises the important role of local Sudanese faith-based actors in advocating for an end to this senseless violence and for a peaceful future for the Sudanese people.
I conclude by reassuring all noble Lords that we will continue to strive for a better future for the people of Sudan through our diplomatic and development work. We will push for accountability, humanitarian relief and human rights to be respected, while promoting efforts to build a lasting peace. The road ahead will not be an easy one, but with sustained international support, I believe that Sudan can and will emerge from this dark chapter.
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and International Committee of the Red Cross (Status) Bill [HL]
Lord Collins of Highbury ExcerptsWednesday 11th September 2024
(1 year, 10 months ago)
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The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)
My Lords, I understand that no amendments have been set down to this Bill and that no noble Lord has indicated a wish to move a manuscript amendment or to speak in Committee. Unless, therefore, any noble Lord objects, I beg to move that the order of commitment be discharged.
Antimicrobial Resistance
Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts(2 years ago)
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Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle
To ask His Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking to secure multilateral consensus in advance of a political declaration at the United Nations General Assembly high-level meeting on antimicrobial resistance in September.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)
My Lords, the United Kingdom is actively engaged in the political declaration on antimicrobial resistance. We recognise that we must tackle the human and animal environment aspects of AMR to be successful, embodying a One Health approach, and recognising the needs of developing countries, including supporting them to have access to the essential drugs they need to treat infections. Of course, finally, we want to see the establishment of a new independent science panel to provide evidence-based guidance to national Governments.
Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (GP)
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his Answer, I welcome him to the Dispatch Box and I look forward to working with him on these issues. As research that I shared with him indicates, elevated levels of AMR genes have been identified as a new stand-alone factor in global change. Can he tell me what resources the Government plan to devote to this meeting but also whether they have a long-term plan? The meeting is only one moment of what needs to be a long-term process to engage with this through both aid and diplomacy.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The noble Baroness is absolutely right. Our first step is to ensure that we give maximum publicity to this high-level meeting and engage all Governments in the declaration. We want a strong acknowledgement of the need to reduce the discharge of AMR, which drives chemicals into the environment. We also want proper surveillance and proper research. We are totally committed to a strong political declaration, and our hope is that we will be able to achieve that. We will follow through with much more effective support for research.
Baroness Sugg (Con)
My Lords, I welcome the Minister to his role. He has been a great champion for development and nutrition in particular, and I look forward to that continuing. In response to the needs of low-income countries, the previous Foreign Secretary announced £85 million of funding to tackle AMR back in May. The UK’s work on AMR has strong cross-party support. I hope the current Foreign Secretary will continue to show political leadership and prioritise attendance at the high-level meeting. We must raise our ambition here, and more resource is needed. Can the Minister say what the Government will do to encourage international financial institutions and multilateral development banks to help low-income countries access more funding for tackling AMR?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The noble Baroness is absolutely right: we want to ensure that the political declaration is followed through in our work. Obviously, as we come through to the round of multilateral negotiations, we can ensure that that political declaration is taken into account when those multilateral funds start thinking about disbursement. The high-level panel meeting of the United Nations General Assembly is a very important event, but it is not the only one, so we will ensure the fullest attendance, to maximise the political implications and effect of our participation.
Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)
My Lords, I also welcome the Minister to his brief; he brings a huge amount of experience to this, and I wish him well in his role going forward. He will be aware that the previous Government were rightly commended for their 20-year ambition on AMR, and also the five-year action plans, but there was concern that, given the fact that a lot of the UK research has been carried out through official development assistance, the considerable cuts to that—moving away from 0.7%—have had an impact on UK research. What reassurance can the Minister give that the new Government will set us back on the trend to having 0.7% of GNI for ODA, so we can return to being a global leader on AMR research?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
I do not think the things are necessarily linked; the noble Lord knows our commitment to 0.7%, and we want to return to it as soon as the fiscal situation allows. In the meantime, we want to focus on the impact of our ODA, and that is why this political declaration is so important, because we can achieve a lot. One of the things we will be doing is looking at the plans and commitments that the previous Government made, and ensure that we work in partnership with African countries to deliver the biggest impact.
Lord Patel (CB)
My Lords, while accepting that we need to do everything possible to control the increasing incidence of antibiotic resistance, would the Minister agree that we should also pursue research that would find other forms of treatment to control bacterial infections? For instance, there are new antibiotics such as the one developed in Harvard University that changes the way it works on bacterial infections or, secondly, the one developed in Imperial College London, which has been developed to disrupt the microbiology of bacteria. Thirdly and importantly is developing viruses that act as bacteriophages to destroy the bacterial infections, but that requires a manufacturing facility; in January, the Science, Innovation and Technology Select Committee recommended that we should develop one in the old Rosalind Franklin Laboratory in the north. Would the Minister comment?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
I was extremely grateful for the noble Lord catching me in the corridor just before, warning me about this. The noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, emphasised the importance of research, and it is constantly developing. We must look at it not only in terms of the problems we face in this country but also the issues faced in low to middle-income countries. The noble Lord is absolutely right, and our first commitment out of the high-level panel meeting is to focus on the need for greater research. But I accept what the noble Lord says: we are a centre of excellent research in this country, and we need to make sure that the benefits of that research are reflected in our ability to turn research into those manufacturing capabilities. I am very pleased that my honourable friend in DSIT will be absolutely focused on ensuring that is the case.
Lord Kamall (Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the noble Lord on his appointment as a Minister and, indeed, the whole Labour Front Bench on their election victory and their appointments as Ministers. Following up on the last question, will the Minister tell the House which other government departments the FCDO is working with across government to ensure that there is a real joined-up government approach in tackling this issue?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
I welcome the noble Lord to his position on the Front Bench, and I am pleased to see him back—well, back in the Opposition. We made clear when we entered the election that we will be a mission-based Government, and that involves cross-departmental working. Let us not ignore the fact that this is a fundamental part of economic development, not only for this country but to ensure that we spread the mission to our partnerships in Africa. On the Fleming funding and the other issues that I have already addressed, we are working on a cross-departmental basis with Defra and are ensuring that the good practice we have in this country is replicated and followed through in other countries, so the noble Lord is right that we will be committing to that.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, I welcome the Minister to his position. It was wonderful to work with him when we were in opposition; it is his turn now, and we expect a lot from him. What percentage of ODA goes into research? It was vital in terms of support for, say, the Jenner Institute and the preparations that we made for the pandemic. Could he tell us what support for UK research is ODA money?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
I may have to follow through in writing. By the way, when we first worked together the noble Baroness was in government and I was in opposition, but despite that we worked collaboratively then. ODA is spent on AMR. I mentioned the Fleming Fund, and I think the previous Government spent £400 million on that support. But broadening it out to other aspects of research—they are not exclusive, as other research can benefit the fight against AMR— I will write to the noble Baroness with more detailed information.
Lord Turnberg (Lab)
My Lords, one area where we should focus our research efforts is on veterinary practice, where much of the resistance arises. Can my noble friend give some indication of what efforts are being made in that regard?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
That is why I said at the beginning that we want to take a holistic approach to this issue, because it is not just medical overprescription; these chemicals are also able to get into the environment through animals, and we have been focused on ensuring that our strategy and the high-level panel meetings address that issue. It is not just veterinary and the issue is not just about our practices in this country; it is about spreading the word across the world, because it is amazing how these things can get into the food system far more widely spread than you could ever imagine, so it is a high priority.