Speciality Steel UK: Insolvency

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 2nd September 2025 Commons Chamber

[Sarah Jones]

UK manufacturing suffered under the previous Government, who had no strategy, did not really believe in it and allowed thousands of jobs to be lost across a range of different industries. This Government are taking a fundamentally different approach: we have an industrial strategy under which we intervene directly to grow the industries of the future, including foundational industries such as steel, which are so important to us for many different reasons. We are also introducing energy price reductions that, for companies such as Liberty that use high levels of energy, will mean significant reductions in their costs by next year. We are introducing an additional energy reduction for a wider group of up to 7,000 companies, which by 2027 will also receive a significant reduction. Again, that is something that the previous Government never did.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the Minister for her statement and for her commitment. On anything that I have ever had to speak to the hon. Lady about, she has always been willing to try to achieve something to give security for jobs, and I thank her for that personally. The fact that some 1,450 jobs are on the line is devastating not only for all the families concerned, but for the subsidiary supply companies and those that rely on high-quality steel for their manufacturing. In Northern Ireland, for example, that includes Harland & Wolff, aerospace and the construction sector. For the future of steel, the sector must continue to win future contracts for our industry. How can she provide certainty in these uncertain days?

[Sarah Jones]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind words. He is right to point to the supply chain and the need for us to support not just the key industries, but the whole network of small and medium-sized companies across the whole UK, not just in Northern Ireland. I was in Belfast a couple of weeks ago, and I was delighted to see at Harland & Wolff the building under way of the three ships that are part of the MOD contract with Navantia. I was also pleased to go to Spirit, given our good conversations with Boeing about the future of that site and what it could look like. I also met lots of other parts of the industry. Advanced manufacturing in Northern Ireland is showing the way in lots of new technologies that we need to support. I will continue to support them.

UK Internal Market

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 22nd July 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dr Huq.

I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) for his continued dedication to highlighting the absurdity of the Windsor framework and the need for an end to this disastrous mechanism. All hon. Members who speak in this debate have outlined and will outline the barriers that affect business across the whole of Northern Ireland. We are aware of the problems that we are raising, but I urge the Government to fully consider their impact. The Minister is a good man; he listens, and always tries to respond, so we look forward to his response on behalf of Government.

The Government will say that this is only a small additional bit of paperwork to do, and that businesses should be able to comply with the two-lane system and the administration, but the fact is that, while they could comply, it is more hassle, so at the system’s worst they are simply not complying.

I will give two examples that affect households throughout Northern Ireland. Morris & Son Ltd specialise in near-date sales and clearance lines that are cheaper and enable shops to pass on deals. Morris Ltd has said that the product margins on such products are too small to justify the time it takes to administer the additional protocols, when it can sell with no hassle on the GB mainland.

I do not say this to shame Morris Ltd, because that is not what this is about; the shame is on the current and the previous Governments for not rectifying the issue, but the losers are those on low incomes, who used to be able to get a good deal on short-dated stock. The constituents of every hon. Member in this House can take advantage of that, barring my constituents in Strangford and people in other constituencies of Northern Ireland. At a time when food inflation stands at 4.5%, and is predicted to be 5.1% by the end of this year, why should my constituents, and people across Northern Ireland, not be able to take advantage of those offers?

The hon. Member for North Down (Alex Easton) referred to dog treats: cheaper companies will not pay the vet fees to go through the shipments line by line. I heard Roger Pollen, from the Federation of Small Businesses, doing an interview at the end of June, in which he highlighted that 1,000 Marks & Sparks products have to be re-labelled, and 400 M&S items have been moved into the red lane—all that when Government had promised us that things would get easier, instead of getting worse. When M&S is struggling with the complexity, why would small retailers such as Morris & Son Ltd waste time and money? The fact is they will not, they are not, and my constituents are the losers. We were promised the rewards of a dual market, yet there has been no drive to entice business to come in and make the most of that supposed draw. The reason is that no one can actually quantify what the benefits are, and how we can assess them.

The Minister is a good man. We all know that. He always tries to be helpful. We have posed a lot of questions, and hopefully he can give us some answers. I urge him to go to the Cabinet to arrange a meeting with the EU to end this nonsense once and for all. Small businesses are crying out, and it is now affecting big business, which is where it gets even more difficult, but what is worst of all is that my constituents and all the other Northern Ireland constituents are paying more for their products than people on the mainland, and wondering why they are paying the price for Europe to maintain its death grip. End that death grip, Minister. Make the changes and end it soon, before small businesses are choked to death.

Oral Answers to Questions

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Thursday 17th July 2025 Commons Chamber

[Gareth Thomas]

My hon. Friend describes just one example of the terrible human impact that the Post Office scandal has had on many good people up and down our country who served their communities and who were treated unbelievably badly by the Post Office. I will of course look into the case that my hon. Friend has raised. We are determined to do more to help not just her constituent but all those who are still waiting for compensation.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I thank the Minister and the Government for all they are doing in this area. The frustration is that those who deserve compensation, having been traumatised physically, emotionally and financially, have waited many years for the redress that they should be getting. There seems to be a delay for some who should be receiving the moneys now. Indeed, they are now being told that it could be another three years before they will receive any money. I genuinely urge the Minister and Government to make sure that people get the money ASAP—in other words, let us get it done this year.

[Gareth Thomas]

I, and I suspect the whole House, share the hon. Gentleman’s frustration. There were many opportunities to stop the Post Office scandal, and compensation should have been paid out to all the victims a long time ago. We have quadrupled the amount of compensation paid out in the past 12 months, and 5,000 victims who had not received compensation 12 months ago have now done so. Is that good enough? Of course not; there is a lot more to do, and the recommendations that Sir Wyn Williams made last week are helpful in that regard.

Commemoration of Matchgirls’ Strike

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 16th July 2025 Commons Chamber

[Uma Kumaran (Stratford and Bow) (Lab)]

May I say how wonderful it is to have you in the Chair for this debate, Madam Deputy Speaker? You were in the Chair for my maiden speech, and this is my first ever Adjournment debate. I also pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Bradford South (Judith Cummins), who is also proudly wearing the ribbon that we are wearing today.

I am grateful for the opportunity to open this debate and to pay tribute to the women and girls of the matchgirls’ strike of 1888. I am proudly the very first Member of Parliament for the new constituency of Stratford and Bow. The boundaries may be new, but it is a part of east London with a rich and radical history that I am so proud to represent. As the granddaughter of one of Jaffna’s first ever trade unionists, I am proud to be here to speak about this subject.

In my maiden speech, I paid tribute to some of the well-known and illustrious figures who were residents of Bow. Some were household names, like Gandhi, Attlee and Annie Besant, but today I pay tribute to some lesser-known but equally powerful figures in British history: the matchgirls—the young women of the Bryant & May match factory in Bow. I am proud to have residents from Bow here in the Gallery to hear the debate, and I pay tribute to the Chisenhale ESOL Bengali ladies, who visited me earlier today.

The matchgirls were mostly very young girls—some were as young as six, but they went up to the age of 13 and beyond. They endured long hours, pitiful pay and appalling working conditions. They were fined for being late, for being untidy and even for talking. Worst of all, they were being poisoned slowly and painfully. The white phosphorus used to make the matches made them sicker by the day, giving them a condition called “phossy jaw”. The girls would dip the matches into sulphur, then into the white phosphorus mixture, and that led to that horrible disease, which caused painful abscesses, facial disfigurement, the loss of their jaw and, in some cases, a slow and painful death.

When this came to light via work with Annie Besant and in a news article, factory bosses tried to force the girls to lie. Instead, they fought back and took their futures into their hands. Some 1,400 of those brave young women walked out on strike in July 1888, and they sent a delegation right here to Parliament. Some 56 matchgirls marched from Bow to Parliament, and a group of 12 of those women met with two MPs, right outside this Chamber in Central Lobby. Their courageous act is recorded in Hansard, as Mr Cunninghame Graham asked the Home Secretary to investigate the strike and the factory’s punitive practice.

I am proud that this week, working with the Matchgirls Memorial team, who are also here in the Gallery, and my union, the GMB, we have an exhibition in this very place, which the matchgirls walked to. The strike was exactly 137 years ago this week, and it lit the spark of the new labour movement and the new trade union movement. It was a spark that ignited the fire of modern trade unionism in Britain—the same movement that fights for our rights at work, and a movement that I am very proud to be a part of as a member of my union, the GMB.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. Lady on bringing forward this debate. She is absolutely right to celebrate the strike of 1888. Does she agree that the spirit of the matchgirls lives on in our women today? An example of that in my constituency and in hers is that of the WASPI women, who refused to take the wrong done to them lying down, and fought for recognition and fair compensation. The fight that began with the matchgirls’ strike in 1888 clearly still lives on in 2025.

[Uma Kumaran]

This is the first Adjournment debate that I have secured, and I am delighted to be a recipient of one of the hon. Gentleman’s famous Adjournment interventions—I have finally made it as a Member of Parliament. I certainly think that the spirit of the matchgirls reminds us that unionism and collective action have long been in the domain of women, regardless of how male-dominated the union movement or the struggle for workers’ rights may be.

Corporate Businesses and Franchisees: Regulatory Environment

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 2nd July 2025 Commons Chamber

[Sir John Hayes]

My right hon. Friend, as ever, makes an apposite comment. The trading of data by big businesses has become a business in itself, in the way that he sets out. By contrast, we need firms to practise responsibility, not parrot slogans and virtue signal. They concentrate power and wealth with little regard to the community in which they sit, or even the country in which they are situated.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the right hon. Gentleman. He is a friend to us all in this Chamber and we all love him because of the wisdom he brings to it. He is also a good friend to Northern Ireland. I say that because he will be very pleased when he hears about what we are doing in Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland better regulation strategy requires Departments to undertake and publish a regulatory impact assessment when considering new policy proposals or amendments to existing policy that may impact on businesses and to carry out a microbusiness test to assess the impact on businesses of fewer than five employees. Does he not agree, understanding what we are doing in Northern Ireland, that with increased regulation must come increased co-operation to secure better business, which benefits us all—the very thing he is trying to achieve?

[Sir John Hayes]

As ever, the hon. Gentleman makes an apposite and worthy contribution to our considerations. I simply say this to the Minister. The Government have a lot of power in all kinds of ways. They certainly have the power to regulate the kinds of unfair practices I have begun to set out, but they also have power as a customer. Government procurement has never, under successive Governments, been used as well as it might be to support British businesses, and in particular British small businesses. My challenge to the Minister is to look at that again. Let us look at how the Government, as a huge customer of all kinds of businesses, can support small and medium-sized firms.

Decades of non-intervention, driven by the mistaken belief in the triumph of liberal economics, have resulted in extraordinary numbers of foreign takeovers of British firms. It is also a matter of who owns these corporate giants and overseas companies that own our critical national infrastructure. The Government recently approved the Vodafone-Three merger, and the latter company is owned by a Hong Kong-based conglomerate. I wonder how closely the Competition and Markets Authority looked into the owners and leadership of Three’s parent company, the CK group, and I wonder whether that group has ties with the Chinese state—perhaps the Minister can inform us tonight. This merger must not become yet another corporate bonanza for shareholders at the expense of our national interest and the common good.

I sought this debate in particular following a meeting with a constituent who was previously a Vodafone franchisee, along with others from across the country. I am mindful, Madam Deputy Speaker, of a legal case involving those Vodafone franchisees; I have taken advice from the Table Office and amended my speech heavily as a result. However, I do think it is important to set out some of the context, in the broad terms that I have described, which relates to the behaviour of large companies that adopt the franchise model.

Whistleblowers

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 2nd July 2025 Westminster Hall

On resuming—

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Turner. I thank the hon. Member for South Dorset (Lloyd Hatton) for setting the scene so well, as he often does on these issues. I have spoken in previous debates on this topic, and it is an important issue for me.

The Minister and I were talking as we walked up to vote, and he reminded me of the story I am going to tell—a true story of a friend who was a whistleblower, and the effect it had on him personally, physically, emotionally and financially. Ultimately, it affected all his family. I will tell the story without mentioning his last name, but I will use his first name for the purposes of the debate.

Whistleblowing is a risk internally in any organisation in the public, private or voluntary sectors—it can affect us all. We probably all have many examples to give, and that is the point. The idea is to expose problems that may arise, such as fraud, violations, discrimination or downright corruption. There are provisions in place, and I believe in the protection of whistleblowers, so I very much look forward to discussing this issue. We just left the Chamber to vote on Lords amendments—a different focus in respect of a different Bill, obviously, but whistleblowing was the central theme of the discussions.

In a previous debate on this matter, I went into detail about a close friend of mine. His name was Brian, and that is all I will say, other than that we were friends from childhood the whole way through. He is sadly no longer with us. To give a brief reminder, Brian was a childhood friend who had suffered greatly due to his experience as a whistleblower. I fought a whole campaign for him, right through to meeting the companies that were involved. I knew the stress that Brian had. I also knew the physical impact it had on him.

Brian was a wonderful person. I use his story as an example of how people can be penalised for doing the right thing. I know the Minister knows the story well and that he will respond, as he always does, with help and compassion on the issues that we try to expound in Westminster Hall and in the Chamber. The right thing may not always be a natural choice for some, but for Brian it was never in dispute. He was committed to doing the right thing when he became aware of what was happening at that time.

I stand proud of Brian for the sacrifice he made in doing things properly and by the book, and for sticking rigidly to opposing what he knew was wrong the whole way through the system. Brian was a strapping big guy— six foot, and a rugby player at school, he was physically strong—and I would have thought he was mentally strong too. Unfortunately, the whistleblowing weakened him not only physically but emotionally.

I stand here as a supporter of protection for those who, like Brian, dare to speak truth to higher authority and take it the whole way through the system. When something is wrong, they have the guts, the courage and the commitment to do what is right, even when adversity stares them in the eye. Trust is earned, but protection is an entitlement for those who raise issues that could be of detriment to the greater good.

It is also a reality that many feel they cannot bring to superiors the issues of concern they wish to bring, in order to use the process as it is laid out. That is where the legislation must be strengthened, which is why I welcome what the Government are doing to ensure that protections are in place and that people do not feel intimidated or frightened to speak the truth. That should never happen in this world. We should protect people in every way from what can overtake them, as it did in Brian’s case. He got justice in the end, but it took its toll.

For Northern Ireland specifically, the Public Interest Disclosure Act 1998 is the primary legislation used for protecting whistleblowers. It makes it unlawful for employers to dismiss workers or subject them to detriment because they have made a protected disclosure. A protected disclosure should be exactly what it says: there should be no feedback and no comeback, and they should be able to do something that, legally, they are able to do under the law, to highlight something that is wrong in a company. That legislation applies to both the private and public sector.

A UK legal study found that 73% of whistleblowers reported feeling victimised or, indeed, felt forced to resign, with many suffering significant anxiety and depression. That is what happened to Brian. Furthermore, there is no doubt about the mental toll that whistleblowing can take in terms of post-traumatic stress disorder and trauma. Nobody should have to feel that way about raising concerns that they feel need to be looked at or addressed.

I think of the experiences that my friend went through—the health issues he experienced and the downward trend in health. He was under emotional pressure and the anxiety levels were incredibly high. He also suffered financially. He was a high-flyer in a well-known company. His earnings back in the ’80s were at a level that I could only have dreamed about at that age. He suffered financially and his farm suffered financially, and the outcome was a smaller house. He was a family man, and his family were growing up at the time.

I think of the exceptional financial and physical problems that he suffered because he took an exceptional stand. Nobody should have to face losing everything for doing what they believe is right. I see it as a brave thing to question potential wrongdoing, and I know the Minister does as well. We need more protections in place. I look to the Minister, as I always do, for his commitment, which I know is forthcoming.

As always, I also ask whether the Minister has had the opportunity to speak to the relevant Ministers in the devolved Administrations, to ensure that the commitment of Ministers here will be the same as the ones made in Northern Ireland Assembly, as well as in Scotland and Wales. Will the Minister engage with the devolved institutions to ensure that we have strong legislation surrounding this issue across the whole of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland? That is the reason why I am here—I am here because of Brian.

Parental Leave Review

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 1st July 2025 Commons Chamber

[Justin Madders]

May I thank my hon. Friend for her question and for her consistent campaigning on this issue? She is right to point out that the Employment Rights Bill has important advances in that area. The review will also, I hope, have a positive impact on the gender pay gap. In particular, the review’s second objective is to ensure that we enable parents

“to stay in work and advance in their careers after starting a family”.

That will focus in particular on the women’s labour market and its outcomes, and of course on tackling the gender pay gap.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

Today’s statement is positive and I thank the Minister for it. The fact that parents cannot share leave leaves a sense of there being one primary caregiver, which is not an accurate picture of most households in this day and age. Indeed, more than 50% of households in Northern Ireland are dual income, meaning that childcare needs are shared. Will the Minister and the Government, in the pilot scheme, consider ensuring that mothers and fathers can use the leave between them as needed, as opposed to the leave being used by one parent solely? Will he commit to that being part of the review?

[Justin Madders]

As always, it is a pleasure to hear from the hon. Gentleman. He raises an important point about how the current shared parental leave system is not working. We have seen that the percentage of people taking advantage of that is in the low single figures. We are aware of that and will be looking at it closely as part of the review.

Hospitality Sector

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Tuesday 1st July 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Butler. I thank the hon. Member for Kingswinford and South Staffordshire (Mike Wood) for applying for the debate and setting the scene so well. I also thank all those who have contributed.

The Northern Ireland perspective on the hospitality sector is coming up, as it always does from me and other colleagues from Northern Ireland. Hon. Members will have heard me speak repeatedly about the hospitality industry in Northern Ireland, which I am incredibly proud of. The reputation for hospitality ensures that as soon as someone comes to Northern Ireland, they feel they have come home from home. That is what we do in Northern Ireland; we make people welcome, wherever they come from, so that they want to come back again.

That is why many refer to hospitality as the backbone of our tourism industry. Hospitality Ulster outlined in recent communications that it is not widely known that in Northern Ireland, four out of five jobs in tourism-related industries are in the hospitality sector. The strategic value of the hospitality sector in Northern Ireland cannot be ignored. It supports 77,500 jobs and gives £1.9 billion to the economy. To understand that, information and communication brings in £1.6 billion, and agriculture and fisheries account for £1.3 billion. The hospitality sector makes up almost one in 10 regional jobs.

Although the increases in employer national insurance contributions and the living wage are solely under the control of Westminster, the Northern Ireland Assembly cannot escape the consequences of the refusal to pass on the Barnett consequential moneys that come to Northern Ireland, when English hospitality and retail businesses were given a rates reduction due to the cost of living crisis. That has left the Northern Ireland hospitality industry in an even worse position to deal with the fallout of the Budget.

I will explain what that means. The changes to employer NICs and the national living wage will add an additional £2,500 per person employed in the sector, based on a staff member earning the national living wage and working 38 hours a week. In Northern Ireland, 63% of jobs in accommodation and food are part time, the highest share across all sectors by a considerable margin. It is important to focus quickly on the fact that those are significant additional cost burdens on a sector that is already under huge pressure from costs, sales and profitability.

Staying in business is very challenging, as the fallout from covid continues for the sector, plus huge additional costs. Heaping on additional completely unexpected costs only fuels the journey towards crisis point for many in the hospitality sector. I say that with respect to the Minister, and reassure him that he is not responsible for all the ills of the world, but I want to outline this issue.

The UK Budget has made Northern Ireland a more expensive place than our neighbour the Republic of Ireland to employ staff. With a further reduction of VAT likely, the Republic of Ireland has a competitive advantage over Northern Ireland. That will not only drive investment from north to south but also consumers, as our hospitality businesses will not be able to compete with Republic of Ireland counterparts.

[Carla Lockhart (Upper Bann) (DUP)]

My hon. Friend is right that the hospitality sector is important to Northern Ireland. It is probably one of the most difficult sectors, with long hours, high costs and low margins. Does he agree that one of the most challenging things is the VAT disparity with the Republic of Ireland? Does he therefore agree that, if the UK Government were to do something about VAT for the hospitality sector, it would be a silver bullet?

[Jim Shannon]

My hon. Friend and colleague is right. I mentioned the clear VAT imbalance. To put it in simple equations, to explain the issue and understand it better: in the simplest example, a couple getting married in Enniskillen would find that a significantly cheaper wedding reception is just a few miles away across the border. I hope that explains the matter a wee bit better.

There is a vital need for the introduction of a reduced rate of VAT for the hospitality and tourism sector. Hospitality Ulster has flagged the creation of a new employer national insurance contribution band from £5,000 to £9,000, with a lower rate of 5%, or the implementation of an exception for lower-band taxpayers working fewer than 20 hours a week. The difference and the tight margin between viability and closure is right there for us in Northern Ireland. I look to the Minister for consideration of these proposals.

Businesses can and will thrive if supported to do so. Every pound of support sees a direct benefit for local economies. I know that support for the hospitality industry will help businesses in every corner of the UK. I know that that is the desire of every person who has contributed to this debate and of the Minister, who is an honourable person. However, we really need to take steps to ensure that all of this great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland can thrive. The Minister can make it happen, and I look forward to his contribution.

UK Modern Industrial Strategy

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Monday 23rd June 2025 Commons Chamber

[Jonathan Reynolds]

That is a great question. I remember our conversations about critical minerals, Madam Deputy Speaker. They are a key enabler and they will be even more important in the future. My hon. Friend will know that some of the National Wealth Fund’s initial investments have been into different critical minerals businesses in his region, because of the importance of that part of the UK to this strategy. We need more international co-operation on critical minerals as well, but he should rest assured that the British Business Bank and the National Wealth Fund are focused on this area because it is so important, and there will be big benefits to his area from that.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

rose—

[Samantha Niblett (South Derbyshire) (Lab)]

As the founder of Labour: Women in Tech, I wholeheartedly welcome the industrial strategy’s ambitious goals to scale our tech sector and workforce. On 15 July in Parliament, I am hosting WeAreTechWomen and Oliver Wyman for the launch of the Lovelace report. The report has identified that between 40,000 and 60,000 female professionals are leaving the tech sector annually or seeking advancement opportunities elsewhere, which represents well over £1 billion of economic opportunity that could be unlocked by better supporting our existing skilled workforce. Does the Secretary of State agree that both inspiring new talent and supporting great existing talent and diverse teams, across all demographics, is fundamental to maximising returns on our industrial strategy investments and securing the UK’s position as a world-leading technology nation?

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)]

I call Tom Hayes.

[Jim Shannon]

My bronchitis is starting to get to me a little, Madam Deputy Speaker.

[Tom Hayes (Bournemouth East) (Lab)]

The CBI says that our net zero economy grew by 9% in 2023, and that it was 40% more productive and wages in the sector were 15% higher than the UK average, so I am pleased to say that this industrial strategy is betting on a winner with clean energy. I am also pleased to hear the announcement that the Government will be slashing the cost of energy for industry, but will the Secretary of State tell me, my constituents in Bournemouth and people across the south-west what the industrial strategy will do for the south-west?

[Madam Deputy Speaker]

With my apologies for not calling him earlier, I now call Jim Shannon.

[Jim Shannon]

You are very kind, Madam Deputy Speaker—we got there in the end.

I thank the Secretary of State for his statement, which is full of positivity. Everyone here welcomes it deep down, and if they do not, then they should: well done, Minister, and well done this Government. While I welcome the news that more than 7,000 British businesses are set to see their electricity bills slashed by up to 25% by 2027, it is clear that much more support is needed, such as a reduction in corporation tax, especially for businesses in Northern Ireland, which borders the Republic of Ireland where the corporation tax rate is half of our rate at 12.5%. Will the Secretary of State discuss that with his Cabinet colleagues in order to provide greater support for our industries in Northern Ireland?

[Jonathan Reynolds]

I appreciate the hon. Gentleman’s support and kind words. There is a great deal in the strategy that will benefit every part of the UK. He knows that I take my responsibilities for Northern Ireland very seriously, particularly given the complexities of trade policy, the Windsor agreement and how that has to work for the benefit of everyone in Northern Ireland. He will know that the UK has the lowest corporation tax of any G7 country, so it is quite an ask to reduce it still further. However, I understand the genuine competitive pressures of being in business in Northern Ireland for people who are close to the border, and how they are affected by the mobility of capital and talent. We all have a responsibility to work with our colleagues in the Northern Ireland Executive to ensure UK Government policy works to the maximum, and provides consistent and co-ordinated benefits. I am regularly in touch with my colleagues in Northern Ireland and regularly visit. I am planning a visit right now—I might even look up the hon. Gentleman and make a visit to his constituency to address some of these issues.

Businesses in Rural Areas

Jim Shannon Excerpts

Wednesday 18th June 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

The book is very clear, Mr Western:

“the last shall be first, the first shall be last”.

Today I am the last; the next day I will be the first. I thank the hon. Member for North Norfolk (Steff Aquarone) for setting the scene so well. I want to give a Northern Ireland perspective—I know that is not the Minister’s responsibility, but I always sew it into debates, and I have one question for him at the end.

As the MP for Strangford, a wonderful mixed rural and urban area, I have the ability to see success in both areas, which I am thankful for. Although there is no doubt that business is more difficult to carry out logistically in rural areas, I believe there is greater potential—it is massive. Rural businesses in Northern Ireland are a vital part of the economy, with 58% of all businesses located in rural areas, although they only account for a smaller percentage of the total employment—21%—and a turnover of 25%. However, they are still critical for the area. The businesses are heavily concentrated in sectors such as agriculture, forestry, fishing and construction.

Support for rural business is available through various initiatives, such as the rural business investment scheme and the rural business development grant scheme. They are administered by the local Ards and North Down council, but the money comes from the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs and the tackling rural poverty and social isolation framework. I commend my honourable friend and colleague Councillor Alderman Robert Adair.

The development grants are between £500 and almost £5,000, and are available to micro-enterprises based in rural areas to support sustainability and growth. Over the last short time, £100,000 has been allocated to 32 rural businesses in my area. The scheme is oversubscribed. It was an annual scheme, but there is a question mark over what will happen in the future. I highlight that to the Minister—it is not his responsibility, but he is an hon. Gentleman, a good Minister and he does good for us all. Will he engage with the relevant Minister at the Northern Ireland Assembly to ensure that we continue to have the business growth that is available in my constituency of Strangford and across all of Ards and North Down?