(1 month ago)
Commons ChamberThis is my first time speaking to the Bill, so I want to start by thanking my hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley (Kim Leadbeater) for having the courage to bring forward such a significant piece of legislation. I thank all hon. and right hon. Members who have been part of the debate and who have worked on the Bill so far for their thoughtful contributions.
Until this week, I have remained open-minded and undecided on this Bill. My starting point in the debate was my own personal views. I am personally against assisted dying, because of my Christian faith, and for selfish reasons also, as I am a little bit scared of losing people and being there at the end of people’s lives. But, like all of us, I have received a significant amount of communication on this matter, so I, too, decided to launch my own local survey, in which I asked my constituents for their stance on the Bill: for, against or undecided. What became increasingly clear is that people are split on this issue. Fifty-five per cent of people were against, 42% were for and the remainder were unsure. That “for” figure is not insignificant.
I promised my very close friend Emma that I would share the story of her mum Cheryl, who was diagnosed with terminal stage 4 cancer just over two and a half years ago. Emma wanted to cherish every last minute of her mum’s life, and she was outstanding at creating those special memories with her in the last year or so. Emma was against assisted dying at the time and wanted to do everything to keep her mum with her for as long as possible. Cheryl sadly died last year. Emma told me:
“I think if something like this was legal it would stop people having to go through what mam went through on those last few weeks of her life. She could have had a dignified, pain free death. Instead, all her dignity was stripped from her and she was in so much pain, despite the strong pain meds. I will never be able to forget the screams. I hope this does get passed to give people like mam the choice and to be in control.”
Like, I am sure, everyone else, I have received similar comments from constituents about watching relatives fade away in pain and agony, suffering a lingering death and begging for it to stop.
Will my hon. Friend give way?
I will not, because I want other Members to be able to speak.
I supported the Bill on Second Reading, to allow the debate to move forward and with the hope of satisfying my concerns—the main two being the definition of mental capacity and how it can be interpreted, and the safeguards in place to ensure that an individual is not coerced. I also wanted assurances that the Bill is strong enough to avoid the slippery-slope scenario that we have seen in other countries. After listening to the debate on Report and absorbing the vast amount of information I have received from Members and various lobbying organisations on both sides of the debate, and after meeting people on both sides, including my hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley, I am satisfied that my concerns have been addressed.
In my view, the Bill now has more controls than when we looked at it on Second Reading, not fewer. I also reject the suggestion that the Bill has not received sufficient scrutiny. The debate on assisted dying has been ongoing for many years. A significant amount of analysis, reports and information is available. The Bill has gone through hours of scrutiny in Committee and on Report, and it will, of course, go through the same in the other place.
I have spent time looking at all the information, and I am sure other Members have, too. I believe in choice. Although at this stage in my life, I believe that assisted dying is not for me, there are many who feel otherwise. They should be able to make this deeply personal choice, just as they can make choices about so many other elements of their life, such as whether to follow a religion, marry, have children or get divorced. These are life choices, usually made by somebody of sound mind and with considerable thought. We should be able to make the same choices about our death.
After much consideration, I am minded to support the Bill on Third Reading. I will listen to the rest of the debate, but I must say that if Third Reading is not agreed to, we cannot allow the debate to disappear for another decade. The country needs this option. My constituents tell me that we need to find an acceptable way to legislate as soon as is practicable.
(3 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesThe Liberal Democrats are very supportive of clause 56 and schedule 8, which tidy up existing measures, including those previously implemented by the Liberal Democrats. That includes our campaign to ban revenge porn—we note the excellent points made by the Minister, the hon. Member for Pontypridd, regarding both “revenge” and “porn”—which elevated the taking of intimate images to a criminal offence in 2015, with sentences of up to two years in prison for those convicted.
We also note the work of my hon. Friend the Member for Bath (Wera Hobhouse) on the Voyeurism (Offences) Act 2019, so shamefully blocked by the hon. Member for Christchurch (Sir Christopher Chope) in 2018, which made upskirting a specific crime. We congratulate the Government on bringing forward measures to combat these upsetting, intrusive and insidious crimes.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dr Allin-Khan.
Violence against women and girls is not just a societal problem—it is a national emergency. I am proud of the action that this Labour Government are taking in our Crime and Policing Bill to tackle it. Tough new action is needed, and we are bringing it. The Labour Government have set out an unprecedented ambition, as we heard from the Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd, to halve violence against women and girls within a decade. We will use every lever available to deliver this change.
The commitment goes beyond promises. One of the deliverables is the inclusion of new offences for the taking of intimate images without consent, as we have heard. These steps are crucial in addressing the evolving nature of sexual offences, which have outpaced existing laws. We must address this issue—it demands action and our unwavering commitment. Unlike the last Tory Government, which failed to keep up with developments in technology and sexual offending, we are taking tough action against perpetrators and ensuring that protections are better for victims—that is paramount. The consequences of this abuse can be life-changing and tragic. We must take the steps outlined in clause 56 and schedule 8 to ensure that we do not miss the opportunity to protect people from this rapidly growing harm.
The Women and Equalities Committee, which I sit on, has heard evidence from victims of non-consensual intimate image abuse. They have described the far-reaching and continuing impact that the abuse has had on their lives, confidence and relationships. I have heard from the witnesses how this has affected them. Unless we meet the victims and hear it from the horse’s mouth, the deep impact on them does not become real. Many of them are still suffering today. It has even pushed some to the brink of suicide. TV personality and campaigner Georgia Harrison told our predecessor Committee what happened in her case. She said:
“It impacted me in every way you could imagine. So I always sort of compare it to grief: you have to actually grieve a former version of yourself, you feel like you lose your dignity and a lot of pride, there is so much shame involved in it...It got to the point where I was so emotionally affected by what happened to me that I ended up being physically ill as well, to the point where I was in hospital”.
(6 months, 2 weeks ago)
Commons ChamberTackling violence against women and girls is a job for everyone. We all know that tackling violence involves far more than just the police and the criminal justice system. Preventing abuse in the first place is crucial, and everyone needs to play their part.
I join my hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale (Paul Waugh) and others in expressing my disappointment that some seem to pick and choose which type of abuse they wish to champion. Abuse is not a political football. All should come together to tackle abuse.
Across Government, and with mayors, local councils and police and crime commissioners, we need to support strong preventive action. According to the crime survey for England and Wales for the year ending March 2024, 2.2 million women that year had experienced domestic abuse, 1.1 million had suffered sexual assault and 1.5 million had been stalked.
Of course, it is not just physical abuse that women experience; they also experience online abuse. My fellow members of the Women and Equalities Committee and I recently heard evidence from young women about the abuse they experienced through non-consensual intimate images and deepfakes. It was harrowing to hear about the long-term impact this abuse has had on those young girls’ lives.
As we have heard, this Government have pledged to halve violence against women and girls in a decade, and I am pleased by the action they are already taking. I must mention the tireless and dedicated work of my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Yardley (Jess Phillips). She has stood up and fought against violence against women and girls for many years, supported many victims and is now doing great work to influence the tackling of this issue in her role as Minster for Safeguarding and Violence against Women and Girls.
However, the issue is not just what the Government should do. Preventing abuse in the first place is crucial, and everyone needs to play their part. Men need to play their part—men need to do more. The charity White Ribbon wants to prevent men’s violence against women and girls by addressing its root causes. It works with men and boys to change long-established and harmful attitudes, systems and behaviours that perpetuate inequality and violence.
It is clear that many young men are being warped by toxic influencers online. Police chiefs have warned that young men are being radicalised online. The police have demanded that technology companies act more quickly to take down extreme material. Schools have a role to play in providing high-quality, inclusive and effective relationships and sex education that is relevant to the realities of children’s lives and empowers young people to understand the true relationship boys should have with girls: respect, respect and respect. That really matters. Men need to be champions of that cause and of women’s safety.
I thank my hon. Friend, who is my colleague on the Women and Equalities Committee, for everything he does to set an example to young men. Does he agree that we should call upon all our male colleagues to do the same in their constituencies?
I agree, and I call upon all men to do everything they can to champion the cause. Men need to be positive champions: there is so much we can do. We need to be allies, calling out poor language or behaviour in our own friendship groups when we witness it. We need to be conscious of our behaviour around women, such as keeping a distance if we are walking near a woman who is alone at night. If we see a woman being harassed on public transport, for example, we can be an active bystander by ignoring the aggressor and engaging the victim with a benign question, such as asking the time or offering a seat. That is non-confrontational intervention that can help diffuse a situation. There is so much more that we, as men, can do. We can all help. We need to educate, act and do more to support, and we need to drive down such behaviour once and for all.