Energy Bills Discount Scheme Regulations 2023 Energy Bills Discount Scheme (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2023 Energy Bills Discount Scheme (Non-Standard Cases) Regulations 2023 Energy Bills Discount Scheme Pass-Through Requirement Regulations 2023 Energy Bills Discount Scheme Pass-Through Requirement (Heat Suppliers] Regulations 2023

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Monday 22nd May 2023 General Committees

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

We have been around these houses quite a few times, between us. I cannot remember exactly how many SIs we have had on the energy bill support scheme pass-through requirements—the non-domestic element of the original scheme—but I think it is well into double figures. During that period we have debated a whole range of things relating to those SIs, both positive and negative. The overwhelmingly positive aspect of the SIs has been that they provide the support people need for their bills in these times of great uncertainty and difficulty.

Today we are debating five SIs, which, secure the energy bill discount scheme for non-domestic businesses in Great Britain and Northern Ireland for a further year. The Minister will not be surprised when I repeat my concerns about the likelihood of some people getting the money they are entitled to, in view of the requirements of the SIs. She will recall our discussions about whether there should be a strict legal liability on the intermediaries responsible for the pass-through arrangements. There has been a further development in the arrangements for the energy ombudsman to become involved in matters of dispute, but he or she has no legal recourse to enforce payments. We still lack a strict legal liability for those whom the legislation makes responsible for passing through payments to the right people. I do not think we will profit greatly by having a long debate about that— I do not think we will resolve it further—but I note that I am still not entirely satisfied.

I am puzzled about how the new scheme fits in with paragraph 5 of schedule 6 to the Energy Prices Act 2022, which provides for reduced energy charges for non-domestic customers in Great Britain. It is right that the secondary legislation should concern itself with a one-year scheme, particularly for non-domestic customers, bearing in mind that the contracts they enter into do not fall strictly within any particular six-month period. One problem we had in our previous discussions about non-domestic customers was that someone might take out a contract for a non-domestic service that started before the support period and finished halfway through it, or that they might take out a contract halfway through the support period that finished outside it. There could be problems at either end. Those issues seem to have generally been resolved, but a period of a year is a more approachable proposition.

The Energy Prices Act sets out a two-year window within which support is to be provided, and states that that support

“may only provide for the reduction of charges for electricity supply that takes place during a period of six months or less;”.

As the explanatory notes to the Energy Bill Discount Scheme regulations state,

“The EBDS takes us up to the end of the third of the four successive periods.”

That means that the Act envisages a maximum of two years in four different tranches of six months. It then states:

“Support under EBDS will be provided for a year (divided into two six month periods), reflecting the limits in the Act.”

Dividing the support into six-month periods reflects the limits in the Act, but it does not make it clear—it is certainly not clear in the secondary legislation that we are debating—whether the superior legislation so limits the provision of support for a period of six months or less that putting forward a proposal that support should be provided for one year does not necessarily count, for legislative purposes.

It may be perfectly in order for the Government to set an aspiration that support should be for one year, but that may not necessarily accord with what the Act says. In order to make that right for a year, we may have to be here, yet again, in six months’ time re-legislating for the second of those two six-month periods.

I would like to know whether today’s proceedings really will be the last word on that support, or whether the proposal for a year’s support is an aspiration that will require us to go around the houses with legislation in six months’ time. If the Minister can clarify that, I will be very happy to support these regulations. In fact, I am happy to support them for the reasons I have outlined; I will not make my support conditional on the Minister’s doing that, because I am sure it will take some clarification. It is important, however, that we make it clear that we have finished legislating to give that certainty, and that as a result of today’s proceedings, we have put to bed for another year the question of price support for non-domestic customers.

--- Later in debate ---

[Amanda Solloway]

I thank hon. Members for their contributions to this debate. First, I address the question of whether these instruments are the end of the legislation in this area. I sincerely hope so. However, if there is anything to add when we meet tomorrow, I will of course let the hon. Member for Southampton, Test know, but it is very much my clear understanding that they are the end.

I turn to the point made by the hon. Member for Cardiff West about the music industry. I understand his great passion. He indicated very clearly why the industry is so important to the whole United Kingdom. He mentioned that he is very proud of our music industry—I am as well. I will attempt to explain the reason why we have these schemes. If I am unable to give a full enough explanation, as always I will be happy to offer a further meeting. Within the discount scheme, there is the universal level, which I believe is the level originally mentioned by the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Minister, my hon. Friend the Member for Hornchurch and Upminster. On that level, support will be given across all of the non-domestic industry. That is my understanding of the support that the music industry will be receiving.

Clearly, the energy-intensive industries needed more support based on the energy that they use, and the fact that a lot of the work is international was also taken into account. The list that the hon. Member for Cardiff West referred to was the standard industrial classification list, known as the SIC list. That is the standard that we used to define the energy-intensive industries that were to have the additional discount. If I have not explained that fully, I am happy to have a meeting with the hon. Member at a later date.

[Dr Whitehead]

The Minister mentions the so-called SIC list. That is an interesting list in so much as it provides, as my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff West said, a number of categories of energy-intensive industries. Some of those categories are very narrowly drawn, and some are very widely drawn. His point, at least in part, was that some of the categories within the energy-intensive classification for the higher level of funding are very tightly drawn, and therefore they come into that level, whereas others are very widely drawn.

I mentioned the discrepancy between ornamental or leisure gardens and horticulture, which is often very intensive, and between horticulture and agriculture. Clearly, agriculture is outside the energy-intensive industry classification, but because horticulture is classified within agriculture it does not get in, even though it has similarities with things in the energy-intensive list. I wonder whether the Minister will find time, at some stage, to look at the SIC list to see whether it does the job that we think it does when it comes to ensuring that people get the assistance. Energy-intensive industries should be well enough drawn to ensure that we do not have the sort of anomalies that my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff West thinks we have.

[Amanda Solloway]

The hon. Gentleman makes an interesting point about the SIC list. That is obviously the list we are using at the moment. We have taken a consistent approach to identifying the most energy and trade-intensive sectors with all the sectors that meet the agreed threshold to be eligible for this support. The Government are committed to continuing to provide essential energy bill support to eligible UK businesses, charities and public sector organisations until April 2024, to help avoid unnecessary financial pressures and job losses resulting from the ongoing situation in the wholesale market.

In addition to the baseline discount for all non-domestic consumers, the new scheme also provides, as we have discussed at length, much-needed targeted support for energy and trade-intensive industries and consumers on heat networks. That additional support will ensure that those most exposed to volatile energy prices and international trade are supported while limiting the fiscal burden on the taxpayer. The methodology ensures that the scheme captures those industries that have been identified as being less able to pass through their increased energy costs to customers because of international competition, as demonstrated by the level of trade intensity, and require an additional level of support. The pass-through requirement sets out how the benefit is passed on to end users in a reasonable and just way. The delivery of this calculation has been designed to ensure that it is not prescriptive but supports all scenarios.

By replicating existing civil enforcement mechanisms, we hope to avoid any complications for end users and provide clarity on how disputes can be raised. My Department has published clear guidance on gov.uk, both for intermediaries and for end users, that provides detailed information to help those affected. We are keen to ensure that all end users, including those who are vulnerable, receive the benefits of the schemes to which they are entitled. We will continue to review our pass-through requirement communication strategy, including reviewing guidance on gov.uk and offering engagement sessions to ensure that intermediaries understand their obligations and that customers receive the benefits to which they are entitled. I commend the regulations to the Committee.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved,

That the Committee has considered the Energy Bills Discount Scheme Regulations 2023 (S.I. 2023, No. 453).

ENERGY BILLS DISCOUNT SCHEME (NORTHERN IRELAND) REGULATIONS 2023

Resolved,

That the Committee has considered the Energy Bills Discount Scheme (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2023 (S.I., 2023, No. 454).—(Amanda Solloway.)

ENERGY BILLS DISCOUNT SCHEME (NON-STANDARD CASES) REGULATIONS 2023

Resolved,

That the Committee has considered the Energy Bills Discount Scheme (Non-Standard Cases) Regulations 2023 (S.I., 2023, No. 464).—(Amanda Solloway.)

ENERGY BILLS DISCOUNT SCHEME PASS-THROUGH REQUIREMENT REGULATIONS 2023

Resolved,

That the Committee has considered the Energy Bills Discount Scheme Pass-through Requirement Regulations 2023 (S.I., 2023, No. 463).—(Amanda Solloway.)

ENERGY BILLS DISCOUNT SCHEME PASS-THROUGH REQUIREMENT (HEAT SUPPLIERS) REGULATIONS 2023

Resolved,

That the Committee has considered the Energy Bills Discount Scheme Pass-through Requirement (Heat Suppliers) Regulations 2023 (S.I., 2023, No. 455).—(Amanda Solloway.)

Non-Domestic Alternative Fuel Payment Application Scheme Pass-through Requirement Regulations 2023

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Monday 15th May 2023 General Committees

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

What the Minister says about the regulations is all good stuff in terms of the need to ensure that high users of kerosene in off-grid industrial and commercial settings get the benefit of £150 and, indeed, of a top-up, as the Minister mentioned, in recognition of the high fuel costs that they are experiencing.

This is, I hope, the last in a dizzying catalogue of secondary legislation, all of which the Minister’s predecessor, the right hon. Member for Beverley and Holderness (Graham Stuart), and I sat here scrutinising over a long period to try to get right the regulations related to all the different areas under consideration for payments. In this instance, we are considering pass-through requirements. The principle that we should require pass-through in circumstances where an intermediary receives a payment and the end user of the kerosene, in this instance, may not get it because they are not the primary person or organisation to whom the payment goes, is very important as far as the overall legislation is concerned. When we last met to discuss regulations of this sort, I asked the right hon. Gentleman whether they were the last ones. Apparently that was not the case, but I hope these regulations are the last ones. After all, the scheme is pretty much over and done with, but we are still trying to legislate to ensure that we get it right.

As I say, the regulations are well and good—except, as the Minister pointed out, and indeed as the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments pointed out in relation to another SI, they rather fall down because no one actually has to do anything about them. We have a substantial piece of legislation to try to make sure that people get their money. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds Central acutely pointed out, the intermediary has to write to the end user of the kerosene, in this instance, to tell them that £150 may be coming their way and, if they are not going to get the full amount—there may be reasons for that, due to administration and other costs incurred by the intermediary—what proportion of it might come their way, and that has to be just and reasonable. However, as the Joint Committee pointed out, in law, the intermediary does not actually have to do any of that. It can simply sit on its hands and not tell the end user that they are entitled to £150 and that a portion of it, or otherwise, will come their way. The intermediary can just say nothing and the law will not come after it, because there is no strict liability in the regulations to make anyone do anything.

Yes, there is a theoretical remedy: as with pretty much anything else, if the end user does not get their £150, they can try to recover it as a civil debt through the courts. But, frankly, if someone does not even know they have £150 coming their way because they have not been told in the first place, it is rather difficult for them to take legal action to get hold of it. The intermediary has no legal liability to tell the end user that £150 should be coming their way. Indeed, there is no Government register of those intermediaries that should be passing on the money, so there is no real way of bottoming this out as far as intermediaries are concerned.

The Government have said in response to the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments that—as the Minister outlined, if I may paraphrase—all this strict liability, for the size of the problem before us, would be an awful faff, and the scheme is coming to an end more or less anyway, so it might be disproportionate. The other odd thing they say, as the explanatory memorandum sets out, is:

“Furthermore, it is considered important to ensure consistency across the pass-through regulations relating to the energy support schemes.”

That means: “We have not done it in other pass-through regulations, so we are not going to do it now. None of them has strict legal liability involved, and they all have that very inadequate, virtually non-existent way of getting any sort of remedy for the £150, so at least we are consistent.” That is not a very good way of going about such things.

The Opposition will not oppose the regulations, because it is important for people get their pass-through money if possible. However, the judgment made by the Government is, in effect, to say that it is useful to have incomplete requirements to do various things such as notification, because most people will probably do it, and it is important that they are there as guidance for how to do it. That may well be true, but a number of people might desperately need the money, as the Minister said, but miss out for various reasons. It is not always the case that the people who are intermediaries—perhaps not in this case, but in a number of others, such as park home owners—are necessarily the most completely upright, careful and judicious operators in their organisations. I can see the temptation for some people to say, “Right, we’re not going to have anything to do with this. Nothing much will happen to us, so it’s probably worth our while not to do anything, because we will probably save more money than we might conceivably expend in one or two small legal cases.”

Overall, I do not think that this has been a glorious way to respond to the points made by the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments. I am not sure that the decision simply to ignore what the Joint Committee said is ultimately supportable, but I hope that the regulations work well and that the people involved get their £150 and their top-up for kerosene. The regulations are well intentioned, given that they are about ensuring that that happens, and we are absolutely with the Government in that desire, but I wonder whether the Minister intends simply to leave the issue or might she possibly have a look, once things are under way, to see if there is a potential problem in the lack of strict legal liability that we think there is at the moment? She may come back to the House at some stage to say either, “Well, it turns out there wasn’t a problem,” or, alternatively, “Hmm, there was a bit of a problem, so how can we get it better next time?”

Energy Bill [Lords]

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

2nd reading
Tuesday 9th May 2023 Commons Chamber

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

We have had a good, calm and well-informed Second Reading debate. Indeed, we have heard contributions from across the House emphasising the point that the Bill is necessary but not necessarily sufficient.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds Central (Hilary Benn) asked who will pay the changed levies as far as heating is concerned, and spoke about the need to undertake that properly for customers.

My hon. Friend the Member for Llanelli (Dame Nia Griffith) pointed us towards the rise of state-controlled companies’ investment in new energy arrangements, and was adamant about the Bill lifting of the ban on onshore wind.

My hon. Friend the Member for Ellesmere Port and Neston (Justin Madders) made a strong contribution on the role of hydrogen in heating and, in particular, on the hydrogen trials that he has experienced. Perhaps we can assure him that we will certainly pursue an amendment to the Bill along the lines that he suggested.

My hon. Friend the Member for Stockton North (Alex Cunningham) spoke strongly about carbon capture and storage, about the importance of CCS in the Teesside industrial cluster, and about the importance of ensuring that the industrial clusters can play their role in CCS as they develop further,

In the spirit of general cross-party support for the Bill, I think it also worth mentioning selected contributions from hon. Members who are not on the Labour side. Unfortunately, if everyone stuck to the contributions from their own side, those of the hon. Member for Brighton, Pavilion (Caroline Lucas) would not be mentioned by anybody, but she made a strong contribution about the future of coal, about the need to support the amendment on coal tabled in the other place, and about the ludicrousness of continuing to maximise the economic production of oil, echoing many of the sentiments of my right hon. Friend the Member for Doncaster North (Edward Miliband).

The right hon. Member for Ludlow (Philip Dunne), who chairs the Environmental Audit Committee, spoke strongly about the need for security of investment in this market, and the length of arrangement that would secure those investments and confidence in markets for the future.

Finally, the right hon. Member for Kingswood (Chris Skidmore), author of the net zero report, spoke enormous sense about delays being the biggest threat to net zero in future. He supported the retention of Lords amendments to the Bill, as did many other hon. Members, on community energy changes and other things that are part of the Bill that we are debating in the Commons.

[Wera Hobhouse]

Does the hon. Gentleman think that it is important that we do something about methane flaring and venting, which I raised in my contribution?

[Dr Whitehead]

Yes, I am happy to acknowledge that that is an important issue in the transition to net zero for the oil and gas industry, and that it is ripe for further legislation to outlaw it in the not-too-distant future.

It is fair to say that hon. Members across the House went along with the theme that we have tried to establish on the Bill: it contains a great deal to support, and it is a Bill that is necessary to introduce things that are essential to the development of a low-carbon economy, to the achievement of the many targets on low-carbon energy and renewable deployment, and to the new forms of energy management that the Government have already put in place and on which they are seeking to succeed.

The Bill establishes mechanisms and business arrangements for carbon capture and storage, and for the manufacture and deployment of hydrogen as a low-carbon fuel for the future. It starts to delineate how energy systems are going to be governed and managed for the future, with the establishment of the independent system operator. For the first time, it introduces a proper system of heat network regulation, and it takes the planning and development of heat networks further. It heralds some of the essential elements of energy market reform. In short, it undertakes a great deal of what I would call necessary “green plumbing”, which has to be done now if our low-carbon energy system of the future is to work effectively.

The Opposition have some serious differences with the Government about how to go about those changes, but we acknowledge and support the generality of those “green plumbing” measures, not least because their establishment will undoubtedly help the new Labour Government greatly as we embark on our far more ambitious programme of energy decarbonisation and energy efficiency from 2024 onwards. Indeed, one of our substantial criticisms of the Bill is how long it has taken for us to get to the point of establishing the legislation that will guide the next stages of our energy decarbonisation.

As we have heard, the Bill has been with us for 10 months in its almost finalised form. Yes, the Government have sought to add amendments to the Bill in another place, and there will be further amendments in the Commons, but the measure could have been on the statute book many months ago—and time is of the essence in getting going with the next stages of decarbonisation. Instead, last autumn we were treated to the spectacle of the then Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy pulling the Energy Bill from its established progress after just two sessions of debate, and sitting on it for over three months for no apparent reason while the legislative process stalled completely. That led to the remarkable situation of the Opposition writing to the new Minister during that period of stasis demanding that the Bill be recommenced as soon as possible. I know about that because I was the person who wrote the letter. [Interruption.] Indeed, I did a very good job there.

Yes, this Bill is necessary, but many Members have asked whether it is sufficient, and we think it is certainly not. There are many missed opportunities to legislate for many aspects of the green transition that are or will become necessary shortly. There are many instances where the green plumbing in the Bill looks, frankly, fairly faulty and could do with beefing up. For example, the Bill fails completely to lift onshore wind back into place as a key element of our low-carbon energy armoury. The Bill fails to redefine Ofgem’s remit to start from a low-carbon imperative. The Bill fails to address another key part of that armoury—community energy—in any sort of meaningful and enabling way.

The Bill fails to address the very real changes in regulatory machinery that will need to accompany the transition from oil and gas to a predominantly low-carbon energy environment. The Bill continues to propose soaking customers for the support of future infrastructure when we require entirely new forms of support that recognise both the breadth of the work that has to be done and the institutions that we will need to support investment and development.

There are many areas where we can say, “Yes, but” to this Bill and put forward the measures that will enable it to rise to the challenge of decarbonisation in a comprehensive way. That is why we will embark on that task as the Bill goes into Committee by tabling the amendments that will make the Bill so much more robust for the challenge of the future, and we hope the Government will be receptive to those proposals. That process has been started, with a number of very well-thought-out additions made to the Bill in the other place on Ofgem, hydrogen, coal, community energy and home retrofitting. We will seek to defend those changes in this place, and we hope the Government will see the wisdom of them and not seek to overthrow them.

This is a necessary but not sufficient Bill that we want to get on the statute book, preferably with the added heft of our proposed changes to it in Committee, so that it becomes more on the sufficient end and less just necessary. We will not seek to divide the House on Second Reading but instead will give conditional support and assistance as far as we can with an early emplacement on the statute book.

Labour has an ambitious low-carbon energy programme for government, with a fully decarbonised power system by 2030, including a doubling of present onshore wind deployment; a grid that is fit for enabling and delivering a low-carbon economy; Great British Energy, an investment company that can do so much to speed the energy transition along; a massive programme to retrofit 19 million homes over 10 years to reach our energy efficiency targets; and serious planning of the energy transition, so that it is a just transition both in the North Sea and elsewhere. All these plans will benefit from many of the measures that are in the Bill, but they could be so much more supportive, and that is why we want to see an extended and more robust version of the Bill on the statute book as soon as possible.

Oral Answers to Questions

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Tuesday 18th April 2023 Commons Chamber

[Andrew Bowie]

The east of England does do a lot of heavy lifting for renewables—almost as much as the north-east of Scotland—but this is not a competition. I am delighted to inform my right hon. Friend that I am visiting East Anglia next week to meet communities in the area. Indeed, I met producers and manufacturers yesterday to see what they can do to mitigate the impact on her local community and other communities in the region.

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

If we are prevented from building renewable power in the first place, connection times become rather a moot point. Will the Minister explain why he has failed to lift the ban on onshore wind, despite the Government saying that it would be lifted by the end of April?

[Andrew Bowie]

This Government are committed to onshore wind as a huge part of our renewable energy mix—14 GW, in fact. We are also committed to new renewables offshore and to new nuclear, which the Labour party opposed for such a long time. It will be a whole collection of those new technologies and infrastructure projects that will help us drive our way towards our net zero ambitions and the cleanest and cheapest electricity in Europe.

[Dr Whitehead]

That wasn’t very good, was it? The Government’s own offshore wind champion Tim Pick said last week that we will miss our 2030 offshore wind ambitions by more than 10 GW because of poor grid connections. Even with the lifting of the onshore ban—if we believe the Minister—developers will not invest given the prospect of a 13-year delay in grid connection. When will the Minister commit to a speedy programme of grid capacity building, to give onshore and offshore wind a good chance of success?

[Andrew Bowie]

As I said, this country is leading the way in investment in new renewable technology. We acknowledge that there are difficulties connecting to the grid, and we are investing in improving that. Nick Winser’s report is coming in June, which will give recommendations to Government on how to reduce the timescale for connecting those new projects to the grid. That is the focus of this Government, not playing politics. We are taking real decisions to benefit this country, to cut our carbon emissions and to reduce energy bills across the piece.

Energy Support for Farms

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Tuesday 21st March 2023 Westminster Hall

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Upper Bann (Carla Lockhart) on securing the debate. It is on an important and usually forgotten part of our current energy debates. We talk generally about domestic customers and industry and commerce and what they get in the various energy bill support schemes and discount schemes and so on, but we very rarely talk about farming or agriculture.

We tend to think that there is not much energy going into these rural buildings. We completely overlook just how much energy is used by farms, particularly in intensive industries such as poultry farming and horticulture where an enormous amount of energy is used in many parts of the process. It is rather hidden behind the seemingly low-cost, low-energy appearance of the rural environment.

It is important to concentrate on the farming sector’s problems with energy costs and what they mean for the ability of such businesses to sustain themselves. We must also think about what that means for the on-costs for everybody else, such as effects on the cost of food production. Many farms are pushed between the prices they are going to get for their end products from further up the chain and their own costs coming in. We must consider how they are going to make a living between those two points.

The hon. Member for Upper Bann gave examples of just how much energy costs have gone up for relatively small farms in her area. Those costs are, of course, replicated across the United Kingdom. She made a strong case for the question of energy support for farms to be looked at with a far wider lens that encompasses not just the small contributions that have been made to farms through the energy bill support scheme and others—though I know Northern Ireland has a slightly different scheme from the rest of the UK, where the payments are lumped together. There has been a considerable debate in Northern Ireland about the extent to which farms that are both domestic properties and farms get the full amount of payment through the scheme. Indeed, I have discussed with Ministers in Delegated Legislation Committee proceedings the rather complicated nature of that process.

The hon. Member for Upper Bann put forward the case that, notwithstanding Northern Ireland’s scheme, farms ought to be treated as part of an energy-intensive industry. I am sure hon. Members will be interested to know what actually is classed as an energy-intensive industry. The starting point for being treated as an energy- intensive sector is to fall in the 80th percentile for energy intensity—meaning it must fall in the top 20% for energy intensity across the UK—and the 60th percentile for trade intensity. So there is a formula as to what gets on the list of energy-intensive industries and can then receive additional support from the EBRS and be substantially exempted from environmental levies on the whole industry. The exemption has been 85% for quite a while, and there are discussions about whether it should be increased to 100% in the not-too-distant future. Categorisation as an energy-intensive industry is important, in a number of ways, to getting support with energy.

It is curious that poultry processing, for example, is on the list of energy-intensive sectors, but poultry production is not, and that things relating to ornamental plants are on the list, but horticulture is not. I suspect that may be because of the NACE—nomenclature of economic activities—classes, which define sectors. It may be that what look to us like sectors—poultry and horticulture, for example—are lost in the wider definition of a class such as agriculture and farming.

The Government should review fairly urgently how sectors are defined for energy intensity purposes. Seventy-one sectors come under the definition of energy-intensive industries. Is farming simply losing out because, as the sector is defined, its relatively lower-carbon elements dilute the elements with greater energy intensity? Such a review is well overdue. If the sectors were drawn a bit more closely, I think farming—or at least substantial elements of it, in the way that the hon. Member for Upper Bann described—would come under the definition.

Curiously, coalmining is defined as an energy-intensive industry and therefore 85% exempt from environmental levies, when we might think that that activity has something to do with the raising of those levies in the first place. There may be a wider case for redefining what counts as an energy-intensive industry.

This is a very important issue, and the Government could do something about it, not simply by providing a larger cash amount to farms, but by defining much more clearly what it is to run a farm and how energy use affects such definitions. The Government can look again at those definitions, and I hope that the Minister will commit to doing just that.

Oral Answers to Questions

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Tuesday 28th February 2023 Commons Chamber

[Mr Speaker]

I call the shadow Minister.

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

The Secretary of State says that he has brought the scandal of prepayment meters to an end, but it certainly is not at an end. Indeed, the Government were repeatedly warned about this scandal but were effectively paralysed while thousands of vulnerable householders were disconnected by the back door. Customers now face more uncertainty as the moratorium on forced installations ends in just four weeks’ time, with nothing in its place. Can the Secretary of State confirm that there will be no lifting of the ban until this rotten system has been reformed and that there will be a proper compensation scheme managed by the Government for every customer affected?

[Grant Shapps]

As I mentioned previously, there is a role for prepayment meters. For example, my son lives in a shared flat, and they find a prepayment meter a very good way to pay the energy bill. I do not think that an outright ban is the right way to go, but the hon. Gentleman and others have rightly pointed out the level of concern across the House, which I absolutely share, about prepayment meters being forced on customers. We will ensure that we do not go back to those bad old days that I was pleased to play an important part in stopping.

Draft Electricity Supplier Obligations (Green Excluded Electricity) (Amendment) Regulations 2023

Alan Whitehead Excerpts

Monday 27th February 2023 General Committees

[Dr Alan Whitehead (Southampton, Test) (Lab)]

This statutory instrument is, in principle, pretty straightforward. It removes something that, as the Minister said, was a consequence of state aid discussions, which took place when the CfD first became a major instrument of renewable development in the UK. It deals with the CfD that was in place in the UK, and a potential loophole in state aid regulations. Suppliers importing electricity from Europe should not have that supplier obligation applied to them and the electricity they are bringing in from European sources.

So far, so good. I agree that since we do not now have responsibilities as far as state aid is concerned, it is really no longer relevant to continue with an arrangement that was dependent on a state aid loophole. However, that has a consequence, which the Minister alluded to: pretty much all the energy that comes in from Europe has to come in through an interconnector. In the past, suppliers on this side of an interconnector, having contracted for something to come through that interconnector to the UK, had to produce evidence of the extent to which whatever came through the interconnector would otherwise have been eligible for a payment into the Low Carbon Contracts Company. There was a supplier obligation to pay out the generators, which were getting money from the low carbon contract in respect of the strike price that they had set up for the CfD. They had to provide evidence of the power coming in to claim that there was no money to pay, as it were, for that supply coming in.

Now the opposite is the case. It appears that suppliers will have to provide evidence of what is coming in, as a renewable source, via the interconnector from Europe, to ensure that they do pay. I presume that they will be paying into the Low Carbon Contracts Company in the same way as other people who are eligible in the UK, as far as CfDs are concerned.

My first question is this: why would any company that now has to do the reverse of what it did previously—produce evidence of a green import through an interconnector in order not to pay—willingly give evidence to pay? Would the company not simply say, “We don’t know where our power comes from. It comes through the interconnector, so it might be renewable or it might not”? If the company did have to pay, rather than being exempted, the likelihood of it ensuring that it did not put any evidence in that anything had come in from a renewable source would be quite high. Nothing in these regulations suggests that the Government would require that evidence to make people pay, and there is nothing about any penalties or enforcement against bodies that did not supply that information for the purposes of paying in future. Do the Government have any view on that development possibly taking place?

The second issue, as I am sure the Minister will be aware, is that we do not have an inversion in place as far as the relationship between CfD strike prices and reference prices is concerned. That means that, instead of the normal procedure as far as CfD holdings in this country are concerned, the supplier does not get a payment out of Government in respect of the strike price. As the reference price is consistently above the strike price, or it is at the moment, the supplier has to pay back into the Low Carbon Contracts Company. The company then has a reasonable obligation to pay that money back to suppliers.

Are suppliers newly obligated to pay money into the LCC for CfDs, which were previously exempted, but also to get money from the LCCC when the general strike price is inverted against the reference price? Is that an indication that those companies might have to report what they are bringing into the country, and register that renewables have come in and that, therefore, they might be eligible to get money back, as far as their contribution to CfDs are concerned? If the Minister can enlighten us on those two points, I would be grateful, but we have no intention of opposing the instrument.

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Bowie]

I thank hon. Members for their contributions. The hon. Member for Southampton, Test, made some good and sensible points on the SI and the policy. It is only right and proper that companies provide evidence that they are importing electricity. This SI was brought forward following extensive consultation with industry, and we expect companies to do the right thing. In terms of sustaining extra costs, those suppliers who have used the exemption will pay the scheme a cost in closer proportion to their market share. There are more suppliers who will benefit from this change than not. The change is considered to be very minor. The extra cost that the companies will pay will be minor, and we do not suspect that it will be in any way a disincentive for them to declare that they are importing energy.

I welcome the fact that the hon. Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun put on record that he considers CfD to be a success. I agree: it certainly has been a success. Indeed, we have only to look at my constituency and the number of wind turbines springing up off the coast of Aberdeenshire. On grid connections and the cost for electricity generation in Scotland, he knows that there is a trade-off, and that consumers in Scotland pay less as a result of the higher charges being placed on electricity generation. That is not to say that there are not issues that need to be addressed. I agree that there are, and we should look at them. I hear loud and clear his comments on tidal stream energy. In fact, I have been to see the exciting developments in Orkney, and I look forward to doing more on this.

[Dr Whitehead]

Will the Minister give way?

[Andrew Bowie]

I will, given that we have taken up so little time so far.

[Dr Whitehead]

I am grateful to the Minister for giving way. He passed over my point about whether the suppliers will get a payout from the LCCC when the difference between the strike price and reference price is inverted from its normal position. If they will, how much will that come to?

[Andrew Bowie]

I am terribly sorry: I will have to write to the hon. Member on that point, but I will get an answer to him in the next couple of days, because it is important that it is answered.

I hope that I have given hon. Members the necessary assurances to approve the statutory instrument. As I said, the changes in these regulations will mean that a supplier in GB will pay a proportion of the CfD scheme cost that is closer to its market share; will remove the condition imposed on the British scheme by the European Commission; and will remove the incentive for GB suppliers to import EU-generated renewable electricity. They must be made now, ahead of the end of the scheme’s reporting period on 31 March, so that electricity suppliers and the scheme administrators can plan accordingly.

Question put and agreed to.