Queen’s Speech
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(11 years, 6 months ago)
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Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Deighton, for introducing the debate on the humble Address and for making a fair fist of it, despite the relatively sparse material he had to work with. I am sure that he will not mind my saying that he had to rely on more than a few previously announced policies—housing, infrastructure, training and planning come to mind. Of course, there is always a case for limiting the amount of legislation, provided, as my noble friend Lord Whitty said, it is of high enough quality. However, the problem he had and that the Government have in general is in matching their rhetoric to the reality of their programme. You cannot trumpet your wish to focus on building a stronger economy if all you do is bring forward a programme that fails to deliver the growth and jobs required while attacking people’s rights and economic security and perpetuating a failed austerity policy.
I should like to congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Lane-Fox, on her excellent maiden speech, which managed the difficult trick of making a substantial contribution to the debate, to which I should like to return, while leaving us all wanting a little more. I hope that she will intervene regularly in our work over the succeeding period.
I thank all other noble Lords for their contributions. It was a pity, although, I confess, quite amusing for us on this side of the Chamber, that the crisis du jour—how or whether we should continue our membership of the European Union—boiled over into the debate. However, I suppose we had better get used to it. It is invidious to single out contributions, but I hope that when the Minister responds she will pick up some or all of the interesting points made by the noble Lord, Lord Forsyth, on the Scottish dimensions to many of our debates and the Barnett consequences of that, which are very important. UK productivity problems were raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Wheatcroft, who also touched on regional recession concerns, a subject also raised by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Birmingham.
Our poor export performance and questions about why that arises were raised in a powerful intervention by the noble Lord, Lord Tugendhat, and I should like to hear the response to that. We were also advised that we need a more effective consumer regime than seems to be promised by the draft Bill. That was picked up initially by my noble friend Lady Hayter, and then by my noble friends Lord Whitty and Lady Crawley. Mention was made of the needs of small and medium-sized companies, particularly small companies that want to grow. My noble friend Lord Mitchell, late of Soho, picked up points that are worth taking forward. We had a reference to higher education by my noble friend Lady Warwick. I endorse that; it has been far too long since a major statement on higher education has been made and we have not had a chance in this Parliament to debate at any length the very radical changes that are being pushed through by the Government.
Finally, but not exclusively, my noble friend Lord Berkeley raised in a wide-ranging speech, not all of which I was able to follow, particularly geographically, a number of important points about the water industry, to which I am sure the Minister will want to respond. I could have referred to the points raised by the noble Lord, Lord Flight, but there were so many and they were so sharply focused on the Government, rather than on any general points, I did not think it was worth encouraging him; we will pass over that quickly. I am sorry about the listing but, by implication, the point I am making is that a number of issues have been raised all around the Chamber about the focus of the gracious Speech and why it does not match up to the rhetoric of the title of “building a stronger economy”. Why do so few of the Bills we have talked about and will be debating over the next few months focus on the question of how to build our economy?
When we debated Her Majesty’s gracious Speech last year, unemployment had soared beyond 2.6 million, we were in a double-dip recession, and the Government were borrowing £150 billion more than forecast to pay for the costs of their failed economic plan. What has happened to the economy since then? Since October 2010, the UK economy has grown by just 1.1% compared with 3% in Germany and 4.3% in the United States. Unemployment has stuck at around 2.5 million. A large number of those in work are working part-time when they want full-time work, and most people face difficulties in maintaining their standard of living, let alone improving their lot.
According to this year’s gracious Speech, and quoting it in full,
“my Government’s legislative programme will continue to focus on building a stronger economy so that the United Kingdom can compete and succeed in the world”.
You would have thought that an aspiration on that scale would have presaged Bills that created the conditions for businesses to grow and for wealth to be created, to enhance productivity and to propose a restructuring of our economy, ensuring diversification towards those sectors that would contribute to GDP in the future. Instead, what do we have? In finance, we have the carryover banking Bill and the welcome but very modest national insurance Bill. In business, we have a modest set of amendments to the intellectual property regime; a promise of more regulatory reform, but led from the Cabinet Office; and a welcome but very limited consumer Bill that plays around with structures and responsibilities but does not introduce the sort of regime that will protect hard-pressed consumers and empower them as drivers in making markets work effectively for them and for producers, thus helping to provide the foundation for UK businesses to succeed here and in other markets abroad. Surely what we needed to make this speech’s laudable aspiration a reality was a set of Bills that would establish a modern industrial strategy—an agenda where the role of government is not to step back but to work with business to create better outcomes at home and to ensure that we can pay our way in the world, to ensure that growth is more broadly based across sectors and the regions, and to reduce imports and to grow exports. So, to add to the list of gaps identified by other noble Lords, I want to mention four areas where there are still points to be picked up, and to which we will return as we move forward through the programme.
As my noble friend Lord Eatwell said, we must reform our banking sector, not only so that banks are made safe but so that the sector better serves the economy. Under this Government, lending to businesses is falling month on month, including a fall of £4.8 billion in the three months to February according to the latest Bank of England figures. We know that the rash of government schemes, from Project Merlin to the national loan guarantee scheme, and now the Funding for Lending scheme too, have simply failed to get credit to the businesses that need them. The problems are exacerbated in the regions and nations of this country. Every other country in the G8 has a state-backed investment institution to tackle this problem and to ensure that their small businesses can access the finance they need. That is why we have been arguing for the establishment of a proper British investment bank and for the creation of a network of regional banks, perhaps, following on from my noble friend Lord McFall, using one of the nationalised banks to operate alongside that institution to transmit the investment bank schemes to small businesses.
Weaknesses in vocational skills are a concern of every business that we talk to and a source of competitive disadvantage for the UK as compared to our neighbours. With almost 1 million young people out of work, we must ensure we have a system that delivers people with the education and skills our businesses need. Ministers boast that they have created more than a million apprenticeships, but the number of 16 to 18 year-olds starting an apprenticeship in the first half of this academic year has dropped by 12%. We urgently need to improve a situation in which two-thirds of large companies in this country do not offer apprenticeships. Why will the Government not legislate to require those large firms getting government contracts to have active apprenticeship schemes, ensuring opportunities to work for the next generation?
The only direct mention of infrastructure in the gracious Speech is the two HS2 Bills. I declare an interest, as the current route for HS2 goes close to my home—not, as I may have mentioned to the noble Earl, Lord Glasgow, close enough to qualify for compensation, although I have my hopes. I have made clear before that I support my party’s approach to the scheme although, like the noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard, and, I think, the noble Earl, Lord Glasgow, we do not yet understand the rationale for the introduction of a paving Bill before decisions have been made on our airports, for example. We have made clear that we will look to ensure that HS2 is fully integrated into the existing rail network, with services running directly to a wide range of towns and cities in addition to those already placed on the new line, which amount to a very small number; affordable to use, rather than a premium-priced service aimed at business passengers; not at the expense of investment in the existing network, including the rolling programme of electrification, upgrades and new rolling stock; and required to generate at least 1,000 apprenticeship opportunities for every £1 billion of public investment.
However, surely we need to look beyond HS2 and its 30-year payback. As the noble Lord, Lord Forsyth, said, we need jobs now. With our economy flatlining, the country is crying out for investment in infrastructure to create jobs, boost confidence and strengthen our productivity and competitiveness, particularly in the regions. Both the CBI and the EEF criticised the Government for their failure to get on and deliver on infrastructure. The last infrastructure pipeline update given by the Government shows that of their 576 projects, less than 5% were completed or operational. Why was there not more in the Queen’s Speech to take that forward? Where are the practical measures on housebuilding, which would kick start the economy with jobs in the construction industry while providing much needed homes?
Finally, what on earth is happening on communications? Communications are vital to every aspect of our lives today—from business to leisure and accessing public services. Everyone should be able to access a decent level of communication, including phone and internet. Our content and broadcast industries need copyright protection and certainty. The communications sector was worth £50 billion, employing 530,000 people, in 2011, and of course it supports the wider economy. The internet contributed 8.3%, or £121 billion, of the British economy in 2010—a bigger share than in any other G20 major country, and is predicted to grow at 11% a year over the next five years. In her excellent maiden speech, the noble Baroness, Lady Lane-Fox, argued that the Government should develop a strategy and a programme that would get as many people online as possible. We agree. A communications Bill is desperately needed, focused on helping people to get broadband in rural areas, a point picked up by the noble Baroness, Lady Byford; helping people improve their digital skills through training and education for both business and personal reasons, as more public services will be delivered online; ensuring that those who do not have a computer or broadband at home can access those facilities from a public library; and making sure that older people, disabled people and people with learning difficulties have access through the appropriate design of services and equipment.
This debate has been primarily about the economy, business and transport but it has also dealt with local government, and the main Bill in that section is the Local Audit and Accountability Bill. Having announced the abolition of the Audit Commission three years ago, the Government have finally come forward with a proposal to try to fill the vacuum they have created. However, we must ensure that taxpayers get value for money and that we maintain high standards of audit. We have concerns about whether the plans will produce an open and competitive market—contracts may well be awarded to a small number of firms—and there are real uncertainties about the level of future audit fees.
The draft Bill was heavily criticised in pre-legislative scrutiny. The committee questioned the estimated savings claimed by the Government. It also called for a new financial impact assessment, stronger safeguards for whistleblowers, and better value for money compressions to enable more informed judgments about the effectiveness of local expenditure. I hope that the Minister will be able to reassure us on these points.
Twelve months ago, we warned that the Bills in last year’s programme would not do much to get the economy going again. Today, the economy is flatlining and there is little, if any, hope that the legislative programme announced so far will bring the growth and jobs that we so desperately need. For me, the saddest thing is that the Government who legislated for a fixed-term Parliament of five years seem to have run out of steam after three—what a waste.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(11 years, 12 months ago)
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Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I support the excellent amendment moved by my noble friend Lord McFall of Alcluith. He ended with a rhetorical flourish about the way in which debt imprisons many people. I want to support him in that, because he made the point very well. He also explained in some detail the recent OFT guidance note which, as he says, is all very well and then he made some important points about timing and language and about the fact that the basic relationship between those who have debts and those who take out a CPA in order to resolve them is, in fact, wrong.
I would like to add a couple of points. It is interesting that the last Financial Ombudsman Service annual review picked up on this issue. It says:
“During the year, we also began to see a rise in the number of complaints involving short-term finance—often called ‘payday loans’. We had previously received relatively few complaints about this type of lending—59 cases in 2010/211, rising to 296 in 2011/2012. In many of the cases we saw during the year, the complaints involved the way in which the lender had operated the payment authority given to them by the consumer”.
I checked back with the FOS earlier today and I gather there has been a considerable rise in the number of payday lending complaints brought to the ombudsman so far this year; they are now running at about 50 new cases a month. This amendment ensures that debtors are informed about their rights; that only the debtor may cancel or vary a CPA and, furthermore, that the debtor’s bank is obliged to comply with the debtor’s instructions. We support the amendment.
Lord Newby
My Lords, this amendment puts on the face of the Bill a number of requirements on firms and consumers in relation to the use of the continuous payment authority. I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord McFall, for raising the issue. It brings us back, of course, to the very important issue of payday loans, which we were discussing earlier this afternoon. Abuse of the CPA is one of the most concerning practices of payday lenders. It does not mean that the CPA is universally the wrong method to use; it can help consumers administer their financial affairs with the minimum of fuss. However, there is clearly a problem.
As the noble Lord, Lord McFall, said, CPA is a recurring payment mechanism involving a debit or credit card; it allows a firm to take regular payments from a customer’s bank account without having to seek express authorisation for each payment. The OFT, as he set out in some detail, has highlighted its concerns in this area, particularly concerns that payday lenders are not explaining CPAs to consumers adequately and are using them in ways which do not take account of the possibility that the borrower is in financial difficulty and unable to repay. It is also concerned that lenders are, in effect, using CPA to securitise the loan and so may not make adequate checks on affordability. There is also evidence that some lenders mislead consumers about their right to cancel a CPA or put obstacles in the way of cancelling.
As the noble Lord explained, last week the OFT published revised guidance with the aim of ensuring that firms with a consumer credit licence do not misuse CPAs. The guidance makes it clear that the OFT expects lenders’ use of CPAs to be reasonable and proportionate, and that lenders must have regard to a borrower’s financial position when exercising a CPA. If a firm breaches this guidance and the OFT believes that this compromises the firm’s fitness to hold a credit licence, it can take enforcement action. The Bill gives the OFT the power to suspend consumer credit licences with immediate effect. Therefore, to that extent, there is a new power here which can be used to address the problem. We believe it is right that the OFT is taking action on this now and the Government welcome the new guidance.
However, like the noble Lord, I think that regulatory powers to address the abuse of CPAs and to ensure that consumers are protected need to be strengthened. The FSA has already made binding rules covering the use of CPAs by firms that it regulates. Once the regulation of consumer credit moves to the FCA in 2014, it will be able to extend those rules to payday lenders, which will be a major step-change in regulation of the payday loans market. I am pleased to inform the noble Lord that the FSA has confirmed its intention to carry across OFT standards on the use of CPAs when the transfer takes place to ensure that these consumer protections remain.
However, I do not agree that these requirements should be set out in statute, as the noble Lord’s amendment proposes, rather than in FCA rules. Overreliance on statute is exactly the problem that we have faced in the current regulatory regime, which relies on powers set out in the Consumer Credit Act and has resulted in an inflexible regulatory regime which cannot respond quickly to all the developments in the market and risks leaving consumers exposed to detrimental practices. Addressing this through rules will allow the FCA to impose requirements to address issues relating to the misuse of CPAs that might emerge in the future.
I hope that the noble Lord is able to take some comfort from the commitments made by the Government earlier in this debate on introducing new explicit powers for the FCA and giving the FCA a strong mandate to step in to tackle detriment caused by firms in the payday loans sector. I hope he is also assured that the FCA will have a strong and flexible toolkit at its disposal to ensure that CPAs are not abused by payday lenders. In the light of those comments, I hope that the noble Lord feels able to withdraw his amendment.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years ago)
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Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his helpful introductory remarks, and the Bill team for letting us have information about this rather complex group of amendments early last week. I declare my interest as the Chair of StepChange, the debt charity.
My first point is that although I accept this is a relatively complex area, these amendments are rather late and, as a result, they have not been considered in the other place, and were not available for our discussions in Committee over the past few months. You have to wonder why that is—apart from the wholly frivolous idea that it was set up to coincide with the news today that the OFT has completed its progress report on payday lending and announced that it has opened a formal investigation into several such lenders over aggressive debt collection practices, as well as taking steps to write to all 240 payday lenders highlighting its emerging concerns over poor practices in the sector.
The OFT's progress report confirms what a lot of us knew already. Thanks to the sterling efforts of my noble friends Lord Kennedy, Lord Mitchell and Lady Sherlock, and indeed many others all around your Lordships’ House, we have been made well aware that there are concerns about the adequacy of checks made by lenders on whether loans will be affordable for borrowers; the proportion of loans that are not repaid on time; the frequency with which some lenders roll over or refinance loans; the lack of forbearance shown by some lenders when borrowers get into financial difficulty; and, in general, debt collection practices.
We welcome in particular the revised debt collection guidance, focusing on continuous payment authorities, which have been causing problems to our clients and also contributing to the workload of the Financial Ombudsman. I look forward to the full OFT report in the New Year, and in particular to learning whether wider action is needed to tackle problems in the sector. My personal view is that such wider action will definitely be required.
We do not dissent from the principle being expressed here: that it is necessary to make further provision related to the transfer of Consumer Credit regulation from the OFT to the FCA. However, in the short time available to us, we have been receiving representations on several issues; some of which I will pose as questions to the Minister; others may have to be raised later. In the event that he is not able to respond to them all today, perhaps the Minister might, when he winds up, agree with me that it may be necessary to return to this issue at Third Reading.
Turning to the amendments, the main concern being addressed is that without the amendments the transfer of responsibility from the OFT to the FCA should create a loophole for illegal money-lenders and debt collectors to evade the risk of criminal sanction by becoming authorised by the FCA for a low-risk activity and then crossing over to some other activities. As we have been arguing for some time, these concerns are exacerbated because the credit market deals with many financially and otherwise vulnerable consumers who may be subject to exploitation by unscrupulous operators, particularly when the individual enters into a spiral of debt and becomes reliant on the lender for further credit. So we welcome the Government’s decision to ensure that the transfer of regulation to the FCA does not lead to a reduction in consumer protection, and we accept that criminal offences should be retained in relation to illegal lending and debt collection so as to serve as deterrent to those who seek to exploit the FiSMA regime to avoid prosecution. In particular, we welcome the fact that the Government are bringing forward an amendment creating a new criminal offence of carrying out a credit-related activity without permission.
My questions are as follows. There are concerns that the appointed representative regime does not provide sufficient protection for consumers. I can see the point of a dentist allowing patients to pay in instalments through a credit agreement not having to be directly licensed, for example, and, under an AR regime, the firm providing the credit could assume regulatory responsibility for what the dentist does in respect of the credit. But what happens in a high-risk sector, such as second-hand car sales, when a risk-based approach might suggest that the sales people brokering the HP agreements et cetera should also be directly authorised? Could the Minister comment on that issue, and can he say—as I think he tried to explain about the new clause in Amendment 73A—whether it is the Government’s intention that a person can be an AR but can also be directly authorised? If so, how exactly is that dual system going to be introduced?
As we have heard, FiSMA makes it an offence to carry out a regulated activity without authorisation, but it is not an offence to do something without the right permission if you are authorised under the CCA. These amendments allow the Government to make it an offence to offer credit activities without the right permissions. However, the categories of credit activity that the amendment covers seem to include lending, administering credit agreements and debt collection— but debt management is not explicitly included. Can the Minister explain why debt management has been excluded? Surely, for all the same reasons that we were given in the introduction, it should be an offence to offer debt management services without proper authorisation.
Can I press the Minister for an explanation of why the claims management sector is not being included within this group of amendments? We heard at the meeting that the noble Lord, Lord Newby, kindly convened a couple of weeks ago why the original decision was to leave the regulation of CMCs within the MoJ, but on a temporary basis. We also heard, at the same meeting, a very good account of the discussions that accompanied a recent review of that decision but which opted for the status quo. Clearly, there will be some operational difficulties wherever the responsibility lies, but we on this side of the House are convinced that it would serve consumers much better if regulatory authority for this sector was transferred to the FCA. As I am sure my noble friends Lord Kennedy and Lady Sherlock would also confirm, having also attended that meeting, the arguments used to justify the amendments today could just as easily have been deployed to include CMCs. It is, after all, at heart a credit-related sector. I would be grateful if the Minister could respond to that point.
Developing a new regulatory regime for consumer credit, one that is firmly focused on consumers, raises a number of important questions for consideration by the new regulatory authority around the issue of how the FCA will need to adapt its operations, and indeed its whole approach, to be able to deal with the consumer credit market. Can the Minister share with us the likely consequences of that change in terms of structure, personnel and budget for that work? It will be a tragedy for consumers if the Government turn out to have willed the ends of the right policy but have at the same time failed to will the means.
Consumer credit is vital to the UK economy, but it is also one of the biggest causes of problems raised with the agencies operating in this field, including StepChange, the debt charity, and Citizens Advice. Over the last year, citizens advice bureaux in England and Wales have dealt with more than 2 million problems with debt, 41% of them consumer credit related. Debt problems overall represented 30% of all the matters that they dealt with. StepChange has helped more than 1.5 million clients with unmanageable debt in the past four years. There is great scope for consumer detriment where credit and debt are concerned, from a payday lender entering an individual’s bank account using CPA to a family losing their home because poor advice from a fee-charging debt management company meant that they paid non-priority debts instead of their mortgage. Problems with consumer credit can also have a significant impact on consumers’ family life and health, with increased stress causing both physical and mental health issues. In other words, these amendments presage important changes. They are sensibly focused on the regulatory aspects of consumer credit, but they have wide-ranging impacts and deserve to be considered with great care.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for one or two focused questions on this. First, I repeat what I think I said before in answer to my noble friend Lord Flight and his concerns. I have nothing new to add in this area, but the question of the transition is an important one. I will say again what I have said before—that the Government will consult on their proposals for the transition in early 2013 and no final decisions have been taken. The Government are very much aware of the need to allow the FCA and firms time to manage a smooth transition. In that context, we are considering options for phasing the implementation of the new FCA rulebook as well as interim arrangements for existing licence holders. So I can only repeat that my noble friend’s concerns are perfectly fair and reasonable, and the Government are reflecting on them as we speak. Well, I am not—but wiser heads than mine are beavering away on this very topic this afternoon.
I come to the issues brought up by the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson of Balmacara. The reason why we are coming forward with these amendments now, having already dealt with the substantive matter of the transfer, is that, perfectly properly in the process of scrutinising legislation, the Opposition, Peers on the government Benches and all sorts of interested parties come up with points, reflected in many amendments, which are making this a better Bill as we carry on with our deliberations. These are issues that have been brought to the Government’s attention during the ongoing discussions with stakeholders, so I make no apology for bringing them forward now as an improvement to the legislation, giving better and more seamless protection to consumers but also treating firms in a proportionate way. I assure the noble Lord that the FCA will certainly have the means and resources at its disposal to carry out its new responsibilities in this area.
I do not wish to get too deeply into the general question of debt management and claims management companies, because we are talking about a narrow and specific but important area of the transition here. We could open up a debate that is not directly relevant to these amendments about debt and claims management companies. But I address the specific question about the new criminal offence applying to credit situations and not debt management, because it is right that the new criminal offence should be targeted proportionately at areas where there is the greatest risk of detriment caused by unscrupulous people selling dubious product. In that context, there is a great distinction between the provision of unsuitable credit and debt advice. In any cases where a firm engages in debt activity without the right permission, it would be a breach of FiSMA and the FCA will act.
On the appointed representative regime and the way it will work with the authorisation regime, I do not think that the noble Lord was challenging the basic premise behind the carve-out, but he is quite right that we need to get the way in which the two regimes mesh in together to work appropriately. To that end, as part of the 2013 consultation early next year, we will address that point and specifically ask who those firms should be. However, we will be putting forward a presumption that the firms to which this applies will be low-risk firms and all those whose primary business activity does not relate to consumer credit. The Government think that it is important that legislative provision is made now so that this option is available in the future, and that will help design a proportionate and appropriate regime. Nevertheless, I recognise that we should and will consult to make sure that we draw the line in the right place. Of course, if concerns emerge in future, the Treasury can change the class of people to whom the carve-out applies by order, and may in fact decide not to make it available to any firms at all if it thought it appropriate. I hope that that has addressed the main issues.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, may I press the Minister on the point that I made earlier in my remarks about receiving a number of representations on this issue? Indeed, some of the points that he made reflected the fact that thinking is still going on. He mentioned that people were working on things as he spoke. In the circumstances, will he accept that it might be appropriate to have a further debate on this at Third Reading?
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, I was referring to people working on the transitional arrangements that come out of this. I have not been made aware of any further concerns or issues that would merit a debate at Third Reading; if I had, I would have brought forward amendments at this stage. So I am not aware of any concerns, but, as the noble Lord was kind enough to say, the Treasury team and I will be open to him and to anybody else if further issues come up. However, I do not anticipate them and I can think of nothing of a Third Reading magnitude—if I may put it that way—that is likely to detain your Lordships.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years, 1 month ago)
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Lord Newby
My Lords, the Government are bringing forward amendments to Clause 91 in response to concerns raised by the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee. I am very grateful to that committee, chaired by my noble friend Lady Thomas of Winchester, for its close and rigorous scrutiny of the powers that Clause 91 will confer and for the committee’s useful suggestions, which have informed the government amendments that I am now bringing forward.
Clause 91 enables the Treasury to make further provision about consumer credit following the transfer of regulation from the OFT to the FCA. It is necessary to take a power in this instance because the precise amendments that we will need to make to FiSMA and the Consumer Credit Act to effect the transfer will depend on the detailed proposals for the new FCA consumer credit regime, on which we will consult next year. These amendments clarify and put certain limits on how the power may be exercised.
Amendment 194A responds to the committee’s concern about the risk of double jeopardy. The amendment provides that, where criminal sanctions under the Consumer Credit Act and regulatory sanctions under FiSMA are available to the FCA in relation to the same act or omission, a person may not be convicted if he has been the subject of regulatory sanctions under FiSMA. This approach reflects that taken in Section 41 of the Regulatory Enforcement and Sanctions Act 2008, which the Delegated Powers Committee helpfully highlighted in its report as a useful precedent.
The second set of amendments in this group responds to the committee’s concern about the need to introduce certain constraints on the power in Clause 91 to ensure that it continues to be exercised in accordance with current government policy. Government Amendments 196ZA to 196ZC require the Treasury to have regard to the importance of securing an appropriate degree of protection for consumers and the principle that a burden imposed should be proportionate to its benefits.
These new duties to have regard reflect the two values underpinning the Clause 91 power. First, the Government remain very conscious of the fact that the primary rationale for the transfer of credit regulation to the FCA is to strengthen consumer protection. Thus, the requirements in the Consumer Credit Act should be repealed only where their effect can be replicated in an FCA rulebook under a FiSMA-based regime or where they are no longer appropriate. Secondly, this duty to have regard confirms that the Government remain committed to ensuring that regulatory burdens on small businesses are proportionate to the benefits.
I hope that these amendments adequately address the committee’s concerns. I beg to move.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, in keeping with our previous remarks, I think that we have very little of substance to make in the way of comment on these proposals, as set out by the noble Lord. As he said, they are largely technical and clarificatory, and they focus on the good work done in the committee, which we all welcome.
Lord Borrie
My Lords, I find the Minister’s explanation exceedingly clear and well justified. The case that he has put for being able to suspend a licence instantly is something that will only be rarely exercised. However, most importantly, as the Minister said, this power if exercised even once or twice will have a deterrent effect on others. Its value in the exceptional case is undoubted. I am so glad that the Minister has not been persuaded by those who say, “Oh, well, it’s all disappearing into the FCA shortly so why bother at this stage?”. I am glad that this has been done. It will send a message and it is very helpful for this to be put into law now.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, as we have heard, this amendment would ensure that a decision by the OFT to suspend a consumer credit licence could take effect before an appeal process ends. This follows widespread concerns that appeals from consumer credit licence holders can take up to two years, as the noble Lord said, and the current law allows the trader to continue with any bad practice while the appeal is pending. We warmly welcome these amendments and are very grateful for them. The consultation paper that came out only yesterday is a very useful contribution to the debate.
However, perhaps the Minister could answer two questions—one small point and a larger one. The amendment sets up the legislation so that the OFT would suspend the whole licence; in other words, all activity covered by the licence. That generally makes sense. However, there may be circumstances where the OFT has concerns with a particular feature of a credit licence holder’s business activities—say, a lender whose lending practices are all right but who perhaps has problems with debt collection practices—and the right decision might be to close down one part of the business. The noble Lord may be able to point me to where these powers already exist or, if necessary, perhaps he would reflect on this point. There may be a slight issue here, but it is not a major one. If in doubt, the right thing is to withdraw the licence.
The second point is slightly broader. To date, the OFT has done a very good job in this area, and perhaps does not receive as much thanks as it should for that. It seems to us that the main problem is that it has never had the resources that it needs to do the job it wants to do. There is little point in providing powers to a body, as in this amendment, if the resources to do the job are not also provided. So my second question is about the transition: the OFT will probably have jurisdiction on credit in this relationship for only another 18 months or so. What will happen over the transition? I would be grateful if the Minister can give us a reassurance that the transfer arrangements will be such that this amendment will survive the transfer, and that the FCA will be willing and able to provide the necessary resources so that there is a seamless handover.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Borrie, for giving his clear welcome to this provision. It is always gratifying to have his agreement on such things, as he has immense background experience in this area.
I turn to the two points made by the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson of Balmacara. I believe that there is no way of partly suspending a licence; it is an all-or-nothing situation. I note his suggestion to reflect on this, and I will check that it has been taken fully into account, as I suspect it has. It reinforces the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Borrie, that it is hoped that this power is not used very often and that it will be used in what are clearly extremely egregious cases.
On the second point, I can certainly assure the noble Lord that the planning relates to the transfer being seamless and appropriate—not only that the appropriate powers are taken into account but also the appropriate resources. My understanding is that people are clearly working to ensure that we achieve the objective that he and I share in this area.
“Phasing out commercial debt management
In Part 2 of FSMA 2000, after section 30 insert—“30A Prohibition of specified fees for debt management
(1) The FCA will make rules under this section to prohibit any person whether authorised or not from charging a consumer fees of a specified description in respect of debt management services or debt solutions.
(2) For the purpose of subsection (1), rules may specify fees to be prohibited in terms that include, but are not limited to—
(a) the total amount of fees charged in respect of one or more debt solutions,(b) the size of any particular fee payment,(c) the timing and manner that fees fall due,(d) the type and nature of debt management services or debt solutions, and(e) any other matter that the FCA deems necessary to meet its objectives.(3) The rules may define debt management services and debt solutions for the purpose of this section and this may include both regulated and unregulated activities.
(4) Subsection (5) will take effect no later than three years after rules under this section come into effect and not later than 6 years after the passing of this Act.
(5) At the expiry of the period set out in subsection (4) the FCA shall make rules prohibiting any person, whether authorised or not, from charging a consumer fees or charges of any amount in respect of an agreement for debt management services or debt solutions made after these rules come into effect.
(6) The FCA may extend the period set out in subsection (4) where it is satisfied that the prohibition in subsection (5) would result in significant detriment for consumers.
(7) Any agreement made in contravention of a prohibition in this section will be unenforceable against the consumer or consumers it relates to.
(8) A consumer who has entered into an agreement that contravenes a prohibition under this section will be entitled to recover—
(a) any money or other property paid or transferred by him under the agreement, and(b) compensation for any loss sustained by him as a result of having parted with it.(9) The FCA may specify persons, or classes of persons who may be exempted from the prohibitions set out in this section in respect of more or more specified debt management services or debt solutions.””
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I declare my interest as chair of CCCS—soon to be re-named StepChange—the debt charity. We are the UK’s leading free, independent debt advice charity and the only charitable provider of debt management plans, administering around a third of the total number in place today.
This is a probing amendment. We have considered the question of regulating debt management companies already in this Committee, but I make no apology for returning to this issue. We estimate that some 6.2 million families in this country are in financial jeopardy, and all the signs are that increasing numbers will need help, advice and solutions to their unmanageable debts over the next period. At present, there are a variety of providers, and a number of companies operating on a strictly commercial basis compete for business with the free services provided by the charitable sector.
To complicate matters, the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills is attempting to establish a voluntary protocol in this area, but we do not believe that it will be comprehensive. Nor will it be sufficient to eliminate the poor practice that has been found to exist or ease the detriment often caused to vulnerable, indebted people who sign up with fee-charging commercial debt management companies and, as a result, end up paying more, for longer, before they are debt free.
Debt management companies, along with payday loans—about which we have just heard—and claims management companies, are a new type of financial company which have come to the public notice in recent years. We must ensure that our regulatory structures look forward as well as back and that we do not miss the opportunity to protect consumers from the new problems that are coming down the track as well as learning lessons from the past.
Of course, it would be folly to believe that simply regulating debt management companies better, and including CMCs and payday lenders in the scope of the FCA more explicitly than at present, is the answer. However, it seems perverse that, while we are restructuring the conduct and prudential aspects of our present regulatory system, we are missing the opportunity to include other areas such as payday loans and claims management and debt management companies, which are currently regulated to different standards and for different purposes, and with very different resources, by other government departments. This results in a piecemeal approach and is surely a suboptimal way to proceed.
It has been argued that these areas are not “pure” financial services and therefore should not be regulated by the FCA, but I put it to the Minister that most people would regard the operations of CMCs, payday lenders and debt management companies as having a common thread of operating to earn money from helping people with their debts or future credits and, as such, they are in common parlance “financial companies”. When you tell people that there is no financial regulation in these areas, and that such as there is is to be found in the Ministry of Justice or BIS, they are very confused. Surely we need to think again about this.
The proposed transfer of consumer credit regulation from the OFT to the FCA is to be welcomed. Despite the excellent work done by the OFT, the current licensing regime has arguably not provided consumers with enough protection, not least because the OFT has not been given the resources properly to police the industry. However, as I said earlier, there is a persuasive case for debt management companies, claims management companies and payday lenders to be subject to the same regulatory regime governing other financial service providers. The worst of all worlds is to be subject to different regulatory authorities, which is what we are condoning if we do nothing here.
While it has been argued that powers already exist in primary legislation, at least in so far as debt management is concerned and perhaps for payday lenders, that does not mean that the FCA will be ready and willing to move into these areas with the speed that we think may be required.
The amendment seeks a firm commitment in the Bill that the FCA will regulate commercial debt management companies. The FCA should provide clear and directly enforceable standards for both business conduct and the design of products. This could, for example, enable the FCA to stop commercial debt management firms charging excessive and exploitative fees. Firms make around £250 million every year from already over-indebted borrowers, and three quarters of them frontload their charges, with customers paying hundreds of pounds before getting a reduction in their debts. On top of this, a further slice of repayments is swallowed up by “administration fees”, further extending the time taken to pay back debts.
We want threshold conditions that will keep rogue firms and harmful business models out of the market. We want tougher sanctions, including unlimited financial penalties, that enable the FCA to build a credible deterrent strategy against bad practice. We need more effective supervision and enforcement, and the power to order firms to directly compensate customers for losses arising from business conduct that falls below required standards. We also think there should be the power to ban misleading advertising. The Office of Fair Trading currently regards misleading advertising by fee-chargers as the most significant area of non-compliance with its guidance.
We think that the good commercial debt management firms would welcome such an approach, and StepChange is committed to working with them until such time as the FCA is ready to act. I beg to move.
Lord Borrie
My Lords, my noble friend Lord Stevenson has made some very powerful points with his criticism of the behaviour, over a period of time, of debt management companies—any company that eases, or purports to ease, the problems of debtors by making a plan for them to pay off their debts. What a debt management plan offers is, or may be, perfectly good and in the interests of the debtor. I would not like it to be the case that the only people in that business are not-for-profit organisations, even those such as the excellent one, StepChange, which my noble friend is involved with. He is quite right in criticising the commercial debt management companies that have been operating so far; but they have not operated without restraint, because, as he indicated, the Office of Fair Trading has been concerned with a number of their practices, including misleading advertising and exorbitant charges. A number of debt management companies have had their consumer credit licences removed after evidence was presented.
My concern about my noble friend’s amendment is not over the prohibition of specified fees for debt management or the other details of this clause that he would like to insert into the Bill. I am all in favour of those. However, I am not very keen—and my noble friend has not mentioned them—on the opening words of the proposed clause, which are:
“Phasing out commercial debt management”.
I do not want to see commercial debt management phased out so that it does not exist, as I do not believe that charitable organisations can provide for all the needs that debtors legitimately have and the services that they could legitimately seek and benefit from, assuming there were adequate controls over debt management companies, as there are for other firms who have to have a consumer credit licence.
The suspension of consumer credit licences, which we dealt with half an hour ago, and the increasing powers of the FCA compared with the Office of Fair Trading should do a great deal to help. It may be that an amendment of the kind that my noble friend is putting forward would be a helpful advance, but I hope he does not stick to the opening words about the “phasing out” of commercial debt management.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lord Borrie and the Minister for their comments. My noble friend Lord Borrie puts me in a difficult position. He is warm in his praise for the work that the not-for-profit charitable sector can offer in this area but is sceptical about the ability of the sector as a whole to rise to the challenge. I would like to reassure him about that but it would take too long, so will speak to him privately.
One thing that comes up time and time again in this area is that we sometimes pray in aid competition, as if it is the answer to many problems. In many cases it is, although there is one sense of “competition” that is used by those who benefit from it, which one has to be careful about.
There are some good debt management companies in this sector. Indeed, I was at a meeting held in Parliament only last week, where a number of MPs and Peers listened to a presentation from one of the leading firms, which was extraordinarily similar to the sort of things that I would have said, had I been in a position to make the presentation. We agreed on so many points that it was almost embarrassing to bill it as some sort of contest. In particular, this company was also very concerned about the bad practices, including advertising, up front fees and the way in which some of the marketing is carried out, and would be prepared to move much further towards the good practice that exists in the charitable sector and which I am trying to advocate through this probing amendment.
I was not, in that sense therefore, trying to phase out commercial debt management companies. Perhaps, on reflection, I could have phrased that better as phasing out bad practice within commercial debt management firms. You are often dealing with vulnerable customers who are at pains to pay off their debts, many of whom are there not because they have been feckless or in any way irresponsible but because of unfortunate circumstances, and have a commitment to work with a body such as StepChange in order to get themselves to a point where their debts are extinguished. It clearly cannot be helpful if, as a result of signing up with a commercial provider, perhaps on the basis of false information, they spend a far longer time—perhaps two or three years longer—paying off their debts and end up paying perhaps £2,000 to £3,000 more in total, when we would argue that they could get the same service by working with the not-for-profit sector.
It is in that sense that simply arguing for competition is wrong. However, I understand the point that there should be opportunities for people to choose where they take their debt management plans and to be able to sign up with the one that suits them best. I am not against that, provided certain thresholds about which we talked are met. In that sense I thank the Minister for his comments, and I particularly welcome what he said about signposting towards the free services. We are aware of the protocols and work being done by both the OFT and BIS. It is not only that there are so many but also the final transition that causes difficulties. The more we can do to move in a coherent way towards an agreed set of rules, an agreed process and an agreed target of trying to get this area working well, the better it will be, because the numbers are quite frightening.
Finally I thank him for his offer to meet with MoJ to talk about CMCs and I look forward to that meeting. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberRead Full debate Read Hansard Text Read Debate Ministerial Extracts
“( ) making provision for the increased diversity of the financial services sector and promotion of mutual societies, including arrangements to measure the number of members of mutual societies, and the market share for mutual societies as a proportion of the UK financial services sector.”
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I shall speak also to Amendments 190ZZB, 190ZZC and 190ZCA. Mutual and building societies and the friendly society sector have played an important part in the organisation of savings and investments and the provision of credit in this country for centuries. Their existence, against all the odds on some occasions, has sometimes been a close-run thing and their constitutions and management structures are redolent of an earlier age of prudence and sobriety in financial matters. Many people regret that we do not do more to support this sector. There have been reports and initiatives aplenty in recent years, but not too much action. I am sure that all noble Lords will share our concern that the Bill should not disadvantage these important organisations.
Our amendments therefore have three purposes. The first is to invite the Minister to update us on the question raised in another place about the need to modernise the register of these bodies. As was indicated during the Committee stage debates, credit must be given to the FSA for bringing the registry out of the 19th century and into its present form, but unlike Companies House, where all filings can be done online, at the Registry of Friendly Societies, located at the FSA, it still takes 48 hours to get a search of certain records of a mutual society. In comparison, a search at Companies House is a simple process which takes minutes, if not seconds. Mutual societies deserve a modern registry which can support and promote the mutual society model. The amendments would provide for any function of the FSA in respect of the Registry of Friendly Societies to be transferred to a register established at Companies House, though, of course, we would be happy if the location of the registry could be unchanged. If the Minister could confirm that a modern registry can be established within the FCA, that would satisfy us.
Secondly, this part of the Bill empowers the Treasury to amend by order legislation on mutual societies for a number of different purposes. When this was raised in the other place the issue seemed to be whether the FCA and PRA responsibilities for the functions that we are discussing are broadly the same as those for the plc sector and that there are no anomalies for the mutual sector as opposed to the non-mutual sector. Unfortunately, it is not clear from Hansard whether the Minister was able to clarify whether or not this was the case, so it might be useful if the Minister could outline how the clause affects the mutual sector and confirm that it is simply a technical matter with no new provisions.
Thirdly, Clause 47 introduces provisions for credit unions in Northern Ireland. Credit unions play a very important part in the organisation of savings and the provision of credit in the Province. As I am sure the Minister is aware, some attention was paid to this issue when the matter was debated in Committee in the other place. Subsection (2)(g) lists the Credits Unions (Northern Ireland) Order 1985 as legislation that the Treasury may amend by order. As was raised in the other place, the 1985 order is specifically included in the Northern Ireland Act 1998, established by the Good Friday agreement. Again, therefore, it would be helpful if the Minister could clarify the general position, particularly that subsection (4) is purely an enabling provision that will allow the transfer of functions on an agreed and acceptable basis and will not automatically dictate such.
I take this opportunity to invite the Minister to update us on the outcome of the consultation on the draft mutuals order, and particularly on whether it has now been agreed which matters will go to which body. The Minister will recall that the draft mutuals order talked about transfers to the FCA or the PRA as though the question of which regulator will actually step in at which moment had been left as a rather grey area. As was said when this issue was discussed in another place, surely that ambivalence suggests uncertainty as to what will happen in future, at a time when we should be encouraging the sector to have confidence and to grow. It also seems to run contrary to the commitment on page 9 of the coalition agreement, which states that the Government,
“will bring forward detailed proposals to foster diversity in financial services, promote mutuals and create a more competitive banking industry”.
Given that we are talking about transferring responsibilities between regulators, which regulator will be the champion for the mutuals model; who will actively encourage the benefits that can flow from a non-plc corporate form; and will either of the regulators have any responsibilities for such matters or none? I beg to move.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, the draft mutuals order has been published this evening. My officials will send the noble Lord a link to it in the morning so he can be completely up to date. That cuts through that point: the draft order confirms that the Government are moving steadily ahead with lots of action, and I will briefly remind the Committee of some of it. The order is the next thing that is due to make progress in the Government’s important objective of promoting diversity. As we have discussed before, the important thing, as the noble Lord said, is that we want a level playing field. The Government do not see this Bill as the vehicle through which to promote particular sectors of the financial services industry—I think that the noble Lord understands that—but I will sketch out some of the other things that we are doing.
To reassure the Committee why in my view Amendment 190ZZA is not necessary, the Government have demonstrated a clear commitment to promote mutuality and to diversify and strengthen the mutual sector. We are taking action to give concrete effect to this commitment, including the new requirement in the Bill for the regulators to analyse the impact of proposed rules on mutuals and building societies, so helping with the local level playing field; the protection given to members of Northern Ireland’s credit unions; and legislation to reduce restrictions on the growth of credit unions. The Government are committed to ensuring that building societies continue to operate on a level playing field with banks while maintaining their unique identity—for example, in the draft Banking Reform Bill published last week, we proposed to exempt building societies entirely from the definition of a ring-fenced bank, although changes will be made to the Building Societies Act 1986 to bring it into line with the ring-fencing provisions of the draft Bill, which was the proposal supported by most respondents.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
I thank the Minister very much for his detailed explanation, particularly of the government amendments. I should like to make two points about level playing fields since that was the recurring theme. If there is a level playing field in terms of the generality of the mutual sector—I include in that the provident societies and friendly societies—there is still a problem which the Government have caused. An aspiration of the coalition agreement is that more support should be given to mutuals, yet we are saying that there must be a level playing field. I think that we would also accept that it is not the job of the regulator to pick and choose between them. I just leave on the table the thought that perhaps the Government might think again about how they proselytize for a sector in which they clearly believe. We all think that it does a good job, yet we are going to leave it to suffer the scourges of competition from whomever it is and from every quarter of the globe, which seems a little unfair. Perhaps that can be thought about again.
On upgrading the many years of records of friendly societies going back many centuries, many of them are probably on velum and therefore very difficult to transfer, which I understand. Again, it seems a little unfair that this cannot be given a little bit of priority. The Committee debates in the other place were redolent of support for this idea. Clearly, progress is being made, which we welcome. New listings and registrations will be online and therefore available. On those bases, I think that the level playing field is sufficient and we will just have to wait for that to come through. With that, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberRead Full debate Read Hansard Text Read Debate Ministerial Extracts
“(4A) After paragraph 23B insert—
“Contracts for debt management services23C (1) Rights under a contract for debt adjustment or debt management services.
(2) Debt-adjusting is, in relation to debts due under regulated credit agreements or contracts for the hire of goods, negotiating with the creditor or owner, on behalf of the debtor or hirer, terms for the discharge of a debt, or taking over, in return for payments by the debtor or hirer, his obligation to discharge a debt, or any similar activity concerned with the liquidation of a debt.
(3) Debt management is the giving of advice to debtors or hirers about the liquidation of debts including those due under regulated credit agreements or contracts for the hire of goods.””
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I declare an interest as chair of the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, a leading debt advice and debt provision charity. Currently, Clause 6 extends the scope of FiSMA by including credit information services. They are already regulated under the Consumer Credit Act 1974, but an amendment is needed to bring them into FiSMA. Clause 6 also changes the current definition of credit contracts to include both unsecured and secured loans, and other forms of credit, and includes hire agreements as a regulated activity.
Our Amendment 147L seeks to include debt adjustment and debt management services in the Bill. This issue has already been raised several times during the passage of the Bill, and we will return to it on subsequent Committee days. The Government have given reassurances that the existing text allows debt management to be included and that they intend it to be included. Perhaps the Minister will confirm this again when he comes to respond. However, this is a permissive approach and we feel that it might not be sufficient in this case. There is a case for debt management to be mentioned in the Bill, and I will run over one or two points in support of that.
The UK’s free, independent debt advice and charity sector helps to ensure that clients pay less and are able to repay their debts more quickly compared to those clients who choose a fee-charging route. Recent figures on this are illustrative. A fee-charging company will typically involve total payments of about £35,900 on a £30,000 debt, including up-front fees and a monthly administration charge. It will therefore take nearly 10 years to wipe out the debt. On the other hand, a debt charity will repay the full amount of £30,000 in full, with no additional charges made to the client, in just over eight years.
Now, the OFT has recently looked at the practices of debt management companies in this area in relation to the guidance that it already issues. It regards misleading advertising by fee chargers as the most significant area of non-compliance with its guidance. In its 2010 review of the sector, it highlighted the fact that many firms claim their services to be free when they are patently not free. We believe that regulation is urgently needed here so that there is transparency about charges. At the same time, we also think that there should be an obligation for fee-charging services to inform potential clients of the availability of free advice services. This, again, is mentioned in the OFT’s debt management guidance; it is not thought to be widely adhered to.
The practice of charging up-front fees itself supports a business model that has pernicious consequences for people trying to repay their debts. Fees undermine the capacity of borrowers to make repayments and, as I have tried to show, that extends the timescales. Advice provided by fee-charging companies is inevitably—and, I suppose, naturally—skewed towards debt management plans and individual voluntary arrangements that generate a revenue stream for those companies. As a result, people struggling with debt often end up with the wrong solution.
The Government have proposed a DMP protocol setting out what all parties can expect from a debt management plan, and the hope is that this will ensure that debtors are treated more consistently, both by creditors and by fee-charging DMP providers. However, progress on this seems to have stalled. In any case, it is no real substitute for the strong regulation that this sector now needs.
Amendment 147M would add claim management regulation to the scope of the FCA. No one—in this House, particularly—will have failed to notice the growth in CMCs recently, particularly those touting for business in relation to financial services, such as claims for mis-sold PPI in particular. I have never taken out PPI, but ironically I had a text just before I came into the Chamber this afternoon explaining that I was missing out on £2,737, which was waiting for me simply by return through a text service. Indeed, I have had several phone calls in the past week or two.
It might just be a temporary phenomenon, and existing arrangements might well be the same, but I have my doubts. The problems that are often reported to us are aggressive or illegal marketing practices such as cold calling and unsolicited text marketing; persuading people to divulge their payment card details and then using this to take unauthorised payments for service; and failing to inform people that a claim might actually be settled on a non-cash basis, where there is an offset against a remainder debt, leaving that person with no money to pay the fees that are going to be charged.
Claims management companies are not currently unregulated; they are already covered by the claims management regulator, which is part of the Ministry of Justice. There is a statutory scheme set out in the Compensation Act 2006, and regulations and rules are made under this. Quite apart from the need to question why this area is being retained within government when we are actually setting up a new regulatory structure, there is also a question about why the Ministry of Justice has not been able to get on top of the problems that I mentioned earlier. The claims management regulator within the MoJ is actually currently consulting on current practices, but there is a long way to go.
While it may be possible for these issues to be dealt with, possibly through an order such as the regulated activities order, quite serious points continue to operate to the detriment of the consumers who are involved in this area. Bringing the CMCs, as with the debt management companies, under the supervision of the FCA is surely the right way forward. I beg to move.
Baroness Sherlock
I will ask a couple of questions on Amendment 147M, and in doing so I remind the House of my registered interest as a senior independent director of the Financial Ombudsman Service. I am grateful to my noble friend for raising the question of claims management companies and their regulation, something that we have come to in this House once or twice in recent months.
The problem is significant. I ask two questions, one of my noble friend and one of the Minister. Can my noble friend reflect on what would happen if and when claims management companies might move on from their current obsession with the financial services sector? As he has, I have certainly received many texts. At the moment, claims management companies are focusing on financial services, primarily because of the widespread mis-selling of payment protection insurance that has created significant consumer detriment. Therefore, there is a significant problem at the moment, and that is what they are focusing on.
However, in the past the companies have focused, for example, on people who have—or fancy that they might have—sustained personal injuries such as whiplash in car accidents. In future, they might move on to other areas. I wonder, therefore, whether we could reflect on what the best way might be to regulate this industry when in fact the target could move. It is the activity itself that needs regulation, rather than necessarily the sector.
This highlights the particular problem that we have: that the activity of claims management companies—particularly the bad activity of the minority that are doing the kind of things described by my noble friend—needs addressing. In this I wonder whether the Minister could help us out. Could he tell the House very quickly what steps the Government are taking to improve the regulation of CMCs? For as long as this activity remains within the Ministry of Justice, can he assure the House that adequate resources and powers will be made available to those doing this job to redress the kind of unpleasant practices and considerable detriment that has been created on top of the original detriment that has been done?
Lord Sassoon
I am not satisfied with the conduct in the industry, which is why in August, since we last debated these matters, as the noble Baroness I am sure is aware, the Ministry of Justice announced that, from April 2013, claims management companies will be banned from offering financial rewards or similar benefits as an inducement to make a claim. I understand why there are concerns but, since we last discussed these matters, there has been significant progress.
As has already been noted in this debate, proposals have been consulted on to tighten the conduct rules with which all claims management companies must comply as a condition of their licence. The consultation closed on 3 October and the responses are now being considered. Again, the target date for implementation is April 2013. Also from 2013, the Government intend to extend the Legal Ombudsman’s jurisdiction to provide an independent complaints and redress service for clients dissatisfied with the service provided to them by the claims management companies with which they have contracted.
I believe that significant and important work is going on, and that that is the right approach. I hope I have been clear on why I cannot support proposals to make the FCA responsible for claims management regulation, which applies as much now as it will in future. The Government will therefore not be including the activities of claims management companies in the enabling provisions in Clause 6. With reassurance on the first amendment and the explanation of all the work going on more generally, I hope that the noble Lord will feel able to withdraw his amendment.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
I thank the Minister for his response. I accept his assurances on Amendment 147L, and I am grateful to him for making it very explicit that the intention and the practice will be that debt management companies will clearly come under the scope of FiSMA and therefore the FCA. Perhaps I may leave with him the thought that there may be a slight divergence of view, unlikely as that may seem, within the Government. As I mentioned in my introductory speech, there is still an ongoing commitment by the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills to produce some sort of protocol which will affect all DMPs. I may write to the Minister about this but it seems to me that where we have an assurance on his behalf that there will be full coverage of DMPs within the scope of the current Bill, as he mentioned, it is not quite clear where BIS and its draft protocol will lie. I should like some assurance on that but I will not contest this on that point.
If I understood the Minister correctly, I think he was making three points on Amendment 147M. The first is that, in a way that is clear to him but not, I am afraid, to me, claims management companies are not financial services companies. If they are dealing with claims, they are dealing in some sense with a form of financial service. The examples we have had, which move away from pure financial services, concerned whiplash injuries. It seems to me that these companies would not be involved if there was no money somewhere in the circuit. Therefore, if that money is available to an individual who wishes to claim for it and is being assisted by a CMC, under a very broad definition, that would be a financial service.
Lord Sassoon
I do not want to be picky on this point but would the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson of Balmacara, contend that the legal profession, which deals with claims all day every day to recover money for people, should be brought within the regulation of the FCA? I clearly said that at the moment it is dealing with some very important matters which are financial services matters but that is very different from defining a claims management company as a financial service. Is the noble Lord suggesting that lawyers and all sorts of other people who deal with money should be defined as such?
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
It is not for me to suggest anything. I simply wish to draw out that, simply because of the name or the fact that, on occasion, these companies do not deal strictly with financial services, they are somehow excluded from any regulatory oversight of their activities. Yes, to extend the point as the Minister does makes it seem unlikely, but they deal with financial services at the moment and are unregulated in that sense. I just want to make clear our feeling that this is something to which we may have to return.
My second point is that the Minister said that detrimental practices exist in the sector and that he was not satisfied with the situation, yet he has decided that there is no need for any further action in the Bill. That seems a little unrelated to the facts as we understand them.
Thirdly, he made the point, which we accept, that there are other activities going on here. Indeed, we hear that there will be a report shortly on the result of the consultation done by the Ministry of Justice and we may be able to look forward to action in April 2013. Therefore, I think that we need to keep this under review to see whether the movement is in the direction that we wish it to be to focus more clearly on where claims management companies are operating within the financial sector, and that the detrimental practices get sorted out. With those thoughts in mind, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
“(3A) In section 73(1), at the end insert—
“(g) to foster ethical corporate behaviour, including respect for internationally-recognised human rights”.”
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, the purpose of this group of amendments is to demonstrate that government recognises that business has a responsibility to respect human rights and sustainable development, to focus corporate behaviour on its wider social and environmental impact, to provide information to affected individuals and communities, and to inform better the investor community.
The Government have said that in discharging its general functions the FCA must act in a way that is compatible with its strategic objective—ensuring that relevant markets function well—and in a way that advances one or more of its operational objectives. I argue that these amendments would be entirely compatible with both the FCA’s strategic and operational objectives, as it would uphold the integrity of the Stock Exchange and ensure that businesses take into consideration the full impact of their operations. This approach is supported by a wide range of organisations, including Aviva Investors, the Carbon Disclosure Project, Save the Children, the Co-operative and the World Wildlife Fund.
There is of course a legal case for this. In June last year, along with every other member of the UN Human Rights Council, the UK endorsed the UN framework on human rights and transnational corporations, which enshrines the state duty to protect alongside the corporate responsibility to respect human rights. The Government, including the Prime Minister, have been enthusiastic in their support for these principles, but so far they have not spelt out how they intend to fulfil them. Listing requirements specifically relating to human rights and sustainable development would be a strong first step. The UK has a duty to protect human rights under international conventions to which it is a signatory. The human rights obligations of states under international law include the taking of effective measures to prevent human rights abuses by third parties, including companies.
The Combined Code on Corporate Governance, issued by the Financial Reporting Council, gives guidance to companies on reporting CSR-related matters. The listing rules of the London Stock Exchange require companies incorporated in the UK and listed on the main market of the exchange to report on how they have applied the combined code in their annual report and accounts. Overseas companies listed on the main market are required to disclose the significant ways in which their corporate governance practices differ from those set out in the code. The reporting obligations in the Companies Act 2006 extend to everything of relevance to the company within the terms of Section 417 of the Act. There are no geographical restrictions on what information is relevant or may be disclosed. Markets are driven by information. If the information they receive is short term and thin, these characteristics will define our markets. These amendments would serve to improve the information available to investors and all external stakeholders.
A recent survey of global stock exchanges conducted by Aviva Investors revealed that 57% of respondents agreed that strong sustainability requirements for listed companies made good business sense for the exchange. Only 14% of respondents disagreed. A lack of regulatory support was highlighted by over half the respondents as a factor that discouraged them from undertaking sustainability initiatives.
Stock exchanges play a vital role in economic development as one of the primary tools for the allocation of capital in both emerging economies and developed ones. Yet at present there is no requirement on applicants to the London Stock Exchange to provide information on their social or environmental impact, which means there are no sanctions available to the UK Listing Authority, even if a company listed on its main market is found guilty of the most grievous human rights abuses.
London is already behind the curve in this area and we suffer reputational risk if we do not act. For instance, the Hong Kong stock exchange mandates that mineral companies must: divulge the likely,
“impact on sustainability of mineral and/or exploration projects”;
reveal the,
“claims that may exist over the land on which exploration or mining activity is being carried out, including ancestral or native claims”;
and state the company’s,
“historical experience of dealing with concerns of local governments and communities on the sites of its mines”
and,
“exploration properties”.
The Shanghai stock exchange requires listed companies to commit to environmental protection and community development while pursuing economic goals and protecting shareholders’ interests. In Luxembourg, listed companies must have “high standards of integrity”, and behave in a “responsible manner”. In Malaysia, listing rules include provisions on CSR reporting, and the stock exchange has also developed a CSR framework with accompanying guidance for directors. Human rights are also referenced throughout guidance materials elaborating on the framework, most recently in a training tool for directors.
The business case for human rights and sustainable development reporting is therefore robust. The current listing requirements are in place to allow investors to make good and informed decisions about the merits of investing. Arguably, this would be impossible without information on the social and environmental impact and responsibility of a company. The UK’s largest institutional investor, Aviva Investors, has called for a,
“listing environment that requires companies to consider how responsible and sustainable their business model is, and also encourages them to put a forward looking sustainability strategy to the vote at their AGM”.
It is widely accepted that environmental and social governance performance can have a significant impact on shareholder value and should therefore be taken into full consideration by companies in their reporting and financial disclosure.
When a similar amendment to the Bill was raised in the other place, the then Minister said that the proposers,
“have raised some very important issues and there is a lot of truth in what they say. The reputation of the UK listing regime depends partly on the behaviour of companies, and we need to think about that quite carefully”.
He also said:
“Matters of stewardship and corporate behaviour are predominantly the responsibility of the Financial Reporting Council, which is responsible for the stewardship code and corporate governance issues”.—[Official Report, Commons, 22/5/12; col. 1028.]
However, as the FRC recently explained to the Treasury Select Committee, its role is about implementation and not about applying sanctions.
A gap is developing between what we would all agree is best practice and what needs to be done to ensure that the rules are followed; effective sanctions must be available. There is currently no single body responsible for all aspects of company behaviour, including the raising of finance. Under the current regime, the listing process provides the funds that companies need to invest and grow, and shareholders have the primary responsibility for holding business to account for its behaviour. However, there is no regulatory body responsible for both sides of that equation with sufficient powers to intervene. I believe that the FCA should take the lead as it has the authority, the expertise, the personnel and the funding to enable it to exercise vigilance over all UK listed companies. I beg to move.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, Amendment 165DA would require the FCA to have regard to fostering ethical corporate behaviour when exercising its listing functions. While we would all agree on the importance of corporate ethics, the issue here is whether we should make changes to the Bill to give the FCA specific roles or responsibilities in relation to them. The Government consider that the answer to that question is no.
The objective of our reforms is to put in place a new regulatory system with properly focused regulators who have clear responsibilities and objectives. This, of course, replaces a regulatory system which was not sufficiently focused and failed when the point came to protect consumers adequately. However important additional, worthy objectives might be, we need to be mindful at all times of the need for focus on the new bodies which we are creating. In this particular case, there are of course already other bodies or agencies engaged in these important matters. In particular, as the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson of Balmacara, knows, the Financial Reporting Council is responsible for the corporate governance code and the stewardship code to which he referred. That is where I believe we should leave this responsibility, rather than blurring or muddling the lines.
Amendment 167E is more specific. It would require the FCA to make listing rules to require all listed energy and mining companies to carry out human rights due diligence and then require the companies concerned to make annual human rights impact reports to the exchange. Again, I can appreciate what is behind Amendment 167E but do not believe that it is necessary.
First, the FSA currently—and the FCA in future—is already able to make listing rules covering both points made by the amendment if it considers it appropriate to do so. I see that the noble Lord is nodding. We do not need to give new powers in this respect to the FCA, or to include new requirements in FiSMA. However, I know that the noble Lord will come back and say it is one thing that it has the ability to do it, and another thing if we think it to be sufficiently important. I understand that, but it does have that ability.
Secondly, we see the way forward to be encouraging transparency and supporting action in the countries in which mining and other extractive activity takes place. That is why the Government support the EU proposals to improve transparency in the extractive—oil, gas and mining—and forestry sectors. We are already engaged in the EU negotiations on this issue. The Government also support the extractive industries transparency initiative and encourage resource-rich countries to sign up to it. Under that initiative, companies publish the payments they make to Governments of resource-rich countries, and these Governments publish the payments they receive from extractives so that the benefits from extractives can be seen by all. Therefore, while I appreciate that the noble Lord wishes to go harder on this, I believe that the Government are being active on the case. These are important issues and it is better to leave it to the FRC through the code on the one hand, and to push forward with these important international initiatives on the other. On that basis, I ask the noble Lord to withdraw his amendment.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his comments. I understand where he is coming from and indeed he answered for me in some senses by explaining what he thought I might say in response, so I will not add to that. At the heart of this there are just two points. It is true that the bodies he mentioned have responsibilities. However, because there is no single body with the clear authority to act, it is a bit of a muddle and it is something that in future we may have to come back to. As the Minister said himself, the current FSA has, and the future FCA will have, the powers to set down rules, but the fact that the FSA has not done so is obviously relevant. I was grateful to the Minister for his comments about the EU initiatives in this area. These are important, and certainly the transparency that he has sought is at the heart of what I have been saying. That said, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years, 4 months ago)
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Baroness Kramer
My Lords, I will speak to Amendment 140A, which is in this group. It is slightly different but we did not seek to have it regrouped, just in the interest of time. Amendment 140A would establish in the Bill that the PRA and FCA are considered equal in status. We have a letter from the noble Lord, Lord Sassoon, dated 18 June, which indicates that it is the Government’s intention to have parity of status, but I would defy anyone to read the Bill and come away with that particular conclusion. In the Bill, as your Lordships will be aware, the PRA has the right to veto certain of the FCA’s regulatory actions. I have no problem with that—it can be right and proper—but it reads over very quickly into a sense that the PRA is the superior body. The PRA is also part of the Bank of England family, a very powerful family. The FCA stands outside of that, which is right and proper. However, it creates the issue about the balance between those two regulators, particularly since the Governor of the Bank of England chairs the PRA as well as the FPC and the MPC. The FCA therefore stands in a different relationship to the governor and has a very different role. The governor is a very important individual in the international community in terms of public recognition and public standing.
Building a little on the comments just made about culture and behaviour by the noble Lord, Lord Hodgson, we must recognise that within departments there tends to be a sort of default behaviour to live in a silo. It is very difficult to persuade organisations to co-ordinate effectively with each other, and to have the kind of respect that goes with parity. Although there is a memorandum of understanding, a great deal of judgment is involved in that memorandum in terms of deciding when it is appropriate to share information, to consult and to co-ordinate. It depends a great deal upon attitude. I have been in at least two meetings with members who were a fairly broad representation of the financial services sector when it has been evident that the assumption of the sector is that the PRA is the lead institution and the tough guy, and that the FCA plays a somewhat secondary role.
This is of particular concern because of the range of financial services sectors that the FCA will regulate. It comprises 27,000 firms contributing £63 billion in tax revenues, providing over 2 million jobs, two-thirds of which are outside London. We must be very careful that it is not regarded as second class in its role. The London Stock Exchange is particularly concerned about this issue because of the role that the FCA must play in Europe. As your Lordships know, it has the seat of ESMA, which is highly significant. The UK market accounts for between 60% and 80% of EU securities trading but has only 8% of the vote on ESMA. Therefore, the status, standing and significance of the FCA will matter enormously in those European discussions which affect the City, the financial services industry, and the international world of finance more generally.
This amendment seeks to, in a sense, make it clear in the Bill that the FCA does not have second-class status and that it is equal in its standing with the PRA. It seeks to make sure that that then gets embedded into the culture of how these regulators relate to each other and co-ordinate with each other, and that the FCA has standing in international eyes, and is recognised by international regulators as the body they can appropriately talk to, and not as a body that they must go around in order to speak to the genuine powerhouses.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I rise to speak to Amendments 140A, 140BA, 140DA, 143C and 144JA. Amendments 140AA to 140DA appear to be, to use the words of the noble Lord, Lord Flight, in the same territory as those amendments that he was proposing and which have also been supported by the noble Lord, Lord Hodgson. Therefore, I do not think that we need to say much more except that we support them. We hope that our points will also be taken into account—they are relatively self-explanatory. We look forward to hearing the Minister’s response.
Amendments 143C and 144JA, raised in the other place, are intended to probe the practical aspects of co-ordination behind the FCA and the PRA on the ground—for example, across the membership of the boards. Schedule 3 on page 177 makes provision for the Bank’s deputy governor for prudential regulation to be on the FCA board. However, paragraph 6 states that:
“The Bank’s Deputy Governor … must not take part in any discussion by or decision of the FCA which relates to (a) the exercise of the FCA’s functions in relation to a particular person, or (b) a decision not to exercise those functions”.
Similarly, new Schedule 1ZB(5) states that:
“The chief executive of the FCA must not take part in any discussion by or decision of the PRA which relates to”—
I do not need to quote it further, it is very similar. There we have two deputy governors, supposedly sitting on these two boards to aid the co-ordination of these two bodies and to have cross-membership, and yet there is a provision that gags those two individuals and prevents them getting involved in discussions in certain areas. There may be a rational reason for this but it beats me as to what might be.
There is a further point. Paragraph 5 on page 177 of the Bill states;
“The validity of any act of the FCA is not affected”,
if there is a vacancy in the office of deputy governor, or if there is
“a defect in the appointment of a person”,
to those boards. However, if a deputy governor happens to stray in discussions into areas that relate to a particular person or to a decision on exercising a function, might there not be a serious risk that on judicial review—for example, a third party could challenge the validity of any act of the FCA—should it be discovered that the deputy governor had uttered a phrase or misspoken in a particular way about a particular person or issue?
One must be concerned about enshrining restrictions on the things that board members can and cannot utter so that they cannot take part in a decision. How would that be implemented? Would they have to leave the room when one of these topics came up? Would every single decision of the FCA and the PRA have to be separated into generic and operational questions? It would surely not be right to fetter internal discussions in this way. If it is right to put them on the boards of both organisations, it must be right to let them discuss everything that comes up on those boards. I look forward to hearing the Minister’s response to these points.
Baroness Cohen of Pimlico
I support the amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, and particularly her remarks about the importance of the status of the FCA in relationship to European negotiations. I remind the House that I am a non-executive director of the London Stock Exchange and that until 2010 I also chaired the sub-committee of the European Union Committee that is concerned entirely with difficult negotiations on wholesale finance. It is extremely difficult, particularly in the present climate of financial panic in Europe, to make progress—nay, even to hold our own—in negotiations with fellow European countries. The FCA must, as a very minimum, be seen to be of equal status to the PRA. I cannot emphasise how important this is. Over there in Europe, they have got used to having the FSA and they will be totally puzzled as to who is important unless it is made clear in the Bill.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
In moving the amendment, I shall speak also to Amendments 143ZB to 143ZD as well as Amendment 144EA. This group of amendments relate to the consumer advice functions of the FCA, currently delivered through the Money Advice Service, and the separate responsibility that the MAS has for co-ordinating debt advice. I declare my interest as a chair of the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, the country’s leading debt advice charity, which has helped more than 1.3 million people in the last few years to deal with their unmanageable debts.
I start by asking the Minister if he can confirm the Government’s intention to retain the status quo in this area in so far as the body known as the Money Advice Service is concerned. MAS has responsibility for delivering money advice to members of the public as part of its consumer education function and has recently assumed responsibility for co-ordinating debt advice, which is currently delivered by a number of charitable bodies, including Citizens Advice, the Money Advice Trust and the Consumer Credit Counselling Service.
As your Lordships’ House will be aware, although the Bill continues the FSA’s current responsibilities regarding these functions to the FCA, new Section 3R in Clause 5 confirms that a consumer financial education body undertakes this function on behalf of the FSA at present and it is intended in this section of the Bill that the body corporate, originally established by the FSA under Section 6A of FiSMA, will continue to deliver these services for the FCA. So the Bill assumes that the MAS will continue.
I invite the Minister to clarify the situation, because rumours have begun to circulate, following the hearings held recently by the Treasury Select Committee on the Money Advice Service. These were fairly rumbustious sessions, and for long parts of them the committee was focusing on what it clearly saw as an unsatisfactory situation regarding the FSA’s current responsibilities for the MAS, its business plans and its operations. I gather that it would not surprise many observers if the Government intended to bring forward amendments on this topic. I will not repeat the rumours that have reached me, but the stories authoritatively report a range of decisions including the abolition of the MAS, to giving it its own statutory position within the Bill. I would be happy to give way to the Minister if he would like to clarify what the position is at this point. He does not wish to do so now so I shall continue.
These amendments seek to clarify the role of the Money Advice Service in respect of its money advice services, to ensure that it focuses with laser-like intensity on the needs of members of the public on low incomes and to ensure that it provides,
“targeted, proactive and easily accessible advice to those encountering economic disadvantage, financial exclusion or financial exploitation”.
In respect of the co-ordination of debt advice, the amendments seek to make sure that this means that the MAS will be explicitly focused on promoting the work of registered charities such as the MAT, CCCS and the citizens advice bureaux, so that people struggling with debt are made much more aware of the excellent free, independent and impartial support that is available to them.
There is one point which I hope the Minister will be able to help me with when he replies. While the MAS is a direct provider of money advice, it is not the Government's intention that the MAS should become a direct provider or regulator of debt advice, in direct competition with and duplicating the work of these long-established registered charities. He will recall that in the other place, the Treasury Minister, Mr Mark Hoban, said:
“The role of MAS is to commission free debt advice, not … to provide [it].”—[Official Report, Commons, Financial Services Bill Committee, 6/3/12; col. 345.]
That having been said, there is an issue here which it would be good to recognise—about whether it is credible to view money advice and debt advice as separate activities. We in our charity certainly take the view that when people come to us with debt problems, our priority is obviously to get them to repay their debts in as short a time as is possible, without jeopardising their basic needs and livelihood; and we are not into debt forgiveness.
However, another of our functions is to use the process that they are going through to educate them about how to deal better with credit in the future. In that sense, I have sympathy with those who argue that money advice and debt advice are two sides of the same coin, if you will excuse the pun. However, that may be an issue for the future. For the moment I am anxious to ensure that the Government are not seeking to complicate the debt advice space. There is a need for co-ordination, a reduction of duplication, and for all concerned to bear down on costs, as well as increase throughput. However, there is no need for additional direct provision of services by the Government. The registered charity sector can and will deliver a brilliant service here.
Recent research by the Financial Inclusion Centre has shown that there are 6.2 million households in the UK that are financially vulnerable. Half of those are already behind with debt repayments or face insolvency action; 3 million are living so close to the edge that they do not know how they would cope if there were to be even a small increase in their regular household bills. That is why the MAS needs to focus on those members of the public who are on lower incomes, and to target advice to those encountering economic disadvantage, financial exclusion or exploitation.
Around half of our debt advice clients have struggled on their own for more than a year before seeking help and many feel ashamed of their financial problems. When people do summon up the courage to ask for help, they need advice about the best remedies for them, and we would argue that they should seek free advice. Around 400,000 people in the UK are thought to be on commercially provided debt management plans, which cost them £250 million in fees every year. We estimate that for a typical debt of £23,000, a client of a debt management company pays more than £4,000 in fees to that company. Clients of charitable providers by contrast only pay back what they owe, and the time taken to get free of their debts is about 18 months less than with a commercial provider.
That is why we suggest in this group of amendments that a key function for the Money Advice Service must be to get financially vulnerable consumers to seek help earlier from charities such as National Debtline, Citizens Advice and CCCS by promoting free debt advice. The public interest here, surely, is to encourage people with debt problems to recognise the free debt advice sector as the best place to go for rehabilitation. Raising the profile of the free debt advice sector is necessary if we are to counter the aggressive advertising of fee-charging debt management companies which seems to be everywhere. However, this is difficult for the charitable sector to do under its own steam, as its charitable funding should really be used to deliver direct charitable benefit. In December last year, the chief executive of the Money Advice Service said that he wanted to build the profile of the free debt advice sector so that ultimately, everybody in need of debt help sees the free debt advice sector as the “better option for them”. I welcome that approach and beg to move.
Baroness Kramer
My Lords, I want to comment on Amendment 143ZE. I have great respect for the CCCS and the work that it does, but there is also at least one commercial player—I am thinking of Payplan—which, I understand, provides free debt advice on a basis very similar to that of the CCCS, and in fact Citizens Advice frequently refers people to it to deal with debt management. Like the CCCS, it gets its funding from the creditor and not by turning to the individual who is in debt.
Although I entirely agree with all the statements that have been made about those—perhaps not all but certainly many—who advertise and often provide a very unsatisfactory and highly questionable service to individuals who are in debt, leaving them in a worse situation than when they started, I am slightly cautious about the suggestion that only the charitable sector can provide free debt advice. We need all the players we can get in this business and, provided they do it in the appropriate way, we should surely encourage all of them.
I question why the companies that seek to have the debts repaid to them should not be more influential in this process. My understanding is that they would far rather work with those who provide free debt advice than those who muddy the waters by essentially taking the fee-paying attitude and offering and delivering a less satisfactory solution for everybody involved.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
I am not quite sure what I did agree to—I was nodding so hard and trying to get across the message that I slightly lost what the noble Lord said. I would like to read Hansard as I might want to get into correspondence with him, but we were seeking clarification that MAS would continue to be part of the Government’s plans and they were not intending to change its formal position in statute, according to the rumours that were circulating. If that is the case then that is very good. The Minister was also going to confirm that it would continue to operate as a provider of direct services on financial education advice for people, which he has done, but that its role in debt advice was very clearly that of co-ordinating and funding, not of delivering a service which would be otiose and, in any case, a duplication. I am very grateful for that.
There is a longer conversation to be had on Payplan. This is not the time to have it but one has to bear in mind that we are talking about people who are entering debt management plans. That is quite a small proportion of the total needs people have for debt advice. It is true that the funding mechanism looks quite similar to Payplan but it is not the same as a donation given to support the work of charities such as Citizens Advice which, as we all know, do such a huge job across a whole range of activities. The commercial aspects of Payplan bear against that ability to operate. That is why we were so keen in these amendments to reinforce the suggestion that the publicly funded MAS—soon to be funded by levy but still operating in a very public space—should focus very closely on the free advice from the charitable bodies and not try to build up, for some faux competition idea, another group of bodies that could be taking money from people who are already distressed financially and therefore would not be in a position to operate.
I think that we are on the same page. Perhaps we might exchange pages later to find out. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Financial Services Bill
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Lord Flight
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Borrie, pointed out that this chapter addresses the transfer of the regulation of consumer and small business finance from the Office of Fair Trading to the new FCA. My two amendments, Amendments 118D and 147K, address a specific point: the suggestion that the regulation of claims management companies might be transferred from the Ministry of Justice to the FCA, on the grounds that this area has attracted quite a lot of complaint.
I also wanted to make the point that, as the Minister will be aware, the industry is slightly concerned that the re-drafting of all the arrangements that presently operate through the CCA regime to come under financial regulation and to end up in an FCA rulebook is a pretty monumental task. It is questionable whether that can all be accomplished with due care to become operative by April 2014. Therefore, might it be wise and/or possible for at least some of the CCA activities to be able to continue beyond April 2014, allowing sufficient time for consultation and for rewriting everything into what is required as a new format? Apart from anything else, there is some £50 billion worth of lending finance to very small businesses, which are substantially one-man operations and represent a few million businesses. It is really quite an important commercial area, and it is important that things do not get through by mistake in the re-drafting that could cause problems.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, my noble friend Lord Borrie kindly drew the Committee’s attention to my position as chair of the Consumer Credit Counselling Service and I declare my interest again. I would also like to thank him very much for his kind remarks about the work of the charity, which does so much for people who have unmanageable debt.
This is a wide-ranging group of amendments in the sense of issues that have been raised. I will focus on two areas: the claims management area and the debt management space. Claims management companies have increased in number and have come to the attention of the public, and the industries in which they operate, much more in recent years. You have only to turn on the TV or listen to the radio to be bombarded with advertisements from claims management companies. E-mail traffic is also increasing.
There are apparently more than 3,200 authorised firms operating today. Of course, many in the claims management industry act responsibly. The part of the industry that does not adhere to best practice breaches guidelines on cold calling, text messaging and e-mails. Some will take up-front fees and/or fail to disclose properly the amount of compensation that a consumer will pay if their claim is successful. Through high-pressure sales they will sign up people who have no possibility of making a successful claim on the basis that they can get you thousands of pounds in compensation.
That sort of activity is prohibited under existing regulation, but unless it is effectively policed it comes to nothing. However, large numbers of those in the industry do not adhere to best practice and a few could even be described as rogues. In a recent debate on this subject in your Lordships’ House, the noble Lord, Lord Kennedy, said that the Government need to take a long, hard look at the industry, look at existing provisions and make a number of changes to beef-up existing regulation and ensure that existing provisions are used effectively in an industry that needs effective policing.
In those circumstances, it is also fair to pick up a point made by the noble Lord, Lord Flight, that the current arrangements with the Ministry of Justice acting as both the sponsoring department and the regulator appear to have broken down. It would be good if the Minister could report on what progress has been made on this list of helpful suggestions.
My noble friend Lord Borrie drew attention to the debt management sector and in particular to the 2007 Act. There are nothing like as many private sector debt management firms in the UK, as much of the debt advice is undertaken by charitable bodies such as Citizens Advice and my own body the CCCS, which offer a free service of high quality. Collectively, commercial firms administer some 200,000 debt management plans and about 50,000 IVAs. The trade body, DEMSA, estimates that this is some 40% of all the debt management plans currently in operation.
DEMSA states that its goal is to promote best practice and protect the interests of clients and the lenders to which they owe money, but in its review of the sector in 2010 already referred to, the OFT found instances of non-compliance among DEMSA member firms, albeit DEMSA members received a clean bill of health compared to the rest of the sector, and action was taken on a number of firms.
On the publication of its report on debt management in March 2012, the chair of the BIS Select Committee, Adrian Bailey MP, said:
“During these difficult economic times, increasing numbers of people up and down the country—not least some of the most vulnerable members of our society—are relying on the provision of consumer debt management services and payday loans to make ends meet. And yet this industry remains opaque and poorly regulated. Despite a Government consultation that ended almost a year ago little has been done to remedy the situation. The Government must take swift and decisive action to prevent firms from abusing the needs of such a vulnerable customer base”.
The committee’s main recommendations are worth repeating. The Government must work to phase out up-front fees: the provision of guidance on this point by the OFT is inadequate. The Government should introduce the necessary regulations to ensure companies publish the cost of their debt advice and their outcomes if an agreement cannot be reached during discussions with the industry. The Government should establish effective auditing of debt management companies’ client accounts. The report concludes that greater transparency in the commercial debt advice market would benefit consumers hugely and that voluntary codes of practice are highly unlikely to achieve this aim. The Government must be prepared to regulate if consumers are to receive the protection and the level of information they require.
It seems clear from all this that we have reached the stage in these two sectors whereby strong and effective regulation is required. We also think it is time that the Government should take advantage of the opportunity of the Financial Services Bill to make the new regulatory bodies responsible for this currently unregulated part of the market which affects so many vulnerable customers.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, this group contains an interesting mix of loosely related amendments, if they are related at all. I shall respond first to the amendments concerning claims management firms.
Amendments 118D and 147K seek to bring claims management companies under the regulation of the FCA. Clearly the regulation of claims management companies must be effective, but there are two reasons why a transfer of CMC regulation to the FCA is not the right course of action. First, the best way to improve regulation of CMCs is to make changes to the current regime, rather than by transferring responsibility for regulation to another body. My noble friend has already questioned whether the transfer of consumer credit responsibilities by April 2014 is achievable. I should say, in parenthesis, that I believe it is achievable, although I appreciate that there is a lot to do. There will be a consultation early in 2013 about how it will operate. However, we are talking here about making another transfer of responsibilities, which I do not believe is necessary or the best way to achieve the objective.
The Ministry of Justice, as we have heard, is the body responsible for regulating the activities of businesses providing claims management services. It carried out a review last year of claims management regulation which concluded that fundamental reform was not needed but identified a number of areas where improvements could be made. A shift in responsibilities now would not address the underlying problems in the conduct of claims management companies and would detract from the concrete steps that the Government are taking to address those problems.
Financial Services Bill
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Lord Flight
My Lords, although I acknowledge the issue, I do not believe it is that difficult. I observe that my own parents learnt basic accounting some 90 years ago at ordinary grammar schools in London as part of the general certificate. That stood them in pretty good stead. Even in my time, when I was doing basic economics, what I learnt was pretty fundamental to understanding what equity was, what debt was, and so forth. The courses that are up and running are pretty effective—for example in my own school, of which I have been a governor for many years—although I do not say that they are perfect. One of the problems is that since the Second World War, money has almost been thought of as dirty within the educational world. This is something to shy away from. One of the crucial things is for the schools themselves to have staff who can be taught to teach and be enthusiastic about the subject.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, we support this amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Flight, although in saying that, like a number of noble Lords, we worry that it does not go far enough in simply calling for the FCA to work with the Department for Education. Surely all children and young people should have access to a planned and coherent programme of personal finance education so that they leave school with the skills and confidence to manage their money effectively. Knowing how to manage money and be a savvy consumer is a vital life skill in an increasingly complex world. Education is about giving young people the skills and knowledge they need to get on in life, which is why we should get behind a campaign, so that every child should not only learn the three Rs at school, but also learn about pensions, savings, borrowing and mortgages.
As we have heard, personal financial education is covered in the primary curriculum at present, but it is only there as part of the non-statutory framework for PSHE—personal, social, health and economic education. There are, of course, opportunities with a number of subjects across the curriculum to learn about financial matters, including citizenship—compulsory for all 11 to 16 year-olds—mathematics, business studies, careers, and enterprise education. However, we think this important life skill should be made compulsory, as the previous Government were indeed planning to do in the last Session of the preceding Parliament. Sadly, there has been no legislative progress for the past two years.
As the Minister will be aware, an e-petition calling for financial education to be a compulsory part of the curriculum got more than 100,000 signatures last year and led to a Westminster Hall debate, which is worth reading in Hansard. Many Members of your Lordships’ House will know of Martin Lewis of the website moneysavingexpert.com, who has been campaigning on this issue for several years now, and was indeed the man behind the petition. He has recently corresponded with the Prime Minister, and the most recent exchange was an open letter to the Sun, which provoked a response which I would like to share with your Lordships’ House.
The Prime Minister writes to “dear Martin” and thanks him for the letter. He goes on to say,
“It is true that young people should have access to good quality personal finance education, so that they leave school with the knowledge and confidence to manage their money effectively”.
He goes on:
“The PSHE non-statutory programmes of study include elements aimed at ensuring that, by the time they leave school, pupils should be able to manage their money, understand and explain financial risk and reward and identify how finance will play an important part in their lives and in achieving their aspirations”.
This goes some way toward answering some of the points made by my noble friend Lord Peston. The Prime Minister goes on to say:
“This economic wellbeing and financial capability strand of PSHE was only introduced in September 2008 and Ofsted reported in 2010 that schools had not yet got to grips with this”.
We understand some of the reasons for that now. We are aware that some aspects of PSHE are patchy and, as you say, there are some schools that are not able to access good resources. However, the letter concludes:
“We believe it is important that schools are given the freedom and space to provide a truly rounded education, including important things such as finance education”.
However, Martin Lewis’s response to the letter says it all. He thanks the Prime Minister for his comments, but he says that,
“financial education must be deemed a core skill. It’s the cheapest way, long term, to prevent millions being screwed by scandals such as PPI, bank charges and endowments, to help people keep energy costs down and tackle our debt epidemic”.
The letter finishes:
“So far, your government’s only commitment has been Schools Minister Nick Gibb saying: ‘It'll be looked at in the curriculum review.’ That's good, but please ensure this isn't political double-speak for being filed in the bin”.
We believe that every child deserves to be supported in the development of the behaviours, attitudes and skills which will allow them to effectively manage their finances in order to fulfil their potential. However, it must be part of the core curriculum, and it must be compulsory. The recent Impact Review of Financial Education for Young People conducted by MAS, confirmed that attitudes to money are formed early. All the experts in this area agree that financial education has to begin as early on in a young person’s school career as possible and should continue in a progressive way year on year.
We agree with the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Flight, but regret that it does not go far enough, simply calling for the FCA to work with the Department for Education. As Martin Lewis said, that sounds to me a little like political doublespeak for filing it in the bin.
As the Minister will be aware, a Private Member’s Bill was introduced recently in the Commons, which would require financial literacy to be included in the national curriculum. So the Government have the luxury of a choice here. They can take the low road and accept the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Flight, or the Minister could take the high road and indicate today the Government’s support for the Private Member’s Bill, which would get us to where we all surely want to be on this motherhood-and-apple-pie issue.
Lord De Mauley
My Lords, Amendment 104B, as my noble friend Lord Flight has explained, would require the FCA to work with the Department for Education to secure the teaching of financial literacy in primary and secondary schools. I am sure, as the voices around the House have confirmed, that we all agree on the importance of financial education for young people and indeed for adults. The Government share this view.
As the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson, said, finance education is currently taught as part of non-statutory personal, social, health and economic education. I think that was how the previous Government set it up. The Department for Education is reviewing PSHE education, including whether any aspects of it should become statutory as part of the basic curriculum, and will be carefully considering the position of finance education. The Money Advice Service is feeding into this review.
However, the FCA is being set up as a focused conduct of business regulator. The Money Advice Service is the appropriate body to work with the Department for Education at an operational level on matters of financial literacy. MAS was established by the FSA, and its objectives are set out in new Section 3R of FiSMA, as inserted by Clause 5 of the Bill currently before your Lordships. They include an objective,
“to enhance—
(a) the understanding and knowledge of members of the public of financial matters”.
I cannot see how MAS could discharge this function without working closely with the Department for Education.
MAS was established by the FSA as an independent body with similar oversight arrangements to the FOS and FSCS. It has a statutory function to enhance the understanding and knowledge of members of the public of financial matters and their ability to manage their own financial affairs. The FSA must take such steps as are necessary to ensure that MAS is, at all times, capable of exercising its consumer financial education function.
The FCA will take on the FSA’s responsibility for consumer protection and conduct regulation, and will oversee MAS in the same way as the FSA does now. MAS will continue to have operational independence. To give the FCA responsibilities in the area of financial education would not only risk diluting its focus but would duplicate the role of MAS. So, in short, I do not believe that this amendment is necessary. I ask my noble friend to withdraw it.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
I wonder whether the Minister can answer my point about the Private Member’s Bill which is going through the other place. It seems to me to offer a way forward on this issue. If he cannot give me a reply today because he has not been briefed on this matter, perhaps he could write to me.
Lord De Mauley
My Lords, I think I addressed it, although I did not express it in those terms. I said that the department is reviewing PSHE education, including whether any aspect of it should become statutory. That was intended to be my response. The noble Lord knows the Government’s approach to Private Member’s Bills.
Lord Peston
I support my noble friends, particularly my noble friend Lady Liddell. This takes us back to our earlier remarks today on the need for a professional body for the financial intermediary. I was very disappointed at the way in which the Government did not seem to recognise that as a matter of great concern. As I understand it, doctors have a professional body in the first place and, secondly, they have a code of conduct. Therefore, this sort of thing is not necessary for them because they know that that is how they have to behave. This is true of a number of other professions.
However, one group of people who claim to be professional—the financial intermediaries—have nothing like this at all. I think I am right in saying that there is no professional body whatever. The Government seem perfectly happy with that. They do not seem to see that they should at least encourage them to set up a professional body with a code of conduct, et cetera.
My noble friend Lady Liddell puts her finger on it when she says that we really should not be discussing this issue and that it should be taken for granted that the sort of things referred to by my noble friend Lord McFall could not happen. In a decent society, that should be the case. However, it is not the case. One of the great things about this House, until we are all thrown out, is that your Lordships accept their responsibilities, although our successors may not. It is important to draw attention to what responsibilities should exist in society. I believe that the Government should respond positively to my noble friend’s amendment.
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I support the amendment in the name of my noble friend Lord McFall. I declare an interest as chair of the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, the country’s leading debt advice and debt management charity. I want to focus in particular on people who struggle with debt, often because they have got into arrears with their credit cards or personal loans and other consumer credit products, but also because of mortgage arrears, rent arrears and, increasingly, fuel and utility debts and council tax.
CCCS has helped more than 1.5 million people in the past three years and about half of them told us that unemployment or reduced income were the main reasons for their debt problems. People also say that life events such as illness or separation can quickly overwhelm family finances and cause or contribute to mounting debt. What they find is that debt is rarely a problem in isolation. There are nearly always other factors that need to be addressed, including the link between problem debt and depression. Nearly half of CCCS clients said they had been worrying about their debts for a year or more before seeking help from a debt advice provider. Around a third of people said that their debt problems had weakened their relationships or led to a break-up. Nearly half said that debt had shattered their self-confidence to support themselves and their families.
The pre-crash boom in consumer credit, which peaked in about 2007, also remains a key part of the UK debt narrative. Even after several years of near zero lending, the total outstanding secured and unsecured debt is still some 91% higher than it was 10 years ago—so it is a pretty bad picture. Research for CCCS by the Financial Inclusion Centre concluded that some 6.2 million households are currently either already in financial difficulty or at risk of getting there, and it is going to get worse.
The IFS estimates that real median household incomes will fall by 7.1% between 2009-10 and 2013-14 as a result of low growth and fiscal tightening, the largest decline since the 1974-77 fall of 7.5%. Unemployment remains at a stubbornly high 8.3%, or 2.65 million people, although it has just reduced. Youth unemployment sits at 22%—more than one in five young workers is without a job. This is particularly worrying as we know that time spent not in employment, education or training as a young adult can have a scarring effect as well as reducing earnings.
At the same time, we are experiencing an extended period where households are facing rising costs for essential goods and services. Food, fuel and transport costs are rising sharply and we will sooner or later face a rise in interest rates, which are unnaturally low at present. Figures from the Financial Inclusion Centre show that if living costs rise by more than £50 per week, it would double the percentage of households—which is currently 30%—who have no spare cash at the end of the month.
There is surely sufficient evidence in what I have said that the idea that consumers should be required to take full responsibility for their decisions does not accord with what happens in the real world. My noble friend Lord McFall made this point very eloquently, and we strongly support his idea that in considering what degree of consumer protection may be appropriate, the FCA must have regard to the differing ability, disability and vulnerability of different consumers.
However, it goes further than that. The FCA has also got to take into account what the CCCS and FIC research tells us about the way people’s history and the impact of family issues, illness and relationships interact with their credit arrangements. Families are being squeezed hard at both ends, with incomes and expenditure under pressure. The Bill ought to be amended to reflect less of the theory of caveat emptor and be more reflective of what is happening on the ground.
Lord Sassoon
My Lords, the debate on this group of amendments has been very interesting. However, it has some characteristics of straying into Second Reading territory because it has gone much wider, albeit over very important areas, into questions of broad mis-selling standards in the industry, which we have discussed already this afternoon. Therefore, I will not go over all the points that have been made but stick to the issues that are the focus of the specific amendment, subject only to one general point about the important questions raised by the noble Lord, Lord McFall of Alcluith, on proposed new Section 1C—on the consumer protection objective, which clearly goes to the heart of this—and his observations and questions on proposed new Section 1C(2)(e), which concerns the general principle of care.
One issue around the drafting that we should bear in mind is that the FCA will be responsible for the protection of retail consumers, but will also have a responsibility for wholesale markets, professional markets and counterparties. The reason behind the drafting of proposed new Section 1C(2)(e) is to make sure that it encompasses both the very strong duty of care that is due to individual consumers, on the one hand, and the fact that between professional counterparties the nature of the duty of care is very different. Indeed, in the terms of this particular principle, there may be no duty of care under this provision if the market is purely professional—it is very different from a consumer product market. It is important to understand that background to the discussion. However, these amendments are very much concerned with protection of the consumer.
Financial Services Bill
Lord Stevenson of Balmacara Excerpts(12 years, 5 months ago)
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Lord Stevenson of Balmacara
My Lords, I declare an interest as chair of the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, a debt advice charity. We have been helping more than 1.3 million people in the past four years to deal with their unmanageable debts, and it is the impact of the Bill on consumers of credit on which I focus tonight. As my noble friend Lord Mitchell said recently, there should be no doubt that personal debt is still a serious problem today. Over one-third of the people counselled by the CCCS had contractual payments for unsecured consumer credit that totalled more than 50% of their income, and almost one-quarter had total outstanding debts that exceeded their monthly incomes by a factor of 20 or more.
Of course, this is not an issue new to your Lordships’ House. Enhanced consumer credit legislation was introduced in 2006 to deal with the irresponsible lending practices present then and gave the Office of Fair Trading strengthened powers to stamp out bad conduct and get rogue firms out of the market. That has been successful. It has helped to support an ongoing dialogue between government, industry and consumer groups that has got to grips with some of the problems of credit cards that have characterised personal debt through much of the previous decade, and has also allowed the OFT to tackle some of the worst conduct in the market, bringing to book many rogue firms which have badly mistreated far too many consumers.
For this, we should commend the hard work and diligence of the OFT consumer credit team. A key challenge in transferring responsibility for consumer credit to the Financial Conduct Authority when the proposed new framework is in place will be ensuring that that expertise and experience is not lost and that there is no hiatus as the FCA takes on that role.
However, we must also recognise, as pointed out by my noble friend Lady Drake, that the current consumer credit rating has proved to be insufficiently powerful or agile to guarantee the fair and responsible consumer credit markets that consumers need. Consumers are still being harmed by long-standing unfair practices. We have also seen problems emerging in consumer credit sectors that have grown up since the 2006 Act changes. Several noble Lords have expressed concerns about payday lending practices. We recently analysed our clients with payday loans and discovered that about one in 10 had five or more such loans at the same time and that the average amount owed on those loans was about 95% of the net monthly income of their borrowers. The 2006 Act was supposed to stop unaffordable and unsustainable use of multiple credit products as a driver of debt problems. Yet here it is, back again, albeit in a new guise.
It is not hard to see where the weaknesses in the current regime are. The process for licensing action under the Consumer Credit Act can be very slow. Even when the OFT determines that a firm is unfit to hold a consumer credit licence, the legislation allows the firm to continue to trade and to cause consumer detriment throughout an appeals process that can take up to two years to complete. The threshold for getting a consumer credit licence is very low, even after the reforms, so it is both too easy for rogues to get into the market and too difficult for the regulator to get them out. The current regime also provides only minimal deterrence against bad practice. While the OFT indeed has a power to fine firms in respect of misconduct, it is capped at £50,000—surely far too low to deter many firms. The current legislation also forbids the OFT ordering firms directly to compensate customers who have been wronged, so firms can profit from unfair practices with little fear of being held to account.
The credit regime is still at heart a licensing regime with neither the focus nor the reach actively to ensure that consumer credit markets work well for consumers. It needs to be refocused and reformed—and here I part company with the noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Wirral. Self-regulation undoubtedly has a part to play here but, to my mind, moving responsibility for consumer credit to the Financial Conduct Authority represents a huge opportunity to introduce greater statutory consumer protection, which is now urgently needed.
The Financial Services and Markets Act 2000, as it will be amended by the Bill, has the power to clean up existing problems and prevent new consumer problems occurring. However, we should take this opportunity to ensure that the FCA has a formal responsibility for tough but targeted threshold conditions, effective enforcement and redress, rule-making powers to set standards for practices as well as products and a regulatory approach based on prevention and market supervision. These tools, and a Financial Conduct Authority with the appetite and mandate to use them, should be able to introduce a step change for the benefit of consumers. However, that depends on getting the implementation right, and there are still several key questions to be resolved here which we need to come back to in Committee.
First, we need to ensure that the important substantive consumer protection measures in the Consumer Credit Act are retained, particularly those that cannot readily be replicated in an FCA rulebook. The intention is there but the detail needs to be fleshed out. Secondly, the FCA needs to develop both a rulebook and a regulatory strategy for consumer credit that are robust where they need to be but sufficiently flexible to take account of the wide variety of products and sectors in the consumer credit market. As the noble Lord, Lord O’Donnell, said in his excellent maiden speech, what we need is a robust architecture with a principled approach but with sufficient flexibility to allow for a judgmental approach to regulation.
Other issues come into play here, several of which have been mentioned by other noble Lords. There is the balance between a proportionate rulebook and a light-touch regulatory strategy, because proportionate must also mean effective. In the past the regulator has often failed to move quickly enough to deal with consumer detriment when it saw it, let alone prevent it happening in the first place, so it will be vital for the new structure to start with a clear mindset as to what outcomes the regime needs to deliver for consumers. If we are to have a proportionate regime—and we should—it must be based on a robust assessment of the risks that consumers actually face, based on accumulated past evidence of detriment arising from unfair practices and products.
Finally, there is a timing issue. Consumer detriment is happening now and financially vulnerable consumers cannot wait until 2014 for better protection against unfair practices and rogue firms, so I urge the Government to consider what can be done in the mean time to give the OFT, and then the FCA, more teeth to help consumers. There are some options here but I note that in the debate on this Bill in another place, the Government suggested the possibility of amending the current Consumer Credit Act to allow the OFT to prevent a firm trading new business while an appeal is pending against the regulator’s determination to revoke or suspend a consumer credit licence. This could make a real difference for consumers while we wait for the new regime to come into effect. I very much hope that this approach will commend itself to the Minister when we come to the Committee stage.