Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill
Wednesday 5th January 2022
(2 years, 10 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesRead Full debate Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Act 2022 View all Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Act 2022 Debates Read Hansard Text Read Debate Ministerial Extracts
The Chair
Happy new year to you all. I have a few quick preliminary announcements. Members are expected to wear face coverings when they are not speaking and to maintain social distancing as far as possible. I remind everybody to take lateral flow tests on every day that they come to the estate, either before or on arrival. Please switch electronic devices to silent. Hansard colleagues would be very grateful if Members emailed their speaking notes to hansardnotes@parliament.uk.
My selection and grouping for today’s meeting is available online and in the room. No amendments were tabled. We will have a single debate covering both clauses.
Clause 1
Retained EU law relating to compulsory insurance for motor vehicles
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Mr Peter Bone (Wellingborough) (Con)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Ali, for the first time, I think. The Minister is here at such short notice, and I am grateful to her and to the Government for that. I am also grateful to the Opposition Members present, because without Opposition support, the Bill could not have moved forward.
The Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill is a small but important piece of legislation. It had its First Reading on 21 June 2021. Second Reading was moved on 22 October, but unfortunately it was objected to on that date. It was moved again on 29 October, when it was agreed without objection. Although there was no debate on Second Reading in the House of Commons Chamber, the issue was fully considered in Westminster Hall on 22 September in a debate entitled, “Motor Insurance: Court Judgments”. That debate was expertly led by my right hon. Friend the Member for Chipping Barnet.
Mr Bone
That debate may be found in Hansard at column 172WH. I had intended to attend and speak in that debate, but unfortunately I was unable to do so because I had covid.
The purpose of the Bill is to remove the requirement for compulsory motor insurance for vehicles used exclusively on private land and for a wide range of vehicles that are not constructed for road use. As the Committee is no doubt aware, the law of the land is that motor vehicles must be insured for use on roads and other public land. That common-sense interpretation has been in place for a long time, and certainly since the Road Traffic Act 1988 established it in law.
On 4 September 2014, in its ruling on the case of Vnuk, the Court of Justice of the European Union extended a requirement for compulsory third-party motor insurance beyond the requirements of the law of Great Britain per the 1988 Act. That interpretation was never intended by Parliament, but if the status quo continues, the Vnuk interpretation of the European directive will be in force in our country. The Committee may ask why that is. When we left the European Union, all European directives became what is known as “retained law”. The Vnuk interpretation will put ordinary people in breach of the law for not having motor insurance for vehicles used exclusively on private land. It would also extend to the ridiculous situation of compulsory insurance for ride-on lawnmowers.
Sir Greg Knight (East Yorkshire) (Con)
Is it not the case that without the Bill, everyone will end up paying higher insurance premiums, which is not something that we want to see? It could also put the future of motor sport at risk.
Mr Bone
My right hon. Friend is absolutely right about increased costs, and I will deal with that point later in my remarks. He is also correct about the threat to motor sports.
The Bill would end the Vnuk decision’s application in retained EU law and related retained case law. I believe that I am correct in saying that, if passed, the Bill will be the first Act of Parliament to remove EU retained law; it will be a landmark first step in taking back control of our own laws. It is just one of the clear advantages of leaving European Union that we may now alter our laws to ensure that they are interpreted in the way that this sovereign Parliament intends.
Stephen Timms (East Ham) (Lab)
As I understand it, the EU has now changed its law. Because we are outside the EU, could we not stick with the retained law? I just want to make that point, because I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman about the damage of being in the EU.
Mr Bone
I was going to deal with that, but I will answer the specifics. The right hon. Gentleman is quite right that the EU is changing the directive so that it applies differently in the EU, but it is not changing it in the same way as we propose to do. I will deal with the issue later.
The Bill does not seek to invent new policy, nor would it limit the Government or Parliament in changing insurance regulations for motor vehicles in future. The Bill would simply restore the interpretation of the law that was intended by Parliament and was believed to be correct by the Government, lawyers, the motor insurance industry and motorists prior to the Vnuk judgment.
It should be noted that the Vnuk judgment has led the European Union to seek to revise the European directive, although it is unlikely to do so in the same way as we propose in the Bill. I argue that, instead of waiting for the European Union bureaucracy to change its ruling, we can do so now, here, in this Parliament. The Bill is therefore an important step in realising the benefits of our decision to leave the European Union.
The Bill would end any associated liability for insurance claims against the Motor Insurers’ Bureau for the cost of accidents on private land where motor insurance is not held. As things stand, the cost of such claims would have to be accounted for within the Motor Insurers’ Bureau charging levy, thus passing on the cost to the motor insurers, who in turn would pass it on to the consumers through insurance premiums—the very point made by my right hon. Friend the Member for East Yorkshire.
Theresa Villiers
I note that, under clause 2, the Bill does not apply in Northern Ireland. Will consumers—drivers—in Northern Ireland therefore face that hike in insurance bills that we are trying to prevent in England, Scotland and Wales?
Mr Bone
My right hon. Friend draws attention to something that I will refer to later in my speech. When she hears what I have to say, she will see why in the end that will not be the case.
The significance of this measure is seen in the Government Actuary’s estimate that the increase in premiums to extend coverage following the Vnuk judgment would be about £50 for the average motor car policyholder. The Bill will therefore save the average policyholder unnecessarily increased insurance premiums in already difficult economic times. The cost of living is rising and the Bill is an opportunity to keep pounds in people’s pockets.
You have kindly agreed that clauses 1 and 2 may be debated together, Ms Ali. Clause 1 would insert into the Road Traffic Act 1988 new section 156A, “Retained EU law relating to compulsory insurance”. Subsection (1) limits the insurance obligation under article 3 of the 2009 motor insurance directive to vehicles used on roads and other public places, and to a motor vehicle defined as a mechanically propelled vehicle intended, or adapted, for use on the roads. In effect, it removes the Vnuk interpretation as it applies to the use of vehicles in Great Britain.
Subsection (2) clarifies that the Bill does not affect the provisions requiring insurance policies to include the cover required by the law applicable in the territory where the vehicle is used, or the law applicable where it is normally based when that cover is higher. That means that the liability imposed by the Vnuk interpretation will remain in place for insurance policies covering vehicles in use in EU member states and Northern Ireland.
Subsection (3) concerns the removal of section 4 rights created in the 2008 Lewis v. Tindale case, which found that the interpretation of the 2009 directive in the Vnuk judgment could be enforced directly against the Motor Insurers’ Bureau. The Lewis decision means that the Motor Insurers’ Bureau’s liability for an insurance claim extends beyond the scope of the obligations of the Road Traffic Act and applies to accidents on private land and to vehicles not constructed for road use. Subsection (3) brings an end to the relevant section 4 right to compensation from the Motor Insurers’ Bureau except in the case of motor vehicles on roads or other public places, as defined by the Road Traffic Act.
John Spellar (Warley) (Lab)
What the hon. Gentleman is describing is interesting. Given, presumably, the obligation arises from an accident and therefore an injury, who becomes responsible for the injury?
Mr Bone
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for a really important question. It is one of the issues discussed when drawing up the Bill. In many cases, such as a public event on private land, there would be insurance cover. It is not currently the case that if someone illegally rides a vehicle on private land, has an accident and causes damage, there is a requirement to be insured for that. The landowner would be liable for the damage, but they do not have to be insured for it. Extending insurance to ride-on lawnmowers or other machines on private land has also been caught by Vnuk.
John Spellar
I accept that there is a fundamental problem with how liability insurance works: rather than dealing with often catastrophic injuries through the health service or national insurance, they are dealt with on an insurance basis. Local councils are impacted by that and it stops a lot of activities, because insurance companies prevent them. I accept there is a deeper underlying problem, but ultimately, if there has been an injury and there is some degree of fault, who is liable for the compensation? Is it the landowner? Is it the driver of the vehicle? How can that be resolved?
Mr Bone
This is a really important argument. There is a liability, and in each event that will depend on who causes the injury or damage. That person will be liable for the damages. The Bill deals with a slightly different situation where we are not extending compulsory insurance to cover those events. If we did, it would increase premiums by £50 per motorist. I stressed earlier that there is nothing to stop Parliament bringing in compulsory insurance on that basis, but it would have to be done through an Act of this sovereign Parliament that wanted to make that change. The Bill brings things back to where we thought we were, but it does not stop that debate and people can still make that argument. However, it is not really relevant to the Bill, because Parliament never thought that the Road Traffic Act and compulsory third-party insurance applied in the circumstances just described.
Proposed new section 156A(4) similarly provides for the removal of all further case law retained under the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 that could undermine the positions set out in subsections (1) and (3). Any other EU law that we do not know about would not apply if the Bill is passed. Subsection (5) defines the terms used in clause 1, including the 2009 motor insurance directive, relevant section 4 rights, retained case law, and section 4 rights.
Theresa Villiers
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Ali. I support this Bill and I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough on getting it this far. The prospects for a presentation Bill making progress are normally minimal, so it has taken real determination on his part to get it this far. I very much hope we will see it on the statute book before too long.
As we have heard, it is clear that the Vnuk judgment in the ECJ has led to a big extension in the type of claim that can be made against the Motor Insurers’ Bureau fund for uninsured road traffic accidents. That extension is manifestly different from the scope and purpose of the scheme in operation under the Road Traffic Act 1988, which focuses on vehicles that are permitted to be used on roads.
In my view, the UK scheme for compensation in relation to collisions caused by uninsured drivers has worked well for decades. I understand that it has been there in one form or another since the 1930s, the earliest point of the extension of private ownership of the car. The combined effect of Vnuk and the later case of Lewis v. Tindle, which concluded that Vnuk had direct effect, and the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018, means that potentially significant costs are being loaded on to the UK scheme—costs for a scheme that was never designed for them and to which this Parliament did not consent. As we have heard, motorists will be asked to fund this via their insurance premiums unless this Bill reaches the statute book.
I agree with previous comments that we can have a legitimate debate about the potential extension of compulsory insurance and compensation schemes to new scenarios, but I feel quite strongly that we cannot justify leaving drivers to shoulder the whole cost of this potentially big bill by artificially forcing these new liabilities into our long-standing motor insurance scheme. That is a separate decision that should be taken separately by this Parliament.
As we all know, we face significant pressure on the cost of living at the moment, largely as a result of the global increase in gas prices. In Parliament, we should all strive to do what we can to relieve pressure on household bills, which is another reason to back the clauses in this Bill.
I note the analysis of the costs, which was produced by the Government Actuary’s Department. It is always hard to quantify these things, although the £50 claim is certainly credible. It is particularly worrying that this new liability for the MIB fund is potentially open to significant amounts of fraud. Therefore, the actual impact of Vnuk, if left on the statute book, could be very great. It is hard to quantify in advance. Another reason for my support for the Bill is the potential abuse of the fund we could see if the Bill does not get on to the statue book. In a column in The Telegraph in 2017, the Prime Minister described Vnuk as a
“pointless and expensive burden on millions of people.”
The Bill provides us with an important opportunity to remove that burden and prevent this addition to household bills.
John Spellar
Was that article in The Telegraph before or after the one in which the Prime Minister said that Brexit would enable us to do away with VAT on fuel bills?
Theresa Villiers
I am not going to comment on the question of VAT on fuel bills, since that is not the subject of today’s debate. I believe the debates on VAT on fuel bills date back some years, probably before that article.
It is disappointing that the Bill does not cover Northern Ireland, but I hope that it would adopt similar legislation, as my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough has suggested that it might. It is good to hear that there is nothing in the protocol that prevents it from doing so. It seems clear that this is not a single market-type rule, which would be covered by the protocol. There should be no constitutional or legal barrier to the Assembly passing a similar piece of legislation, and I certainly hope that it will choose to do so.
The Bill is the first piece of primary legislation to repeal retained EU law. I am certainly not aware of any other piece of primary legislation that does that. There are aspects of EU rules and programmes that have already been dismantled. Most notably, many of the fundamentals of the common agricultural policy have already gone, thankfully. However, it may well be the case that that was achieved without primary legislation. It is very clear that this will be the first time we have used primary legislation to disapply a judgment in the European Court of Justice. It could undoubtedly be described as a historic moment. The controversy around Vnuk shows that we need a faster way to remove or update EU laws that no longer work for us, most of which arrived on the statute book via secondary legislation in the first place. To have to deal with all of those modernisations, updates and amendments via primary legislation is a significant flaw in the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 that needs to be looked at again.
I very much support the Bill. I hope it is the first of a long series of repeals and reforms that will take place as we use our Brexit freedoms to create better regulation that is more targeted to our domestic circumstances and that enables us to compete in the big high-tech growth sectors of the future. Only when we have done that and seized the opportunity provided by Brexit will we truly be able to say that we have got Brexit done.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport (Wendy Morton)
It is a pleasure to serve on this Committee and under your chairmanship, Ms Ali. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough on his success in promoting this private Member’s Bill. I echo the comments of my right hon. Friend the Member for Chipping Barnet. She rightly recognises the determination needed to progress a private Member’s Bill. I know my right hon. Friend fully understands this, having in the past attempted to get various private Member’s Bills through this place—as I have myself. I really do congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough.
This is an important issue. The Government have been clear since the 2014 European Court of Justice’s ruling in the Vnuk case that we do not agree with it. The decision created the unnecessary extension of motor insurance to private land and a greater range of vehicles. This is why we announced that we will remove the effects of Vnuk from GB law in February this year. Delivering on that includes removing the associated financial liability imposed on the Motor Insurers’ Bureau via the England and Wales Court of Appeal’s decision in Lewis.
The proposed legislation in this presentation Bill represents the best possible opportunity to address the issue at the earliest possible opportunity. Clause 1 rightly makes provision to clarify how the compulsory insurance obligation operates in GB and makes it clear that there is no obligation to extend insurance to private land and vehicles not constructed for road use. It removes any retained EU law rights to compensation from the MIB created by the Lewis case. The clause also provides that retained EU case law that is inconsistent with the position set out in this will cease to have effect. That, in effect, removes the Vnuk decision from GB law. The Bill does not have retrospective effect and will come into force two months after Royal Assent.
Sir Greg Knight
Will the Minister share her thoughts on where this leaves electric scooters, which are being trialled in some areas? If they are authorised for road use, will they then be deemed to be a motor vehicle and need compulsory insurance?
Wendy Morton
My right hon. Friend raises a very interesting question. My understanding of this Bill is that it is very much focused on the issue around private land, but if there is anything that I need to follow up on, perhaps on the specifics of scooters, I will.
Sir Greg Knight
If my hon. Friend could write to me with her thoughts on that before Third Reading, I would be quite happy.
Wendy Morton
I undertake to write to my right hon. Friend with the clarity that I think he is looking for.
To conclude, the provisions will comprehensively remove the effect of Vnuk and Lewis from GB law. For those reasons, the Government support the Bill.
Mr Bone
I thank the Minister for her support and the work that the Government have done on this. I also thank the Opposition for supporting the Bill, because without their support we could not have made progress. This is a sensible measure that Parliament should support, and it is good when the Opposition and Government can work together.
I have a few thanks. I thank everyone who turned up today; I really appreciate that, given the important statement in the Chamber. I think I dealt with all the issues, except for the interesting one about electronic scooters that my right hon. Friend the Member for East Yorkshire raised at the end. I think it depends on whether they come within the definition of motor vehicles—I know we did not do so badly in the Ashes today, but that was certainly a bouncer to give the Minister, who has stepped in today.
The other issue that came up, which I have not dealt with, was the important point that the right hon. Member for Warley raised about VAT on energy. I entirely agree that it should be scrapped, but of course that has nothing whatsoever to do with this Bill.
I would like to thank a number of other people. I will start with my right hon. Friend the Member for Chipping Barnet, because she not only had the Westminster Hall debate—that is important, because if a presentation Bill is to get through without objection, that issue must be debated, so I am grateful to her for that—but spent time talking to a number of the stakeholders.
I also thank Izzy Jackson, my senior parliamentary assistant, who kindly put together my speech today, for all the work she has done in the office. I will also mention Paul Ryman-Tubb of Weightmans, who spent time helping me with this. I thank all those at the Motor Insurer’s Bureau who worked with me, particularly Nick Robbins, whose help has been invaluable. I would also acknowledge the hard work of everyone at the Department for Transport who has worked on this Bill, particularly James Langston. I again thank the Minister for stepping in at short notice; I hope that our colleague gets over covid quickly.
Finally, I support and thank everyone in the Public Bill Office. I am pleased to say that I did not have to sleep overnight at the base of Big Ben this year because of covid, but we still made progress. I thank in particular Adam Mellows-Facer; I am, as always, grateful for his hard work and professionalism. Thank you, Chair.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 1 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 2 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Bill to be reported, without amendment.
Finance (No. 2) Bill (Third sitting)
Wednesday 5th January 2022
(2 years, 10 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesRead Full debate Finance Act 2022 View all Finance Act 2022 Debates Read Hansard Text Read Debate Ministerial Extracts Amendment Paper: Public Bill Committee Amendments as at 5 January 2022 - (5 Jan 2022)
The Chair
We are now sitting in public and the proceedings are being broadcast. I have a few preliminary announcements, the first of which is to wish everybody on the Committee a very happy new year—[Hon. Members: “Happy new year!] I hope that you have had a decent rest that will put you all in fine spirits for at least the rest of today.
I remind Members that they are expected to wear a face covering except when speaking or if they are exempt, in line with the recommendations of the House of Commons Commission. Please also give each other and members of staff space when seated, and when entering and leaving the room. I remind Members that they are asked by the House to have a covid lateral flow test twice a week if coming on to the parliamentary estate, which can be done either at the testing centre in the House or at home. Hansard colleagues would be grateful if Members could email their speaking notes to hansardnotes@parliament.uk. Please switch electronic devices to silent. As I am sure you all know by now, tea and coffee are not allowed during sittings.
Any decisions on new clauses that have been debated with related clauses are taken formally after consideration of the Bill in the order that they appear on the amendment paper. It is helpful to the Chair if Members indicate at the end of those debates whether they expect or want to vote on any such new clause when the appropriate time comes.
Clause 32
Introduction
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clause 33 stand part.
Clause 52 stand part.
New clause 3—Review of impact of Residential property developer tax on the tax gap—
“The Government must publish within 12 months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the impact of Part 2 of this Act (Residential property developer tax) on the tax gap, and of whether it has increased opportunities for tax evasion and avoidance.”
This new clause would require a Government assessment of the impact of the Residential Property Developer Tax introduced in this Bill, and of its effect on opportunities for tax evasion and avoidance.
New clause 18—Review of the residential property developer tax—
“(1) The Government must publish a review of the residential property developer tax within three months of the end of the first year of it applying.
(2) The review under subsection (1) must be updated annually, within three months of the end of each subsequent year that the residential property developer tax applies.
(3) The review under subsection (1), updated as set out in subsection (2), must assess—
(a) how much the RPDT has raised in each year of its operation so far;
(b) how much it is estimated that RPDT would have raised at a level of—
(i) 6%,
(ii) 8%, and
(iii) 10%; and
(c) any wider effects of setting the RPDT at the levels set out in subsection (3)(b).”
This new clause would require the Government to review the RPDT each year in order to assess the revenue it has raised and also what revenue it would raise, and the other wider effects it would have, at certain higher levels.
The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lucy Frazer)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Angela. Like you, I wish all members of the Committee a happy new year. As the Committee will know, the Government are determined to bring an end to unsafe cladding, to reassure homeowners and to support confidence in the housing market. As part of the building safety package announced in February 2021, we are introducing a new residential property developer tax, which will raise at least £2 billion over the next decade to help to pay for building safety remediation.
As announced on 10 February 2021 by the previous Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, my right hon. Friend the Member for Newark (Robert Jenrick), the RPDT is one of two new revenue-raising measures that will ensure that developers make a fair contribution to the costs of remediation. Clauses 32 and 33 introduce a new residential property developer tax to be charged at a rate of 4% on the profits of businesses carrying out residential property development activity that exceed its allowance for an accounting period. The clauses confirm that the RPDT is charged as if it were an amount of UK corporation tax.
Clause 52 is an anti-avoidance provision, which prevents taxpayers from adjusting their profits arising in an accounting period in order to obtain a tax advantage. The clause will apply where trading profits derived from residential property development activities arise in the accounting period ending before the commencement of RPDT, and arose only because of arrangements made on or after 29 April 2021.
New clause 3, tabled by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central, seeks to require the Government to publish an assessment of the impact of RPDT on the tax gap, and of whether it has increased opportunities for tax evasion and avoidance. As the RPDT has been designed to be aligned with UK corporation tax, the existing corporation tax compliance mechanisms, such as inquiries, information powers and penalties, will apply to RPDT, as well as anti-avoidance rules including transfer pricing and the general anti-abuse rule.
Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs regularly reports on the taxes that it is responsible for collecting, and the RPDT will be no exception. HMRC will assess the impact of RPDT on the tax gap in its annual “Measuring tax gaps” reports, and will monitor RPDT revenue in its annual tax receipts statistical publications. The Government also carefully assessed the impacts of RPDT throughout the consultation period and published a detailed impact assessment of RPDT at the autumn Budget. For those reasons, I believe that a further impact assessment is not appropriate, and I therefore ask the Committee to reject the new clause.
New clause 18, tabled by the hon. Members for Ealing North, for Erith and Thamesmead and for Blaydon, seeks to require the publication of an annual review of the tax, including the revenue raised, the estimated yield that would have been raised had the tax been set at various differential rates—6%, 8% and 10%—and the wider effects of the higher rates. HMRC regularly reports on the taxes that it is responsible for collecting, and the RPDT will be no exception. The revenue raised from RPDT will be published in HMRC’s annual tax receipts statistics publications.
The RPDT rate was carefully considered in the context of the upcoming increase in the main rate of corporation tax in 2023, other taxes and forthcoming regulatory changes, as well as the wider macroeconomic environment. The 4% rate of RPDT balances the need to raise £2 billion over a decade—at the same time as seeking a fair contribution from the residential property development sector—against the need to ensure that the tax does not have a significant impact on housing supply. The Government monitor the tax system continuously and will keep the tax under review. For those reasons, I believe that a further annual review of RPDT is not appropriate, and I therefore ask the Committee to reject new clause 18.
In conclusion, the clauses in this group form the first part of the legislation needed to introduce RPDT in April 2022 and the necessary anti-avoidance provisions. I therefore recommend that the clauses stand part of the Bill.
James Murray (Ealing North) (Lab/Co-op)
It is a pleasure to serve on a second Finance Bill Committee under your chairship, Dame Angela.
I will address the clauses that the Minister set out in her remarks, starting with clause 32, which notes that the new residential property developer tax will be applicable from 1 April 2022, as announced at the spring Budget of 2021. As we have heard, this is a new, time-limited tax on the profits of residential property development companies’ property development activity, with a rate of 4% over a £25 million allowance. The Government estimate that it will generate £2 billion over the course of a decade, and they said that the funds are earmarked to help with cladding remediation costs, according to the former Secretary of State for Housing, the right hon. Member for Newark (Robert Jenrick), who spoke to the Building Safety Bill in February 2021. The explanatory note for the clause states that the tax is to
“ensure that the largest developers make a fair contribution to help fund the Government’s cladding remediation costs.”
We support the principle behind the new tax, but I intend to use this Committee sitting to question the Ministers on the detail of its design and to probe their views on its place in the Government’s wider response to the cladding scandal. We know that the Bill has been consulted on, but we also note stakeholders’ disappointment that the consultation process was truncated, as stage 1 —setting out objectives and identifying options—was cancelled. Although we recognise the importance of moving quickly to raise revenue in order to help meet the costs of remediating unsafe cladding on buildings, it is disappointing that the Government were not able to conduct a thorough consultation.
Clause 33 sets the rate of the RPDT charge at 4% on profits that exceed the allowance of £25 million. The tax is charged as if it were an amount of corporation tax chargeable on the developer. As I mentioned earlier, the Government expect that £2 billion of revenue will be generated while the tax is in effect, so I will ask the Minister several questions in order to try to clarify the reasoning behind some of the Government’s decisions on the detail of the tax. First, we note that the tax does not come with a sunset clause, and therefore active legislation will be required to repeal it when it comes to an end. Will the Minister explain the reasoning behind that decision? If the tax is intended to be time-limited, why have the Government have chosen to leave it in need of active repeal, rather than simply adding a sunset clause?
Secondly, I mentioned that the expected revenue from the tax is £2 billion. We know, however, that that is just a fraction of the total cost of remediating unsafe cladding, which was estimated by the then Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee in April 2021 to be about £15 billion. What is more, labour and material shortages have significantly driven up the cost of construction. That is thought to add £1.2 billion to the overall cost of remediation, wiping out most of any gain from this tax. With the cost of cladding remediation already thought to be so much greater than the amount that the tax is expected to raise, and with that gap likely only to increase, will the Minister try to explain further why the rate was set at 4%? Will she confirm whether, if the amount raised should fall short of £2 billion or if costs should increase substantially, the Government would be open to considering raising the level of the tax?
It was in pursuit of an answer to that question that we tabled new clause 18, which would require the Government to publish a review of the residential property developer tax within three months of the end of the first year of it applying, and thereafter annually, within three months of the end of each subsequent year that the tax applies. The review, as updated, must assess how much the RPDT has raised in each year of its operation so far and how much it is estimated that it would have raised at levels of 6%, 8% and 10%.
As I mentioned, the cost of remediating unsafe cladding was estimated last year to be about £15 billion, and the cost of labour and materials has increased due to supply chain crises. Industry experts have estimated an 8% increase in the cost of cladding jobs, compared with last year. As I mentioned, that could increase the total cost by £1.2 billion. As I said, this tax aims to raise £2 billion, which is just a fraction of the total cost and much of which, it seems, will be wiped out by rising costs.
We have therefore tabled this new clause to ask the Government to assess how much they could raise through the tax and how much they could raise with different rates. Given the significant discrepancy between the estimated revenue raised by the RPDT and the estimated cost of remediation, will the Minister set out in further detail, when she responds, exactly how the rate of 4% was reached and what specific consideration was given to alternatives? It was with that in mind that we tabled the new clause. We will not seek to put it to a vote, but we hope that it will help us to debate and probe the important and central issue of the rate at which the RPDT has been set.
In summary, I will be grateful if, in her reply, the Minister could set out exactly how the figure of 4% was arrived at and, furthermore, how she expects the rest of the cost of cladding remediation to be met. I would be grateful if she could set out, either in her reply now or in writing, what other sources of funding she anticipates being used to meet the total cost of cladding remediation.
Finally in relation to this group, I will briefly mention clause 52, which is an anti-avoidance provision preventing taxpayers from adjusting their profits arising in an accounting period in order to obtain a tax advantage for the purposes of this tax. We welcome the intent behind that clause and will not oppose it.
Richard Thomson (Gordon) (SNP)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Angela. I rise to speak to new clause 3, in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow Central. As the Minister outlined, this new clause would require a Government assessment of the impact of the residential property developer tax being introduced by the Bill and of its effect on opportunities for tax evasion and avoidance.
We are all familiar with what this tax sets out to achieve and those on whom it should fall. There is a £25 million annual allowance for construction firms, and the tax will be levied above that at 4%. That does not take a great deal of time to say, but unfortunately, giving it effect requires 16 pages and a further eight pages across two schedules in the Bill and a great many more pages in the explanatory notes to say exactly how it will work in practice. Therefore, the opportunity for genuine confusion, for interpretation and, sadly, for evasion and avoidance is certainly a real and present danger in the legislation.
The anticipated impacts are set out in table 5.1 of the “Autumn Budget and Spending Review 2021”. We are not talking huge sums from this tax, but given its stated purpose and the means to which the revenues are going to be put, I think that reviewing its impact—not just in a financial sense, but in the sense of the unintended consequences that it could have and the havoc that it could wreak in terms of confusion, differences of interpretation, and avoidance and evasion—seems to be an eminently reasonable thing to do. I urge the Minister to reconsider how the Government intend to tackle that once the tax is implemented.
Lucy Frazer
I very much welcome the initial comments of the hon. Member for Ealing North, and that he welcomes the points in principle. That is important, given that we are trying to help those people who have suffered a terrible tragedy and ensure that we have the necessary funds to remedy the situation. He asked several questions, the first of which related to consultation. I reassure him that the Government undertook extensive stakeholder engagement as part of the 12-week consultation —holding 40 consultative meetings—to help ensure that the issues raised in the consultation about the design and impact were considered fully.
The hon. Gentleman also mentioned a sunset clause. We have been clear that this is a measure to raise £2 billion-worth of revenue by way of tax, and that it will be time limited and will be repealed once sufficient revenue has been raised. As with all other taxes, the Government will keep this tax under review.
The hon. Gentleman asked whether the 4% rate was sufficient. However, at the same time, he also mentioned the supply chain issues that might mean that the cost of construction has gone up. It is, of course, important to ensure that what we ask from developers is fair, in order to ensure that their businesses remain viable and sustainable at the same time as contributing to this issue. The rate was carefully considered in the context of the upcoming increase in corporation tax, other taxes, the regulatory changes and the wider macroeconomic environment. We feel that 4% represents the right balance, raising the £2 billion over a decade while being fair and not having an impact on housing supply. The hon. Gentleman asked how we came to this rate; we considered it very carefully and decided on 4%.
James Murray
For the sake of clarity, I would be grateful if the Minister could help my understanding. She said that the tax was intended to raise £2 billion over 10 years, but she may have implied that if it has not raised £2 billion over 10 years, it would keep applying until £2 billion was raised. Is it for 10 years, or is it for £2 billion? The Government will not necessarily raise £2 billion over exactly 10 years; one has to come before the other. Is it going to be for 10 years and then finish—no matter what it has raised—or will it keep going until it has raised £2 billion?
Lucy Frazer
The Government have made clear that they propose to raise £2 billion from this tax. They have done extensive analysis as to what the appropriate rate is to recover that amount. At a rate of 4%, we anticipate that we will raise that £2 billion—in fact, slightly more than that—in 10 years, and that is when the tax will come to an end.
I will address the points made by the hon. Member for Gordon, because he rightly raised an important point about tax avoidance. It is HMRC’s duty to ensure that we do not have tax avoidance and evasion. However, I reassure him that the existing corporation tax compliance mechanisms that currently exist—which include inquiries, information powers and penalties—will apply to this tax, as well as anti-avoidance rules, including transfer pricing and the general anti-abuse rule. He did not specifically raise any particular measures that he thought would be anti-avoidance or abuse—if there are any, I would be very interested to hear them in due course and discuss that with him.
For those reasons, we ask the Committee to reject the two new clauses and to agree that clauses 32 and 33 stand part.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 32 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 33 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
The decision on clause 52 stand part and any decisions on new clauses 3 and 18 will be dealt with later in our proceedings, though I note that the Labour Front-Bench spokesman indicated that Labour will not push new clause 18 to a Division.
Clause 34
Meaning of “residential property developer”
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clauses 35 to 38 and 47 to 49 stand part.
That schedule 9 be the Ninth schedule to the Bill.
Clauses 50 and 51 stand part.
Lucy Frazer
Clauses 34 to 38 set out key definitions for the residential property developer tax, which collectively set out the conditions that need to be satisfied for a business to be in scope of the tax. Clauses 47 to 51 and schedule 9 address a mix of aims within the tax, including the definition of a group, excluding a deduction for the tax when calculating profits or losses for other tax purposes, and the application of transfer pricing principles for the purpose of the residential property developer tax.
Clause 34 defines a residential property developer, and confirms that to be in scope of the RPDT, a business must be a company that undertakes residential property development activities as further defined in clause 35. Clause 34 provides an exclusion for non-profit housing companies and their wholly owned subsidiary companies from being treated as residential property developers for the purposes of the RPDT. The clause defines a non-profit housing company by reference to existing legislation, and a power has been taken that allows the definition to be updated in future in line with any changes to regulatory frameworks.
Clause 35 provides a non-exhaustive list of what amounts to residential property development activities, and confirms that profits from these activities undertaken by the developer on or in connection with UK land in which it has an interest will form the tax base.
Clause 36 explains that a residential property developer or a related company will have an interest in the land for the purposes of the tax where it has an interest in or over the land that forms part of its trading stock used in its development trade. It explains the tax’s application to related companies and joint venture companies.
Clause 37 provides a definition of residential property and sets out the types of properties that will not be regarded as residential property. The clause excludes certain types of buildings from the definition of residential property, so that any profits or losses from their development are not taken into account when computing profits that are subject to the tax. These include, typically, specialised institutions that provide temporary or longer-term accommodation for a specific class of residents, and buildings that are occupied purely under licence to occupants who do not hold any lasting rights over the property. Finally, the clause sets out the criteria to be met in relation to buildings that are excluded from the definition of residential property as student accommodation. Clause 38 sets out the formula used to calculate the residential profits or losses from residential property development activity by a developer for an accounting period.
Clause 47 introduces an exit charge that applies when a non-profit housing company ceases to meet the conditions to be exempt from the RPDT, and sets out the operation of the exit charge. This rule has been welcomed by the non-profit sector.
Clause 48 provides the definition of a group of companies for the purposes of the RPDT, other than for the group relief rules in schedule 7. Since a group of companies is entitled to a single £25 million allowance, it is important to set out clearly what constitutes a group for that purpose.
Clause 49 introduces schedule 9, which introduces a rule preventing a residential property developer from obtaining any deduction for the tax when calculating any profits or losses for income tax or corporation tax purposes. Clause 50 sets out where the meaning of various terms used in the RPDT legislation can be found.
Clause 51 confirms that the RPDT will apply for an accounting period for UK corporation tax purposes of a developer that ends on or after 1 April 2022. It sets out the treatment of accounting periods that straddle the commencement date of 1 April 2022. The RPDT will be chargeable only in respect of profits calculated from 1 April 2022 to the end of the accounting period, with an apportionment being made of the profits for the whole accounting period on a time basis.
In summary, this group of clauses defines key terms needed for the RPDT to work and provides the essential framework for the administration of the tax. The clauses will be supported by guidance to provide further clarity for taxpayers.
James Murray
As we have heard, clauses 34 to 38 concern the key concepts contained in the RPDT legislation. Clause 34 sets the basic conditions that, when satisfied, mean that a company is to be designated as a residential property developer, potentially within the charge of the RPDT. Subsection (1) defines an RP developer as either a company that undertakes residential property development activities or one that holds
“a substantial interest in a relevant joint venture company.”
The company’s interest in such a joint venture is aggregated with those of other members of the same group to determine whether that is a substantial interest.
Subsection (3) clarifies that a non-profit housing association or organisation is not treated as an RP developer for the purposes of the tax. That is a very important distinction that we support. My colleagues in the shadow housing team pressed the Government on that point during Committee stage of the Building Safety Bill, and I welcome that being reflected in this Bill.
Subsection (4) is a logical extension of subsection (3), determining that wholly owned subsidiary companies of non-profit housing companies are also excluded from being treated as RP developers for the purposes of the tax. It makes sense to exclude non-profit housing associations from RPDT, particularly given that they have already made a much more substantial contribution to cladding remediation than private developers. Research by the National Housing Federation in October 2021 found that private developers and cladding manufacturers had allocated £643 million of future profits to remediate unsafe cladding, while non-profit housing associations have estimated that their remediations will cost in excess of £10 billion.
Subsection (5) allows the Treasury to amend the definition of a non-profit housing company by regulation, and to make any consequential changes to this part of the legislation. As we have heard, that allows the definition to be updated, in line with any changes to the regulatory framework for registered social housing providers. It may be understandable that the Government want to be able to adjust definitions to match any changes in the way that social housing providers operate, as well as to recognise the impact of any changes to the regulatory framework. However, so that we can better understand the Government’s concerns, I would be grateful if the Minister could indicate why it may be necessary to amend the definition of a non-profit housing company.
Clause 35 sets out the criteria and definitions of residential property development activities for the purposes of the tax, as well as setting the territorial scope of the legislation. Subsection (1) brings within scope anything that is done by an RP developer or in connection with land in the United Kingdom for the purposes of the development of a residential property. A developer must have an interest in the land at some point for the activity there to be RP developer activity for the purposes of the tax. Land in that respect is taken to include buildings or structures on a piece of land. The requirement for an interest in land means that profits from similar activities undertaken by companies acting purely as third-party contractors, who are not RP developers, do not come within the charge of the tax.
Clause 36 raises an important question about who the RPDT applies to. Subsection (1) sets out the definition of an interest in land for the purposes of the tax. Broadly, it sets out that, when an RP developer has an interest in land, it must have
“an estate, interest, right or power in or over the land”.
That estate, interest, right or power must form
“part of the RP developer’s, or the related company’s, trading stock”.
Subsection (4) elaborates what “trading stock” refers to and makes clear the importance of an estate, interest, right or power in or over land being disposed of. It is the point about disposal that I would like to probe further. Discussions with Clerks about whether new clause 19 was selectable drew out the fact that the residential property developer tax is aimed at developers that do development work in order to trade property once the work has been done. It seems clear to me that the RPDT would apply in the case of a developer who builds homes and sells their freehold interest once the development is complete, but what happens when the developer retains some sort of interest for a specific period of time, or indefinitely?
Alison Thewliss (Glasgow Central) (SNP)
A happy new year to you, Dame Angela, and to all colleagues.
I have just a few queries about these clauses. First, I want to touch on the issues relating to exempting registered social landlords. During the consultation, the Scottish Federation of Housing Associations asked the Government to exempt all non-profit housing providers and wholly owned subsidiary companies. It highlighted the social housing sector’s concerns that developers would look to pass on costs where properties are purchased off the shelf, as it were, rather than housing associations doing it themselves, and it was very pleased that it had that exemption as part of the rules that the Government are introducing. That is very welcome, and I am glad that has been the case.
A “registered social landlord” is defined in clause 34(4)(b), and paragraph (c) refers to the Housing (Scotland) Act 2010. Does the Minister intend to keep in touch with the Scottish Government should there be any further changes to Scottish legislation that might be impacted by the Bill? The definition of a registered social landlord in Scotland is slightly different from that in England. An RSL is not allowed to be for-profit in Scotland, and that is very clear in the legislation. I understand that on the English register there are 1,625 providers of registered social housing, 60 of which are classed as for-profit.
Out of curiosity, has the Minister or her colleagues had any discussions with the for-profit organisations? Looking at some of the names, I think that some of the people they seek to provide housing for appear to be reasonably laudable causes—people we would wish to support—even though it is through for-profit social housing. I am curious about what the impact might be on the sector as a result.
On clause 34(5) and the point made by the hon. Member for Ealing North, it is important that a lot of the measures are going to secondary legislation and we will lose sight of any future changes that the Government make to the definitions of non-profit and any other definitions that they seek to make. How does the Minister intend to report that back to the House in a way that allows Members to ensure that there will be no unintended consequences from things that happen once the Bill leaves Committee?
On the definitions of residential property in clause 37 and the exemptions in subsection (2), I was interested to see that student accommodation is a part of this. In many respects I agree with student accommodation being exempted, particularly accommodation run by universities themselves for no profit. Universities looking not to make a profit but simply to make the accommodation pay for itself are very different from the rapacious student accommodation providers that seek deliberately to make profits from students. Some of the fees that they can charge and the developments that they create are sizeable.
There are huge accommodation providers in Glasgow Central. They have a worthy goal in providing accommodation for students, but students have to pay through the nose for it and they are not quite in the same classes of accommodation. What conversations has the Minister had with student accommodation providers, both those working on a non-profit basis and those working on a commercial basis? It is clear that there are implications from cladding on student accommodation. Unite was mentioned in the press as having in its portfolio 22 high-rise buildings that are affected by cladding. I understand that it is meeting the cost of removing the cladding but, as I say, it is a profitable business in many respects. What more can the Government tell me about their conversations on that?
My other points were covered by the hon. Member for Ealing North, but I have one final point about the preparedness of HMRC to implement the significant and complex new tax. My hon. Friend the Member for Gordon mentioned the complexity. When legislation starts to get into equations, we are talking about something that is quite complicated, especially when we look at the detail in the clauses and the schedules that follow them. What preparations is HMRC meant to be making for this? HMRC has had a busy couple of years, given all the things it has had to do as a result of coronavirus. A lot of that was done at pace, with other stuff put to the side, and I wonder whether this might be one thing that was put to the side while HMRC dealt with coronavirus.
It is clear from some of the press coverage of the coronavirus schemes that HMRC did not have the staff to check up on where the money was going, and that it has been trying to claw back some of that money without the staff complement to do that properly and fully. I would like to know from the Minister the size of the team that has been working on this and what more needs to be done to ensure that this goes smoothly in April 2022.
Lucy Frazer
There are quite a lot of points to address. I will deal with those that are easy to deal with orally, and I will get back to the hon. Member for Ealing North in writing on some of the more detailed points he raised. I am very grateful to him and to the hon. Member for Glasgow Central for welcoming our decision on affordable housing and the not-for-profit sector. We had obviously thought about that very carefully. I think it is the right decision, and I am pleased that it has cross-party support. I welcome, as does the hon. Member for Ealing North, the work that has already been done to reduce cladding by that sector.
The hon. Member for Ealing North asked why we will not extend the definition beyond that to not-for-profit providers. It is because this measure relates to a charge when people have made a significant profit of more than £25 million. He also asked why we need flexibility to come back, by way of regulation, and change the definitions. The definitions are based on legislation from the devolved Administrations, and if those definitions change, we need the flexibility to change them here as well.
The hon. Gentleman also asked about different scenarios for disposals of land. He will know that, when coming up with this policy, we thought carefully about what should and should not fall within it, and what was right to fall within it. We excluded build-to-rent because it is a very different sector in which profits are earned in a different manner at a different time. It was not comparable to the build-to-sell sector. He posited a number of scenarios in which commercial entities might change their activities in order not to pay this charge over the period of time but may ultimately sell properties in due course. We of course considered the possibility that people might change arrangements in order not to pay the tax, but we took the view, having discussed the issue, that significant change in commercial behaviour or business models in order simply to avoid the tax would be unlikely. I will get back to him on some of his specific points.
The hon. Gentleman also made a point about student accommodation, which I will answer from a broad perspective. Those who build properties and are able to pay the levy, because they have an income of more than £25 million, are subject to the tax. It is on house sales of a particular kind, where the purpose of the sale is essentially a sale of a property but it so happens that some other services are provided at the same time. It is essentially competing with the build-to-sell sector, which is why it is included in the legislation.
The hon. Member for Glasgow Central asked whether we would keep in touch with the Scottish Government, which we of course will and are very happy to. She asked what happens when people provide good services, for example in the affordable housing sector, but are profit making. I want to reiterate that the levy will catch significant property developers earning in excess of £25 million—it is that type of company that will be caught by the levy. We will of course keep everything under review, and the same point relates to the point that the hon. Member for Glasgow Central made about student accommodation. This is about big providers that are selling property to individuals, rather than renting the accommodation in short order.
I am really pleased that the hon. Member for Glasgow Central recognised the successful work that HMRC has done over the course of the pandemic in pretty short order. The furlough scheme and all the grants have largely been administered by HMRC, and it has done a tremendous job, delivering at pace. She is right to point out that HMRC has been stretched at times and that there is a significant amount of work coming its way in due course with the social care levy, but I want to reassure her that it is fully aware that this legislation is coming down the path and that it will be ready to deliver. For those reasons, I commend the clauses to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 34 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 35 to 38 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
The decisions on clauses 47 to 49, schedule 9 and clauses 50 and 51 will be dealt with later in our proceedings.
Clause 39
Adjusted trading profits and losses
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to consider the following:
Clauses 40 and 41 stand part.
That schedule 7 be the Seventh schedule to the Bill.
Clause 42 stand part.
Lucy Frazer
Clauses 39 to 42 set out how to calculate the tax base for the purposes of RPDT for an accounting period. Clause 39 sets out what adjustments are made to the UK corporation tax trading profits or losses to arrive at the adjusted trading profits or losses of a residential property developer for the purposes of RPDT. The clause provides that any apportionment of in-scope activity and other activities are to be made on a just and reasonable basis. The clause also provides for an exclusion for any trading profits from residential property development activities that are carried out by a company for charitable purposes.
Clause 40 sets out how any joint venture profits or losses attributable to a developer are determined for the purposes of calculating RPDT profits or losses. The clause confirms the criteria for a relevant joint venture company to fall within the charge to RPDT and how the joint venture profits or losses will be attributed to the developer.
Clause 41 introduces parts 1 to 4 of schedule 7, which make provisions for loss relief and group relief for the purposes of RPDT. As they largely replicate the rules that apply generally for corporation tax, I do not propose to spend long taking the Committee through them. Part 1 of schedule 7 allows any unrelieved RPDT loss to be carried forward against RPDT profits in the next accounting period. Parts 2 to 4 of schedule 7 apply equivalent rules for UK corporation tax group relief for the purposes of RPDT.
Clause 42 restricts the amount of a carried forward loss that can be set against profits of a later period for the purposes of RPDT. This ensures that carried forward losses do not reduce profits above the annual allowance that are chargeable to RPDT by more than 50%, in line with the treatment of carried forward losses under UK corporation tax.
In summary, these clauses and the schedule set out important mechanics for the calculation of the base of the tax, and I therefore recommend that they stand part of the Bill.
James Murray
As we have heard, clause 39 concerns adjusted trading profits and losses relating to the calculation of the RPDT charge. Subsection (2) lists the circumstances in which trading profit and loss can be ignored in the calculation of the charge. These are those profits, losses, and any allowances or charges under the Capital Allowances Act 2001 that do not relate to residential property development activity, corporation tax loss relief, and group relief, and any amounts that are taken into account in calculating trading income by the operation of the loan relationship and the derivative contracts rules.
Also, any trading profits from residential property development activities that are carried out by a charitable company and apply for the purposes of the charitable company are ignored. Furthermore, we can see that in subsection (3) there is provision whereby corporation tax profits, losses or capital allowances and charges that relate to both the company’s residential property development activity and any other activities may be apportioned between the RP developer activities and other activities on a just and reasonable basis.
Clause 40 focuses on attributable joint venture profits and losses. The clause sets out how an amount a joint venture profits or losses attributable to a developer is determined for the purposes of calculating RP developer profits or losses under clause 38 for the purposes of this tax. The clause confirms the criteria for a relevant joint venture company to fall within the charge of this tax. Notably, we see that where there are five or fewer persons who between them own at least 75% shareholding, the holdings of members of the group are to be aggregated and treated as one holding.
Clause 41 introduces schedule 7 and relates to RPDT reliefs where provision is made for loss relief and group relief for the purposes of RPDT. Part 1 of schedule 7 clarifies that an unrelieved RPDT loss is to be carried forward against RPDT profits in the next accounting period, but its use is subject to the restriction to setting off against 50% of the profits of any future accounting period, as provided for by clause 42, which I shall refer to shortly. Part 2 concerns RPDT group relief, which is comparable to corporate tax group relief that has been set out specifically for the purposes of the tax under discussion today. Part 3 is similar, in that it applies the principles of carried-forward group relief from corporation tax to the RPDT.
Relatedly, we see clause 42 impose a restriction on the use of carried-forward losses for the purposes of the RPDT. That ensures that carried-forward losses do not reduce profits above the annual allowance that are chargeable to RPDT by more than 50%. That corresponds to the treatment of carried-forward losses for the purposes of corporation tax on trading profits. We will not be opposing the clauses or the schedule.
Lucy Frazer
I am grateful for the indication that there will be no opposition, so I ask that the clauses stand part of the Bill.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 39 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 40 and 41 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 7 agreed to.
Clause 42 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 43
Allowance
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
Clauses 43 and 44 provide for the operation of the annual allowance. The RPDT will be charged on the profits that exceed a residential property developer’s £25 million annual allowance. Clause 43 provides for the operation of the £25 million annual allowance that is available to each group of companies before profits become chargeable to RPDT. A power is included that allows HMRC to set the process for a group of companies to allocate its allowance in secondary legislation.
Clause 44 provides for the calculation of the annual allowance for the RPDT where the profits of a member of a joint venture company are not chargeable to UK corporation tax. It provides for the allowance of a JV company to be reduced and for the exempt member to instead have an annual allowance that can be allocated to its joint venture interests. Although the rule may seem complicated at first glance, it will ensure that where a non-taxable investor, such as a pension fund, has interests in several joint ventures, those joint venture companies do not benefit from multiple allowances. In summary, clauses 43 and 44 ensure that RPDT is proportionate, administrable and targeted at the largest developers.
James Murray
As the Minister has described, clause 43 relates to allowances and provides for the operation of the allowance that is deducted from profits chargeable under the RPDT. Under clause 43, the £25 million allowance is adjusted pro rata when an accounting period is less than a year. Within a group of developers, the allowance can also be allocated between member companies at the direction of an allocating member. In the absence of an allocating member, the allowance is to be evenly split between the total number of members.
Clause 44 applies a similar principle to joint venture companies and sets out the terms of allowance within the RPDT. Critically, where a member of a joint venture company is outside the scope of corporation tax because it is an offshore entity, a sovereign immune entity or an institutional investor, the allowance afforded to the joint venture company is reduced in proportion to the percentage competition of members that are outside its scope. We support the principle of removing unfair tax advantages and maintaining fair competition in the market, and therefore we will not oppose the clauses.
Lucy Frazer
Again, I am very grateful for that indication. I commend the clauses to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 43 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 44 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 45
Application of corporation tax provisions and management of RPDT
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to consider that schedule 8 be the Eighth schedule to the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
Clause 45 and schedule 8 provide for RPDT to be treated for administrative purposes as an amount of UK corporation tax. Clause 45 outlines the framework within which RPDT will operate and makes necessary amendments to existing administrative legislation to accommodate RPDT. It also introduces schedule 8, which makes further provisions about the management of RPDT, including setting out the circumstances in which a company will not be required to report its RPDT profits, which will reduce any administrative burden for groups with profits that are unlikely to exceed the annual allowance.
In summary, the clause and schedule set out important mechanics for the collection, management and payment of RPDT.
James Murray
As the Minister has described, clause 45 and schedule 8 concern the application of corporation tax provisions and management. The clause applies general corporation tax principles to the RPDT and provides that RPDT be treated for administrative purposes as an amount of corporation tax. The clause and schedule outline the framework within which RPDT will operate and make necessary amendments to administrative legislation to accommodate RPDT.
As pointed out by the Chartered Institute of Taxation, the alignment with corporation tax and other existing mechanisms should reduce some administrative burdens for both developers and HMRC, which we welcome. However, we note that the turnaround on this novel tax, as mentioned earlier in this Committee sitting, is rapid. Given the truncated consultation period, I seek reassurances from the Minister that HMRC’s systems will be ready for the collection, management and payment of RPDT. I would be grateful if the Minister could also confirm whether any additional budget allocation has been offered to HMRC to support the roll-out of RPDT and, if so, what the value of the allocation is.
Lucy Frazer
I assure the hon. Gentleman, as I assured the hon. Member for Glasgow Central some moments ago, that HMRC will be ready to bring in the tax that we are legislating for. As he will know, we have just gone through a spending review. HMRC will have sufficient funds to ensure that it can comply with its duties and obligations.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 45 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 8 agreed to.
Clause 46
Requirement to provide information about payments
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
Clause 46 provides for RPDT receipts to be monitored. It introduces a requirement for residential property developers making an RPDT payment to state the amount of the payment to HMRC in writing in order to ensure that RPDT receipts can be monitored. It also provides for a penalty if there is a failure to comply with that requirement. In summary, the clause sets out an important requirement to enable HMRC to monitor RPDT revenue.
James Murray
As we have heard, clause 46 introduces a requirement for companies making a payment of RPDT to provide information about a payment to HMRC so that receipts for the tax can be monitored. The clause sets out the definition of the responsible company—the company making payment on behalf of the RP developer under relevant group payment arrangements or, in any other case, the RP developer itself.
The clause further requires that the responsible company must notify an officer of HMRC in writing, on or before the date when the payment is made, of the amount of the payment due under RPDT. In addition, the clause refers to penalties for failing to inform HMRC about payments owed. Penalties are aligned with previous legislation on corporation tax notices. We will not oppose the clause.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 46 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 47 to 49 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 9 agreed to.
Clauses 50 to 52 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 67
Securitisation companies and qualifying transformer vehicles
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
Clause 67 introduces a power enabling changes to be made by secondary legislation to stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax in relation to securitisation and insurance-linked security arrangements. The Government are keen to ensure that the UK’s stamp duty and SDRT rules contribute to maintaining the UK’s position as a leading financial services sector.
On 30 November, the Government published a response document and a draft statutory instrument following consultation on reform of the tax rules for securitisation companies. The consultation explored issues including the application of the stamp duty loan capital exemption to securitisation and ILS arrangements. The consultation sought views on whether uncertainty as to how the existing stamp duty loan capital exemption applies increases the costs and complexity of UK securitisation and ILS arrangements, and whether that is a factor in arrangements being set up outside the UK.
Clause 67 will allow Her Majesty’s Treasury to make regulations to provide that no stamp duty or stamp duty reserve tax charge will arise in relation to the transfer of securities issued by a securitisation company or a qualifying transformer vehicle. A qualifying transformer vehicle is the note-issuing entity in an ILS arrangement. The power will also allow HMT to make regulations to provide that stamp duty or SDRT is not chargeable on transfers of securities to or by a securitisation company. The power allows the Government to make changes to allow UK securitisation and ILS arrangements to operate more effectively, and reduce cost and complexity. There is currently no power to make changes through secondary legislation to the stamp duty and SDRT rules in relation to securitisation and ILS arrangements.
In summary, clause 67 will support the Government to respond flexibly to the evolving commercial practices of the securitisation and ILS markets, and ensure that the UK’s securitisation and ILS regimes remain competitive. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.
Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)
I am delighted to serve under your chairship, Dame Angela. Happy new year, everyone.
As we heard from the Minister, clause 67 relates to stamp duty on securities and related instruments. We do not oppose efforts to increase the efficiency and flexibility of this sector, but we wish to see appropriate safeguards to ensure that these changes do not increase the risk of stamp duty evasion and, as the Minister mentioned, to make sure that they meet the UK’s position as a leading financial sector.
Securitisation can be a useful source of finance for UK businesses and can aid capital liquidity and risk management. I note that the Treasury has consulted on the impact of stamp duty on securitisation and insurance-linked securities. Clause 67 gives the Treasury powers to make changes through secondary legislation to stamp duty as it relates to securitisation. Can the Minister explain why the Government feel that it is necessary to make those changes through secondary legislation, rather than using the Finance Bill or other primary legislation?
Can the Minister also give us some detail on the exact changes that the Government intend to make through this secondary legislation? For example, in what circumstances will the trading of securities be exempt from stamp duty? How will she ensure that this does not increase the scope for tax avoidance? Can she also provide reassurance that Parliament will still be able to scrutinise these changes? The clause really needs to be scrutinised.
Lucy Frazer
I thank the hon. Lady very much for those points. I welcome the fact that she, too, thinks it important that this country remains competitive and flexible, and supports growth in this very important sector.
The hon. Lady asked why we need these changes to be made by secondary legislation. The answer is that technical changes of the type consulted on are more often and more appropriately made through secondary legislation than by primary legislation. Making the changes through secondary legislation gives Government flexibility to ensure that technical changes respond to the evolving nature of the securitisation and ILS markets.
However, it is of course important that we have scrutiny and review. We had a consultation on this issue, from which these provisions follow; of course, anything that comes through secondary legislation will be scrutinised. We will keep this under review, as we do all taxes.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for taking the time to explain that. It would be helpful if she could also explain what measures were put in place to allow Parliament to scrutinise these changes. I am sure that she would agree that it is important that Parliament should be able to scrutinise these changes properly; if she could list what steps have been put in place, that would be extremely helpful.
On my other question, it is really important that there is no increase in tax avoidance. Can the Minister set out what the Government have put in place to ensure that it does not increase?
Lucy Frazer
Like me, the hon. Lady will be aware that when things go through the secondary legislation procedure they are subject to scrutiny by this House, through those Committees. She will also know that this Government are absolutely committed to ensuring that we tackle tax avoidance; there are a large number of measures in this Bill that tackle tax avoidance and evasion, through cracking down on promoters and other mechanisms. It is something that we are alive to and acting upon, and for those reasons I ask that clause 67 stand part of the Bill.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 67 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 72
Identifying where the risk is situated
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
Clause 72 relocates into IPT legislation the criteria to determine the location of an insured risk for the purpose of insurance premium tax. IPT is charged on most general insurance, where it provides cover for risks located within the UK.
Insurance for risks located outside the UK is exempt from UK IPT. That exemption prevents double taxation across different tax jurisdictions and puts UK-based insurers on a level playing field with overseas insurers. Legislation sets out how to determine the location of a risk in order to establish whether the IPT exemption applies. Regulations previously used to determine the location of an insured risk were replaced in 2009, and the new regulations did not include an equivalent provision. Instead, reliance was placed on directly effective European Union legislation. To ensure clarity for the insurance industry, this measure relocates the criteria into primary legislation. This is a technical change and does not reflect a change in IPT policy.
The changes made by clause 72 will remove references to inoperative regulations in the Finance Act 1994, introducing criteria to the same effect directly into the IPT legislation. The measure ensures that insurance for risks located outside the UK remains exempt from IPT, providing clarity and continuity for the insurance industry and supporting the maintenance of an effective and fair tax system.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for her explanation of clause 72; it does seem like a straightforward clause that simply moves the criteria for determining where the risk is located into primary legislation. The Chartered Institute of Taxation has stated that the legislation does meet its stated objectives. For that reason, we do not oppose the clause.
I note that there has been wider consultation on the insurance premium tax, including on how to address the avoidance of the tax and how to reduce the administrative burden on HMRC and the industry. That is particularly important as HMRC has been under a lot of pressure—particularly during the pandemic. In the Government’s response to the consultation on the issue of IPT avoidance, they said that, on reviewing the responses,
“neither of the proposed options provide a proportionate solution to the issue this chapter sought to address. As such, neither option will be taken forward at this time.”
That seems like the Government have given up at the first hurdle. Why, if the proposed measures are not appropriate, are the Government not considering other measures to prevent avoidance in this sector?
Alison Thewliss
I do not have any major objections to what is being proposed, but I would be doing the Association of British Insurers a disservice if I let the clause go through without mentioning its concern, which I share, that insurance premium tax is quite a regressive tax. We are about to discuss tobacco duty; the ABI points out, through some research by the Social Market Foundation, that insurance premium tax now raises more revenue than beer and cider duty, wine duty, spirits duty, or betting and gaming duties.
Since 1994, the standard rate of IPT has increased more rapidly than tobacco duty. Those are all things that we want people not to do; we would prefer it if people did not drink as much, smoke as much or gamble as much, so we tax those things. It seems ludicrous to tax people on insurance, which we would like people to have and which benefits them and society, so I ask the Minister to consider further whether insurance premium tax is something sensible that we want to keep doing.
Lucy Frazer
I am grateful to the hon. Member for Glasgow Central for her broader points about the subject matter. I do not think she raised a particular point in relation to the clause under consideration, but this is an area that, like others, we will keep under review. I undertake to get back to the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead in writing on the specific point that she raised in relation to the consultation.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 72 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 73
Transitioned trade remedies: decisions by Secretary of State
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Lucy Frazer
The clause gives the Secretary of State for International Trade the power to call in and take control of reviews of trade remedies measures transitioned from the EU. This ensures that the Government can effectively take steps to prevent harm to UK industry where there is evidence of unfair competition.
Trade remedies are additional tariffs or tariff-rate quotas temporarily imposed to protect domestic industries from dumped or subsidised imports or unforeseen surges in imports. At the end of the transition period, the Government transitioned 43 of the EU’s trade remedy measures. The Trade Remedies Authority is now reviewing the transitioned measures to assess whether their continuation is suitable for the UK economy. The TRA is responsible for collecting and analysing evidence relating to trade remedies cases, and it currently makes recommendations to the Secretary of State for International Trade on whether particular measures should be revoked or varied or, in certain cases, retained or replaced. The Secretary of State can only accept or reject a TRA recommendation in its entirety.
The current framework was introduced in 2018. Since then, it has become clear that in some circumstances, greater ministerial involvement in decision making is required. The call-in power is designed to address that. It will allow the Secretary of State to call in a case if she considers it necessary. For example, she will be able to take a closer look at an individual case if needed in the wider public interest. The intention is that the Secretary of State will continue to rely on the expertise of the TRA to collect and analyse evidence, but that it will do so under her direction.
Whether a case is called in or not, the process will continue to be robust, transparent and evidence based, but the power will allow the Secretary of State greater flexibility in decision making than our legislation currently allows. The call-in power will apply only to transition reviews, and where the TRA is reconsidering its previous conclusions from a transition review. In parallel, the Government are considering wider changes to the trade remedies framework to ensure that it can consistently defend UK industry. That is separate from the limited scope of this clause, and the International Trade Secretary will report on the findings of that review in due course.
The changes made by clause 73 will amend the trade remedies regime to allow the Secretary of State for International Trade to call in transition reviews and reconsiderations of transition reviews conducted by the TRA. After calling in a case, the Secretary of State will be responsible for determining the outcome of that review or reconsideration. That will ensure that the Secretary of State can have greater oversight and involvement in a particular transition review or reconsideration of a transition review as appropriate, and therefore the ability to decide on appropriate measures, such as varying the tariffs that apply to particular products under the UK’s trade remedies framework.
Where this power is exercised, the Secretary of State need not necessarily base their decision on a prior recommendation or decision of the TRA. The Secretary of State will be required to publish the notice of a decision made under this clause. The Government will make secondary legislation to set out in more detail how the call-in power is to be exercised.
In summary, clause 73 will help to prevent injury to UK industry by empowering the Secretary of State to call in transitional reviews where appropriate, and give her control to determine the outcome of a particular transition review or reconsideration of a transition review. Such a determination may include retaining, varying, revoking or replacing the trade remedies already in place on the goods subject to the review.
Abena Oppong-Asare
This important clause relates to trade remedies. As we have heard, it allows Ministers to override the powers of the Trade Remedies Authority in order to maintain safeguard tariffs on cheap imports that unfairly undermine UK industry.
The clause’s introduction was prompted by the row over the TRA’s proposals to get rid of tariffs on cheap steel imports. In June last year, the TRA recommended the removal of limits inherited from the EU on about half of the UK’s steel imports. Slashing those safeguards and opening the floodgates to cheap steel imports would have been devastating for steel plants across our country and damaging for our wider economy. At the time, the director general of UK Steel said:
“On their first major test in a post-Brexit trading environment, the UK’s new system has failed our domestic steel sector.”
The Government U-turned on that decision after pressure from Labour and the industry, and belatedly maintained protections for the steel industry. Obviously, however, there are concerns about future TRA decisions, so we support the clause. Indeed, Labour campaigned for the Government to take more action to support our vital steel industry.
I ask the Minister to expand on subsection (5), which allows the Secretary of State to make regulations regarding how to make decisions on transitioned trade remedies. Will she set out what sort of regulations she envisages that the Secretary of State will make and how those decisions will be made? It is important that there is a transparent process for making these important decisions on trade remedies.
Finally, although we welcome this measure and hope that it ensures that vital British industries are better protected in the future, we remain concerned about the Government’s wider failure to support British industry. Industries such as steel are of vital strategic importance for our economic prosperity and national security, but the Government’s lack of an industrial strategy means that the steel industry is lurching from crisis to crisis. We need a proper plan to decarbonise the sector, to boost business competitiveness and to use British steel in UK infrastructure projects, in order to safeguard the future of the steel industry, as Labour’s plans to buy, make and sell in Britain would do.
Labour would also invest up to £3 billion over the coming decade in greening the steel industry. We would work with steelmakers to secure a proud future for the industry to match the proud past and present of British steel communities. I urge the Government to do the same.
Lucy Frazer
I did not want to interrupt the hon. Lady, but I think she has gone outside the remit of the measures in the Bill. However, I would like to correct her on a point—[Interruption.] She was talking about the steel industry as a whole, when we are dealing with a provision that relates in particular to the power of the Secretary of State to call in trade remedies.
The Chair
Order. I will allow some leeway for reasonable debate, and if anyone goes out of order, I will stop them. The Minister should feel free to make some general comments, so long as they are not too long and do not stray too far.
Lucy Frazer
That is very kind, Dame Angela. I want to correct a general point that the hon. Lady made in relation to steel and the decision that was made by the then Secretary of State for International Trade. The hon. Lady suggested that there was a U-turn and that pressure was put on by the Labour party. In fact, there was no decision by the Government; the decision was made by the Trade Remedies Authority. I just wanted to clarify that point.
Lucy Frazer
The clause simplifies the way that technical updates are made to the UK’s tariff schedule. This measure inserts a new provision into the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Act 2018 so that changes to the UK’s tariff schedule that do not alter the tariff duty rates applied to imported goods can be made by public notice rather than by secondary legislation, as is currently the case.
The clause will ensure that routine technical changes to tariff legislation, such as changing the codes used to classify goods or removing redundant codes, can be implemented more easily and quickly for those who refer to the legislation. Importantly, this measure also reduces the burden on parliamentary time in considering routine technical changes, while maintaining Parliament’s current levels of scrutiny of tariff duty rate changes.
In summary, the clause amends the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Act 2018 so that technical changes can be made by public notice, thus ensuring simpler and quicker implementation of those changes to the UK’s tariff schedule.
Abena Oppong-Asare
This relatively minor change allows technical updates to the tariff schedule to be made by public notice rather than secondary legislation. Given that there are safeguards to ensure that substantive changes, such as varying the rate of import duty, continue to be made by regulation and are therefore subject to parliamentary oversight, we do not oppose the clause.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 74 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 75
Restriction of use of rebated diesel and biofuels
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to consider that schedule 10 be the Tenth schedule to the Bill.
The Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (Helen Whately)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Angela.
Clause 75 and schedule 10 make technical amendments to the existing legislation that restricts the entitlement to use rebated red diesel and biofuels from 1 April 2022, to adjust restrictions and ensure that the legislation operates as intended.
To help achieve net zero and improve UK air quality, the Government announced at Budget 2020 that they would reduce the entitlement to use rebated diesel and biofuels, which currently enjoy a duty discount, from this April. These tax changes will ensure that most current users of rebated diesel use fuel taxed at the standard rate for diesel from April 2022, like motorists, which more fairly reflects the harmful impact of the emissions they produce. The changes will also incentivise users of polluting fuels, such as diesel, to improve the energy efficiency of their vehicles and machinery, invest in cleaner alternatives or just use less fuel.
Following consultation in 2020, the sectors that will be allowed to continue to use rebated diesel and biofuels beyond April 2022 were confirmed at spring Budget 2021, with the changes legislated for in the Finance Act 2021. Clause 75 and schedule 10 will make technical amendments to the Hydrocarbon Oil Duties Act 1979 and the Finance Act 2021 to adjust restrictions on the entitlement to use rebated diesel and rebated biofuels, clarify how the changes to the new rules work, and allow the legislation to operate as intended.
In summary, the changes will alter the circumstances in which the use of rebated diesel and rebated biofuels will be permitted from 1 April 2022, including provisions aimed at transition to the new rules. They will also amend definitions relating to certain vehicles, machines and appliances. Some of these changes follow feedback received from stakeholders since the Finance Act 2021 received Royal Assent. Overall, the technical changes in this clause and schedule will ensure that the Government’s reforms to the tax treatment of rebated diesel and biofuels from April 2022 work as intended.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for her explanation of the clause, which introduces technical amendments to the changes introduced to restrict the entitlement to use rebated fuel, more commonly known as red diesel. We discussed the substance of that change in Committee on the last Finance Bill. As I said then, we support the intention behind the Government’s measure. There is a clear need to ensure that fuel duty rebates are as limited as possible in order to meet our net zero commitment.
The amendments made by this Bill are technical in nature, and we do not oppose them. However, will the Minister set out which, if any, industries will be affected by the changes and what work is being done to ensure that they are prepared, given that we are now only a few months from the introduction of the changes? Will she also update us on preparations by Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs and other agencies for the changes? Is she confident that the Government will be able to ensure compliance from April this year? The Minister’s colleague, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, mentioned that there has been some restructuring around HMRC, but I echo the earlier comments by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central and my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North, who explained that HMRC has been busy for a number of years. Will the Minister update us on what work has been done to ensure that we are prepared for this change?
Alison Thewliss
I am glad that the definitions are being amended to include fairs and circuses, of which there are many in my constituency, to allow them to continue to use rebated diesel and biofuels after 1 April 2022. In that industry it is quite difficult to adapt machines to use other sources. The showpeople I represent will be pleased that the Government have listened on this measure, and I thank the Minister for that.
Helen Whately
I welcome the support that the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead expressed for the intention behind this measure and her recognition that the changes are of a technical nature and that the Opposition therefore will not oppose the clause. I assure her that there has been substantial consultation on the overall policy. Indeed, as the hon. Member for Glasgow Central said, the Government have listened, and that is reflected in some of the changes. I am confident in HMRC’s ability to monitor compliance.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 75 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 10 agreed to.
Clause 76
Rates of tobacco products duty
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Helen Whately
The clause implements changes announced in the autumn Budget 2021 on tobacco duty rates. The duty charged on all tobacco products will rise in line with the tobacco duty escalator, with additional increases made for hand rolling tobacco and to the minimum excise tax on cigarettes.
Smoking rates are falling in the UK, but smoking remains the biggest cause of preventable illness and premature deaths in the UK, killing around 100,000 people a year and about half of all long-term users. All those factors mean that we need to continue to encourage more people to kick the habit. We have already set out ambitious plans to reduce the number of smokers from 14% to 12% of the population by 2022, as set out by the Department of Health and Social Care in its tobacco control plan. We have announced that we aim to reduce smoking prevalence in England to 5% or less by 2030. That includes a commitment to continue the policy of maintaining high duty rates for tobacco products to improve public health.
According to Action on Smoking and Health, smoking costs society almost £14 billion per year, including a £2 billion cost to the NHS because of the disease caused by smoking. At autumn Budget, the Chancellor announced that the Government would increase tobacco duty in line with the escalator. The clause specifies that the duty charge on all tobacco products will rise by 2% above retail price index inflation. Duty on hand-rolling tobacco increases by a further 4%, to 6% above RPI inflation. The clause also increases the minimum excise tax—the minimum amount of duty to be paid on a pack of cigarettes—by an additional 1%, to 3% above RPI inflation.
The clause will continue our tried-and-tested policy of using high duty rates on tobacco products to make tobacco less affordable and to continue the reduction in smoking prevalence. That will reduce the burden placed on our public services by smoking. I commend the clause to the Committee.
Abena Oppong-Asare
As the Minister set out, the clause raises the duty on tobacco products, in line with the duty escalator, by RPI plus 2% for cigarettes and RPI plus 6% for hand-rolling tobacco. The minimum excise tax has been increased. We do not oppose those increases, but I will take this opportunity to make a couple of wider points about action to prevent smoking and the Treasury’s role in it.
Action on Smoking and Health stated that last year’s Budget was
“a small step forward on tobacco, but on its own won’t deliver on the Government’s commitment to a Smokefree 2030.”
In fact, projections show that the Government will miss that target by seven years, and double that for the poorest in society. As the Minister knows, tobacco duty has a dual role: raising revenue for the Government and reducing smoking rates. The latter role is most effective when combined with a comprehensive funded strategy to reduce smoking. Unfortunately, the funding for such a strategy has been repeatedly cut in recent years as part of broader cuts to public health grants. The Minister mentioned that smoking has fallen, but recently published evidence shows a 25% increase in smoking among young adults since the first lockdown, so it is clear that there is a lot of work to be done.
In a debate on smoking last year, the Under-Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, the hon. Member for Erewash (Maggie Throup), said in response to a question on taxation:
“That is a matter for Her Majesty’s Treasury. However, the Department continues to work with HMT to assess the most effective regulatory means to support the Government’s smoke-free 2030 ambition, which includes exploring a potential future levy.”—[Official Report, 16 November 2021; Vol. 703, c. 181WH.]
Will the Minister tell us what work the Treasury is doing to design a levy on tobacco manufacturers, along the lines of the “polluter pays” principles, to pay for campaigns to stop smoking and other public health measures? Those large and profitable companies often pay relatively little tax in this country, while those who smoke rightly pay a large amount of tax every time they buy a pack of cigarettes. Many public health experts urge the Government to look at the idea of a levy, and I strongly hope that the Minister will say more on that.
Helen Whately
I am glad to hear that the Opposition will not oppose the clause. The hon. Lady has said that it is not enough on its own, and the Government agree. Our tax treatment of tobacco is just one of a set of policies in place to reduce smoking. I assure her that the UK is seen as a global leader on tobacco control. Over the last two decades, we have implemented regulatory measures to stop young people smoking and non-smokers from starting, and to support to help smokers quit.
The hon. Lady also asked about a tobacco levy. I can tell her that the Government consulted on proposals for a tobacco levy in 2015. That consultation concluded that a levy is not the most effective way to raise revenue or protect public health. It would add complexity and additional costs, while the amount of revenue it could raise is uncertain.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I appreciate the time the Minister has taken to answer this question. The Department of Health and Social Care is saying something completely different. Last year, the Health Minister, the hon. Member for Erewash, said that taxation was a matter for the Treasury and that the Department was working with the Treasury to look at an effective regulatory means to support the Government’s smoke-free 2030 ambition, which included exploring a potential future levy. Could I have clarification on that?
It seems that the Department is saying something different from what the Minister has just said—that the consultation was done in 2015 and it was decided that a levy was not appropriate? I am not trying to be difficult here, but I think the Government need to explore this idea. A number of health experts and even the Health Minister are saying that, so some work needs to be done on this in detail. The last review was done in 2015, and we have moved on a number of years.
Helen Whately
I am happy to take that point away and look into the position taken by my colleagues in the Department of Health and Social Care and the Treasury. I will get back to the hon. Lady on the question of the levy. I can assure her that work is currently happening on a tobacco control plan. The Government are considering policy and regulatory changes, which will be part of our ambition to be smoke-free by 2030. Those will be set out in due course in our tobacco control plan. I commend the clause to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 76 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 77
Rates for light passenger or light goods vehicles, motorcycles etc
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
New clause 5—Vehicle taxes: effect on climate change goals—
“The Government must publish within 12 months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the impact of sections 77 to 79 on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK’s plans to reach net zero by 2050.”
New clause 15—Review of VED revenue from light passenger or light goods vehicles, motorcycles etc in context of future demand for electric vehicles—
“(1) The Government must publish within twelve months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the expected level of revenues of Vehicle Excise Duty from light passenger or light goods vehicles, motorcycles etc in future years in the context of the expected uptake of electric vehicles.
(2) The Review must also consider possible alternatives to Vehicle Excise Duty on these vehicles.”
Helen Whately
Clause 77 makes changes to uprate vehicle excise duty—or VED—for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with the retail prices index from 1 April 2022. VED is paid on vehicle ownership, and rates chargeable are dependent on various factors, including the vehicle type, date of first registration and carbon emissions. The Government has uprated VED for cars, vans and motorcycles in line with inflation every year since 2010, which means that rates have remained unchanged in real terms during this time. The changes made by clause 77 will uprate VED rates for cars, vans and motorcycles by RPI only for the 12th successive year, meaning that VED liabilities will not increase in real terms. The standard rate of VED for cars registered since 1 April 2017 will increase by only £10. The flat rate for vans will increase by £15 and motorcyclists will see an increase in rates of no more than £5.
New clause 5, tabled by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central, asks the Government to publish within 12 months of this Bill coming into effect an assessment of the impact of sections 77 to 79 on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK’s plan to reach net zero by 2050. Similarly, new clauses 4 and 8 tabled by the hon. Lady ask the Government to publish, within 12 months of this Bill coming into effect, impact assessments on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK’s plan to reach net zero by 2050, first on the Act as whole, and, secondly, on section 99 and schedule 16. These amendments are unnecessary and should not stand part of the Bill.
The Government are proud of our world-leading climate commitments, most recently set out in the net zero strategy. The latest Budget and spending review confirm that since March 2021, the Government will have committed a total of £30 billion of domestic investment for the green industrial revolution. That investment will keep the UK on track to meet its carbon budgets and nationally determined contribution, and to reach net zero by 2050. The net zero strategy sets out how the Government will monitor progress to ensure that we stay on track for our emissions targets. That includes commitments to require the Government
“to reflect environmental issues in national policy making”.
At fiscal events, including the spending review 2021, all Departments are required to prepare their spending proposals in line with the Green Book, which sets out the rules that we use in the Treasury to guide individual spending decisions. The Green Book already mandates consideration of climate and environmental impacts in spending, and it was updated in 2020 to emphasise that policies must be developed and assessed against how well they deliver on the Government’s long-term policy aims such as net zero.
Furthermore, the Treasury carefully considers the climate change and environmental implications of relevant tax measures. The Government incorporated a climate assessment in all relevant tax information and impact notes for measures at Budget—they are published online—and we will continue to do so in future TIINs. For example, the TIIN for the new plastic packaging tax incorporates an assessment of anticipated carbon savings—nearly 200,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide in 2022-23. In addition, HMRC is exploring options further to strengthen the analytical approach to monitoring, evaluating and quantifying the environmental impacts of tax measures.
Given the substantial work already under way on these issues, the proposed amendment would add unnecessary bureaucratic requirements and layers of complexity. I therefore urge the Committee to reject new clause 5 and, for the same reasons, I will urge the Committee to reject new clauses 4 and 8 when we turn to those.
New clause 15, tabled by the hon. Members for Ealing North, for Erith and Thamesmead and for Blaydon, asks the Government to publish, within 12 months of the Act coming into effect, a review of the impact on VED revenue of future demand for electric vehicles. This new clause is also unnecessary and should not stand part of the Bill. The Government are committed to achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050, and the transition towards electric vehicles and the phase-out of new petrol and diesel cars and vans will make a vital contribution to that. The Government have committed to ensuring, as we move forward with this transition, that revenue from motoring taxes keeps pace with this change, to make sure that we can continue to fund the excellent public services and infrastructure that people and families across the UK expect.
Analysis that projects the possible impact on VED revenues of future demand for electric vehicles is already in the public domain. First, since 2016, the Government have asked the Office for Budget Responsibility to publish a fiscal risks statement to improve disclosure and management of fiscal risks. The OBR’s 2021 fiscal risks report makes an assessment of the fiscal impact of achieving net zero, including the impact on VED and fuel duty receipts, which it explores under different climate change modelling scenarios.
Secondly, the net zero review published by the Treasury in October of last year also examines the possible decline in tax revenues, including VED and fuel duty receipts, as part of the transition to net zero. It notes that, were the current tax system to remain unchanged across the transition period, tax receipts from most fossil fuel-related activity would decline towards zero across the first 20 years of the transition, leaving receipts lower in the 2040s by up to 1.5% of GDP in each year relative to a baseline where they stayed fixed as a share of GDP.
Given that analysis of future VED revenues has already been published by both the Government and the OBR, the review of this issue sought by this new clause is unnecessary. I therefore urge the Committee to reject new clause 15.
Overall, the changes outlined in clause 77 will maintain revenue sustainability by ensuring that motorists continue to make a fair contribution to the public finances. I therefore urge that this clause stand part of the Bill.
Abena Oppong-Asare
Clause 77 raises the rate of vehicle excise duty for various categories of vehicle by RPI. This is a regular update to VED to ensure that it remains the same in real terms, and we do not oppose it. I do wish to make broader points about taxes affecting drivers and, in particular, to speak to our new clause 15.
Electric vehicles are not liable for vehicle excise duty, and of course their owners do not pay fuel duty. New clause 15 calls on the Government to report on expected future levels of vehicle excise duty in the context of the increasing uptake of electrical vehicles. It is designed to encourage the Government to begin to think and talk publicly about that critical question.
The transition from petrol and diesel cars to electric vehicles is critical as part of our broader transition to net zero. The Opposition have constantly raised concerns about the fact that the Government are not doing enough to support the take-up of electric vehicles, whether through supporting consumers and producers or improving the critical charging infrastructure. We continue to believe that the Government must do more in that area, but we also believe that they must begin to set out how they will deal with the fiscal consequences of the transition.
Fuel duty and VED currently raise around £35 billion for the Treasury each year. They are by far the largest revenue-raising environmental taxes. It is a truly significant amount of Government revenue, equivalent to nearly half the Education budget, but as electric vehicles become an increasing share of vehicles on the roads, that revenue will decline rapidly. One estimate shows that tax revenues from car usage could fall by around £10 billion by 2030, £20 billion by 2035, and £30 billion by 2040. The Treasury’s own net zero review stated that much of the current revenue from taxing fossil fuels was likely to be eroded during the transition to a net zero economy.
We might have expected the review to set out what the Treasury planned to do about that, but it was notably silent on that matter. When the Minister responds, can she tell us what work the Treasury is carrying out on that important issue and when it will set out its plans? Can she tell us what alternatives to VED the Treasury is considering—for example, road pricing or other taxes? Crucially, how will the Treasury balance the need to maintain income from driving with the need to incentivise the switch to electric vehicles? Those are critical questions, which cannot and must not be left to the last minute. We deserve to have an open debate about the best way forward. Motorists and taxpayers deserve clarity about how they will be taxed in the future. I hope that the Minister can begin to give us some insight into the Treasury’s thinking on this issue.
Mr Richard Holden (North West Durham) (Con)
Thank you very much indeed, Dame Angela—
Richard Thomson
Thank you, Dame Angela; it is a relief to find out that my hearing is not as dodgy as I momentarily thought it was.
Richard Thomson
I rise to speak in support of new clause 5, which is in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow Central. The Minister has run through why we are looking to have an assessment. I say to her as gently as I can that it is all fine and well to be proud of commitments that the Government have made, but it would be much better to rack up more quickly achievements that she could point to and be proud of on climate change, rather than just making statements of aspiration. This is one area where it is quite important to get some more chalk on the board.
As we have heard, the Bill sets a series of incremental changes to vehicle excise duty, and precisely because they are incremental, we might expect, at best, an equally incremental impact, or even an imperceptible one, on changing behaviour and on the resulting climate change impacts. We are all aware of the mandate to end the sale of new petrol and diesel vehicles in a bid to encourage the take-up of alternatively fuelled vehicles, but I am of the same view as the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead: we will need some significant further incentivisation if we are to drive the change through that policy on the scale and at the pace that is required.
My party is very fond of drawing comparisons with Norway—another small country, like Scotland, of 5 million people—on the other side of the North sea. Sometimes those comparisons are about what might have been, but we also point to what could and perhaps what should be. Norway has been so successful in incentivising the take-up of electric vehicles that the Government are running out of hydrocarbon-fuelled vehicles to tax, which has resulted in a 19.2 billion kroner gap in their latest budget.
That is not a problem that the UK Government are likely to encounter any time soon, in view of the current take-up of electric vehicles, and that is why new clause 5 is so important. It would provide for an assessment of how effective or—as we suspect—ineffective these particular changes will be over the year, so that the UK Government had the necessary information base to set future policy as quickly as possible. I think the Minister knows that we need to do that at some point, and surely it is better to start sooner rather than later.
The Chair
I am waiting for the Whip. If the Whip wishes to move the adjournment, I will call Richard Holden first when we come back after the break.
The Lord Commissioner of Her Majesty's Treasury (Alan Mak)
What would you prefer, Chair?
The Chair
I intend to come back promptly at 6 o’clock. If you could be here very promptly, Richard Holden, I give you prior warning that I intend to call you on the dot.
Ordered, That the debate be now adjourned.—(Alan Mak.)
Finance (No. 2) Bill (Fourth sitting)
(2 years, 10 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesRead Full debate Read Hansard Text
The Chair
I remind the Committee that with this we are discussing the following:
New clause 5—Vehicle taxes: effect on climate change goals—
“The Government must publish within 12 months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the impact of sections 77 to 79 on the goal of tackling climate change and on the UK‘s plans to reach net zero by 2050.”
New clause 15—Review of VED revenue from light passenger or light goods vehicles, motorcycles etc in context of future demand for electric vehicles—
“(1) The Government must publish within twelve months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the expected level of revenues of Vehicle Excise Duty from light passenger or light goods vehicles, motorcycles etc in future years in the context of the expected uptake of electric vehicles.
(2) The Review must also consider possible alternatives to Vehicle Excise Duty on these vehicles.”
Mr Richard Holden (North West Durham) (Con)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Angela. I apologise to the hon. Member for Gordon, who has the honour of sharing with me a great first name; I could not quite hear the muffled mask comments. I apologise for that, Dame Angela.
I wanted to speak in support of clause 77, because a couple of years ago the Government tried to change some of the regulations in this area to start taxing motorhomes, which are produced in my constituency, as expensive cars rather than light goods vehicles. I am delighted that my hon. Friend the Minister is not proposing such a change today. I will just ask her whether she can assure me that no such changes are planned for the future, because the hundreds of employees at Erwin Hymer in my North West Durham constituency have really benefited from the reversal of that change. I just want to get that reassurance from her.
The Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (Helen Whately)
I will just pick up on some of the points made by hon. Members. I am glad to hear that the Opposition will not be opposing the clause. The hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead said that she wants us to talk publicly about the future of vehicle excise duty. Clearly, we are well aware of—there is no secret—the expected future revenues from vehicle excise duty and fuel duty. In fact, I outlined in my opening remarks on the clause some of the data in the public domain about that, including the modelling by the Office for Budget Responsibility and in the net zero review. I can assure the hon. Member that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister, in “The Ten Point Plan for a Green Industrial Revolution”, set out the need for motoring taxes to keep pace with the transition to electric vehicles.
The hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead also said that she wants us to do more on electric vehicles. We are already providing substantial support for the uptake of zero and low-emission vehicles—for instance, there is no vehicle excise duty for zero-emission cars and vans. There are significantly beneficial company car tax rates for low and zero-emission cars, compared with conventionally fuelled vehicles. In the spending review 2021, we confirmed an additional £620 million to support the transition to electric vehicles, on top of the £1.9 billion announced at the spending review 2020, to address some of the barriers to uptake, including by accelerating the roll-out of charging infrastructure and supporting targeted plug-in vehicle grants to reduce prices for consumers.
The hon. Member for Gordon talked about wanting more chalk on the board. I think that, as a country, we should be proud of the achievements that we have already made in reducing harmful emissions, as well as of our substantial ambitions to achieve net zero by 2050.
I appreciate the comments from my hon. Friend the Member for North West Durham and have very much noted the point that he made.
Abena Oppong-Asare (Erith and Thamesmead) (Lab)
I thank the Minister for making the point about the Prime Minister’s 10-point plan and about the Treasury’s commitment to net zero. I welcome that, but I also want to point out that the Treasury’s own net zero review said that much of the current revenue from taxing fossil fuels is
“likely to be eroded during the transition to a net zero economy”.
That is the area on which the Treasury has been really silent. Does the Minister think it important that the Treasury should have a clear plan about how to address the issue? It needs to be able to maintain income and to incentivise the switch to electric vehicles. We need a balance, so will the Minister set out what the Government plan to do? We have not heard much about that aspect.
Helen Whately
I heard those points before; the hon. Lady just reiterated them. I addressed those points in my comments just now as well as in my opening remarks. I could argue that here in Committee is not necessarily the place to have a substantial debate about the future of motoring taxes, but, as I said, we have been quite open and several documents in the public domain set out the forecasts. We recognise the need for motoring taxes to keep pace with the transition to electric vehicles. I commend the clause to the Committee.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I am not trying to be difficult, but can the Minister outline what plans the Government have? We have not really discussed the details.
Helen Whately
I have nothing further to add.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 77 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 78
Vehicle Excise Duty: Exemption for Certain Cabotage Operations
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clause 79 stand part.
New clause 16—Assessment of effect of sections 78 and 79 on supply chain—
“The Government must publish within three months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the impact of the provisions of sections 78 and 79 on—
(a) supply chain disruptions,
(b) numbers of HGV drivers working in the UK, and
(c) shortages of products in UK shops.”
Helen Whately
Clauses 78 and 79 relate to the taxation of heavy goods vehicles. Clause 78 relates to cabotage, which is the transport of goods between two places in the same country by a transport operator from another country for the purposes of hire and reward. Cabotage is restricted both in the UK and abroad. In recent months, shortages of lorry drivers have been associated with problems with the distribution of food and other essential goods, and there have been representations to allow increased levels of cabotage.
The number of professional UK-resident drivers is estimated to have fallen by about 39,000 between the year ending June 2019 and the year ending June 2021, to stand at 268,000. The Government are temporarily extending road haulage cabotage to allow, until 30 April 2022, unlimited cabotage movements of HGVs within Great Britain for up to 14 days after arriving in the UK on a laden international journey, without transport operators needing to pay vehicle excise duty. The changes came into force on 28 October 2021. This temporary relaxation of cabotage rules for international HGV journeys within Great Britain is expected to increase resilience in key supply chains in response to the acute shortage of HGV drivers.
Clause 79 relates to the HGV road user levy. The HGV levy is an annual charge paid by UK hauliers alongside their VED, as well as a daily, weekly or monthly charge for HGVs from outside the UK accessing the UK road network. In light of the impact of covid-19, the Government decided to suspend the levy in August 2020 for 12 months to support the haulage sector by reducing its costs, and they did so again for a further 12 months from August 2021 for the same reason.
Clause 78 will make temporary changes to the Motor Vehicles (International Circulation) Order 1975 so that the relevant non-UK operators travelling in Great Britain do not need to start paying vehicle excise duty. The temporary relaxation of cabotage rules would not be effective if the relevant non UK operators of HGVs were expected to register in the UK and pay VED for the first time.
The exemption from VED will be extended to cover additional temporary cabotage rights. It will last until 30 April 2022, and encompass unlimited cabotage movements of HGVs within Great Britain for up to 14 days after arriving on a laden international journey into the UK. The changes made by clause 79 will extend the suspension of the levy for a further 12 months from 1 August 2022. This means that UK-registered keepers of HGVs will again save up to £1,200 per vehicle, as they will not have to pay the HGV road user levy when they renew their vehicle licence. Non-UK-based hauliers will also not need to pay the levy during this period.
New clause 16, tabled by the hon. Members for Ealing North, for Erith and Thamesmead and for Blaydon, asks the Government to
“publish within three months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the impact of the provisions of sections 78 and 79”
on supply chains. The new clause is unnecessary, and should not stand part of the Bill. The Government consulted on the temporary extension of road haulage cabotage ahead of its introduction to gather evidence on its potential impact. As has been set out, the Government published a response to that consultation. We had clear indications that there will be some use of the additional cabotage rights in critical parts of the supply chain. However, existing cabotage rights are modestly used by international hauliers and therefore the measure is judged likely to only modestly increase cabotage overall.
Information received by the Department for Transport has indicated that, as anticipated, there was some use of the extra cabotage rights during November and December; initial surveys suggest that about 40% of drivers engaged in cabotage used the additional rights. The take-up of those rights may continue to change over time—for example, in the context of the omicron wave of infections—and the Government are committed to continuing to monitor take-up, with more data being collected by the DFT. With regard to the suspension of the HGV levy, the Government published a tax information impact note that sets out the expected impact of the measure, including the fiscal impact. As with all tax changes, the Treasury will continue to monitor the impact of the suspension.
The Government have acted rapidly and brought forward 32 short, medium and long-term interventions to help tackle the current HGV driver shortage and support UK supply chains. In addition to the temporary extension of road haulage cabotage, those interventions include attracting drivers back to the industry through investing £32.5 million in improving facilities across the country; launching a review to look at ways to streamline compulsory ongoing training requirements under the driver certificate of professional competence scheme; and investing £17 million to create new HGV skills boot camps to train up to 5,000 more people to become HGV drivers in England.
We are already aware that since those interventions have been introduced, there has been a 90% increase in available HGV driver tests, with 2,850 tests available each week. The Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency is dealing with around 4,200 applications daily, more than double the pre-covid rate. Information from the sector shows that the lorry driver shortage is reducing, although it continues to be a significant issue. The Government will continue to use industry intelligence and official statistics to monitor the scale of the shortage and its effects. We therefore believe that new clause 16 is not necessary, because monitoring of the UK’s supply chains and the impact of the Government’s interventions is already taking place. I urge the Committee to reject the new clause.
Overall, the changes outlined in clause 78 will temporarily ease pressures on critical supply chains due to capacity issues connected with the acute shortage of HGV drivers. Haulier capacity has been increasing, and continues to do so, but it will take some months before UK driver numbers can be grown sufficiently to rectify that shortage, so this is a temporary change while UK drivers are recruited and trained. Additionally, the haulage sector supports many other industries, so temporarily easing its financial burdens through the changes made by clause 79 will support them and help the economy recover from the impacts of covid-19. I commend these clauses to the Committee.
Abena Oppong-Asare
As the Minister has said, clauses 78 and 79 are both designed to help strengthen supply chains, and in particular to address the shortages of drivers in the haulage sector. Clause 78 temporarily relaxes rules for international HGV journeys within Great Britain, while clause 79 continues the suspension of the HGV road user levy for a further 12 months, until 31 July 2023.
Helen Whately
In essence, what I heard from the hon. Member was that she wants us to take more action on some of the challenges with supply chains. However, as I set out earlier, we have been addressing the particular problem of HGV driver shortages—both some of the short-term reasons and short-term barriers. One of those steps has been to increase the availability of new driving tests, and we have seen a substantial increase in the number of tests being taken. We are also looking at some of the longer-term challenges, such as the conditions for HGV drivers; we are therefore providing significant funding to improve roadside facilities for those drivers. That is both short-term and longer-term action being taken. We have already seen benefits from the short-term actions, with some of the pressures on the supply chain being alleviated.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 78 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 79 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 80
Amounts of gross gaming yield charged to gaming duty
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss new clause 11—Gambling—
“The Government must publish within 12 months of this Act coming into effect an assessment of the provisions of clause 80 on—
(a) the volume of gambling, and
(b) public health.”
Helen Whately
Clause 80 increases the thresholds for the gross gaming yield bands for gaming duty in line with retail price index inflation. Gaming duty is a banded tax paid by casinos in the UK, with marginal tax rates varying between 15% and 50%. To ensure that operators are not pulled into higher tax bands because of inflation, gaming duty bands are increased in line with RPI. That means that casinos continue to pay the same level of tax in real terms. The change made by clause 80 uprates the bands of gaming duty in line with inflation. That is expected by the industry and assumed in the public finances. The rates of gaming duty themselves will remain unchanged. The change will take effect for accounting periods starting on or after 1 April 2022.
Richard Thomson (Gordon) (SNP)
I rise to speak to new clause 11. For far too many people, gambling is not something that falls into the category of harmless fun. There are many harms associated with gambling. There are the financial harms, obviously, when someone’s luck is not with them. There are the short-term harms and the harms of long-term debt. There are the addictive and compulsive behaviours associated with gambling. There is the harm to individual wellbeing in terms of mental and physical health, and to the friends and families of those engaged in the harmful behaviours associated with gambling.
To get to the nub of it, duties are obviously charged on casino gaming products, but there are also social responsibilities on those who provide such experiences. Frankly, in deciding the balance in terms of where tax is levied, we need to be able to assess the impact and volume of gambling and its wider impact on public health. That is what new clause 11 would do. We do not intend to push it to a vote, but the Government need to be mindful of this issue, and they should assess and have the evidence basis for the changes that they make, so they can set appropriate policy in the future, for all the reasons I have outlined.
Abena Oppong-Asare
The SNP has tabled new clause 11 on the volume of gambling and public health, and I think there was a similar proposal last year. It is interesting to compare the uprating of these bands, to prevent casinos from paying more tax simply as a result of inflation, with the Government’s decision to freeze the income tax personal allowance, which of course increases the tax ordinary people will pay as a result of wage inflation. Perhaps the Minister would like to comment on that.
I also want to say a little about gambling harm and the Treasury’s role in tackling it. The Minister will be aware of the recent report by Public Health England on gambling-related harms. PHE estimated that the annual economic burden of harmful gambling is approximately £1.27 billion. It is estimated that £647.2 million of that is a direct cost to Government. In the Government’s consultation on the review of the Gambling Act 2005, they asked about
“the most effective system for recouping the regulatory and societal costs of gambling from operators, for instance through taxes, licence fees or statutory levies”.
What progress has the Treasury made on that? Is it considering a new tax or levy on the industry to pay for the social costs of gambling? If so, does it intend to bring such a measure forward?
Helen Whately
New clause 11 seeks to place a statutory requirement on the Chancellor to review and publish a report on the impact of the increase in the gaming duty thresholds on the volume of gambling and on public health. The Gambling Commission publishes statistics on gambling participation, spend and gross gaming yield for each part of the sector annually, and Public Health England published a review on gambling-related harm, which the Department of Health and Social Care is considering as part of its prevention strategy work, so an additional report would merely duplicate information that is already available. There is no change to the tax rate in this provision. Accordingly, the Government do not expect that it will have an impact on gambling participation, spend or public health. I hope that that reassures Committee members, and I ask that they therefore reject the new clause.
The hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead spoke of gambling harm. Having previously been a Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Minister with oversight of gambling, I appreciate her raising the issue. However, I reiterate that the clause changes gambling taxation; it is not related to the overall regulation of gambling activity. That is a matter for the Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport. The Government continue to monitor the effectiveness of existing gambling controls. The Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport launched a review of the Gambling Act 2005 with a call for evidence that closed at the end of March last year. The Government will respond to that review in due course.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 80 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 81
Excise Duty: Penalties
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Helen Whately
Clause 81 makes two changes to ensure that current penalties for excise wrongdoings also apply to excise goods located in the customs-free zone of a freeport and to excise goods imported under the new authorised use customs procedure introduced at the end of the transition period. These changes do not create any additional burdens for businesses. They simply ensure that there is a consistent approach to excise wrongdoing penalties for serious non-compliance.
The Government have introduced two new customs procedures. The first is the free zone procedure, which will allow excise duty to be suspended in customs-free zones located in freeports. Freeports are part of the Government’s plans to regenerate and develop deprived areas and our mission to level up across the country. The second is the authorised use procedure, a customs import procedure introduced at the end of the transition period to replace a previous customs procedure that no longer applied when we left the EU. The current UK excise wrongdoing penalties in schedule 41 to the Finance Act 2008 do not extend to either of these procedures. This clause corrects that and ensures that HMRC can tackle abuse and non-compliance in respect of excise goods stored under these procedures.
The changes made by the clause extend the excise wrongdoing penalty regime in schedule 41 to the Finance Act 2008 to free zones and to situations where businesses release goods into the authorised use procedure introduced at the end of the transition period. These changes do not create any additional administrative burdens or costs for businesses. They will apply only to businesses that import excise goods into UK free zones or to businesses authorised to release goods into the authorised use procedure. These changes will enable HMRC to penalise individuals for any wrongdoing or non-compliance relating to excise goods imported under either of these processes.
In summary, these changes ensure that the Government have the necessary tools to tackle non-compliance and avoidance when goods are imported into the UK under either the free zone procedure or the authorised use procedure.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for her explanation of the clause, which applies the excise wrongdoing penalty regime to freeports. We do not oppose this measure; indeed, Labour Members have repeatedly raised concerns that freeports may increase the risk of tax evasion and smuggling, as well as potentially undermining workers’ rights. We are also concerned that HMRC, which is already overstretched, is not well placed to manage these new risks.
The Government have introduced a number of different tax reliefs and other measures that will operate in freeports, and it is important that they are monitored closely. There is evidence from around the world that freeports have increased illicit activity. I have a couple of questions for the Minister about the steps the Government are taking to prevent tax avoidance and other illegal activity in freeports.
Helen Whately
I am glad that the Opposition will not oppose the clause, although I think I heard that, overall, they oppose freeports. Clearly, they take a very different view from us, because we see freeports as an important part of our ambitions to level up and increase opportunities in some of the more deprived areas of the country.
From memory, I believe that three freeports are already open. I recently visited the Teesside freeport to see the great excitement there about the opportunities that it will provide to the community in that area.
The hon. Member asked what checks there will be and what we will do to ensure that there is good compliance in freeports. One thing I will say is that the change made under this clause will mean that HMRC has the tools to tackle non-compliance in relation to excise goods suspended inside the customs-free zone procedure in freeports. Overall we are confident that we will see not only compliance, where appropriate, but also economic growth and all the benefits associated with that, both in and around freeports.
I am happy to write to the hon. Member with any further details about the regime of checks that will be carried out for freeports. I therefore move that the clause stand part of the Bill—
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for the points she has made. I just want to say for the record that we are not against freeports; what we are concerned about is the increased risk of tax evasion and smuggling, and the potential undermining of workers’ rights. I am sure that we agree that we all want freeports to work; we just need to make sure that some issues are addressed.
In terms of the freeports that are open, I thank the Minister for saying that she will write to me, which is really helpful. She mentioned that the Bill allows checks and other tools to deal with non-compliance at freeports, and it would be really helpful if she could list in her response exactly what action will be taken, because the Bill does not set that out in detail.
It would also be helpful if the Minister could elaborate in her written response, if she is not able to right now, on what steps HMRC and Border Force are taking to monitor these freeports, particularly those that are in action right now, and to ensure that they are compliant.
Helen Whately
I am glad to hear that Labour does indeed support freeports, and I thank the hon. Member for making that clear. As I said, I will write to her about her more detailed questions. I commend clause 81 to the Committee.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 81 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 82
Rates of landfill tax
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Helen Whately
Clause 82 increases both the standard and lower rates of landfill tax in line with inflation from 1 April 2022, as announced in the 2021 spring Budget. Landfill tax was introduced in 1996 to encourage the diversion of waste away from landfill towards more environmentally friendly waste management options, such as recycling, reuse and recovery. It has been hugely successful in achieving that aim, contributing to a 90% reduction in waste collected and managed by local authorities sent to landfill in England.
The changes made by clause 82 will see landfill tax rates increase from £96.70 to £98.60 per tonne for standard-rated waste disposed of to landfill, and from £3.10 to £3.15 for lower-rated waste, from 1 April 2022. These changes will make sure that the price incentive to divert waste away from landfill is maintained in real terms.
Overall, clause 82 will increase the standard and lower rates of landfill tax in line with the retail prices index from 1 April 2022. That will maintain the real-terms price incentive to divert waste away from landfill. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for her explanation of clause 82, which increases the rate of landfill tax in line with inflation. The clause is very straightforward, and we do not oppose it. However, since we are talking about a specifically environmental tax, I will take this opportunity to bring to the Minister’s attention the climate change tax policy road map published by the Chartered Institute of Taxation, which calls on the Government to set out how they plan to use the tax system to meet our net zero goal.
There are obviously several different taxes that affect the environment, some of which we have already discussed today, but there is a clear need to start thinking strategically about the role that the tax system will play in reaching our net zero goal. Of course, tax can play a number of roles in achieving net zero. It provides a source of revenue for the investment we desperately need—in renewable energy, for example—but it can also incentivise climate-friendly behaviour, whether for individuals or businesses, and I have met businesses that are quite keen to have a bit more direction on that, particularly from the Government.
It is not just me who is saying this: in a number of meetings I have had, quite a number of stakeholders have said that we need the Government to take a joined-up approach that links climate tax policy with wider policy objectives. Unfortunately, the recent Treasury net zero review said very little about this really important issue, so could the Minister set out whether the Treasury will publish a net zero strategy? Failing that, will she give us an indication of how the Treasury intends to use the tax code as part of our effort to achieve net zero?
Liz Twist (Blaydon) (Lab)
I speak in this debate as an MP whose constituency has been blighted by landfill, so of course landfill taxes are very welcome, and as my hon. Friend the Member for Erith and Thamesmead has just said, an increase in that tax is welcome as part of an environmental policy that—as she also said—needs to go much further in future. However, I want specifically to ask the Minister about enforcement of the requirement to collect and pay landfill tax after the experience in my constituency of a failed HMRC investigation lasting some six years, the unfortunately named Operation Nosedive. What will the Treasury do to ensure that enforcement action is robust and followed through to make this tax as effective as it can be?
Helen Whately
The hon. Member for Blaydon made a really important point about the enforcement of landfill tax. I am also aware of concerns about the associated waste crime. There has been a reduction in the landfill tax gap in recent years. The landfill tax gap for England and Northern Ireland was estimated at £200 million—22.7%—in 2019-20, which is a decrease compared with the tax gap in 2018-19, when it was £275 million, or 29%. So there has been an improvement in the enforcement of landfill tax, but I recognise the point that she makes and we will continue to work on that.
There is a new taskforce dedicated to tackling serious and organised waste crime. The joint unit for waste crime will bring together law enforcement agencies, environmental regulators, HMRC and the National Crime Agency to deal with waste crime.
Helen Whately
I hope the hon. Member is happy for me to write to her on the methodology for calculating that particular tax gap. I am happy to set out further action that will be taken to address waste-related crime as well.
I thank the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead for pointing me to the report that she mentioned. She made broad points about the tax system and its role in meeting net zero. The net zero review was a substantial document that was very open about the thinking and the challenges involved in our transition to net zero. I do not think that here and now is the place to set out a net zero tax strategy, which I think she was asking me to do, so I hope she will understand if I do not stand here and do that, but we have put a lot on paper about the Treasury’s thinking on these matters.
Abena Oppong-Asare
I thank the Minister for being extremely generous in giving way. I appreciate it. On the net zero review, a lot of businesses and stakeholders have come to me to highlight their concerns where they feel that actions do not go far enough, so I urge the Government to review that and take that on board.
Helen Whately
I have heard the hon. Member’s points. I move that the clause stand part of the Bill.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 82 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 83
Plastic Packaging Tax
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chair
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
That schedule 11 be the Eleventh schedule to the Bill.
New clause 17—Annual review (plastic packaging tax)—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must review the impact of section 83 and Schedule 11 of this Act and lay a report of that review before the House of Commons within six months of the passing of this Act and once a year thereafter.
(2) A review under this section must estimate the expected impact of section 83 and Schedule 11 on—
(a) levels of recycled material (plastic and non-plastic) in packaging,
(b) levels of reusability and recyclability of packaging material (plastic and non-plastic),
(c) the waste hierarchy,
(d) levels of carbon emissions, and
(e) progress towards a circular economy.”
Helen Whately
Clause 83 and schedule 11 make technical amendments to the legislation that introduces the world-leading plastic packaging tax, which comes into force on 1 April. Together, they make sure that the legislation operates as intended, that the UK complies with international agreements and that HMRC has the appropriate framework to administer the tax.
Abena Oppong-Asare
The Minister was not in post last year and so missed the extensive discussions we had on the plastic packaging tax, which I am sure she is not sad about. However, as I said then, the Opposition support the introduction of a plastic packaging tax and believe it can play an important role in reducing the production of new plastics, encouraging the use of recycled plastic and diverting plastic from landfill or incineration. We are now only months away from this tax coming into effect, so it is good that we are able to consider it again today.
The clause makes technical amendments to ensure the tax works as intended, and we do not oppose it. However, as the Minister pointed out, we have tabled new clause 17, which calls on the Government to publish an annual review into the operation of these clauses in the context of the wider tax. In particular, we call on the Government to report on how the tax affects levels of recycled material—plastic and non-plastic—in packaging, levels of reusability and recyclability of packaging material, the waste hierarchy, levels of carbon emissions and, finally, progress towards a circular economy. Each of those criteria is vital for assessing the success of the new tax in meeting its aims. As I set out when debating the Finance Act 2021, we share the concerns of many environmental groups and the recycling industry that the tax lacks ambition, and I have met various stakeholders about this issue.
The tax rate is set at £200 per metric tonne of chargeable plastic packaging components. We have already raised our concern that a low, flat-rate tax will not provide enough of an incentive to encourage plastic manufacturers and importers to move towards greater use of recycled plastic at the speed that we need them to do so, which is something that a number of stakeholders have also raised with me. Has the Treasury made any further assessment of the tax since the Finance Act 2021, and does it still think that the £200 rate provides enough of an incentive for businesses to shift away from non-recyclable plastic rather than just pay the charge?
Similarly, we are concerned that the percentage of non-recycled plastic allowed before the tax kicks in is too low. Last year, we proposed an escalator mechanism that would signal the Government’s commitment in this area and help businesses plan for an increase in their use of recycled material over time, rather than being locked into unsustainable supply chains. I hope the information I have provided is useful, because I know the Minister was not on the Bill Committee for the Finance Act 2021. Could she tell us whether the Government have made any further consideration of this approach?
Alison Thewliss (Glasgow Central) (SNP)
Like the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead, I remember the discussions that we had on the plastic packaging tax last April. It is with some concern that I heard the Minister say that the Government want to amend the legislation that they passed just last year so that it works with international law. It seems a wee bit of an oversight to have put through legislation that does not comply with international law, but I am glad that the Minister has brought it back in order to amend it before it comes into force.
I was also concerned by what was said about exemptions around freeports, and I wonder whether the Minister could expand on that a bit. What exactly does it mean? It is mentioned in the explanatory notes as well, but I am not quite clear what it means. If someone is importing or exporting plastics through freeports, does the tax not apply? I am quite concerned by that, because it would be a considerable loophole. It would also fly in the face of what the Scottish Government have asked the UK Government to work with them on with regards to green ports, whereby instead of being tax havens, they will actually be something that helps to support our climate change goals in Scotland. As far as I am aware, the UK Government are still holding out on any kind of agreement with the Scottish Government that allows a green port to proceed in Scotland. If the Minister has any information on that, it would be welcome.
There is a missed opportunity for the Government to table amendments to the Bill. As I said when we discussed this issue last year, the Government have not taken the opportunity to distinguish between different types of plastics. Some types of plastics, particularly PET, can be 100% recyclable in bottles that can be bought in shops. HTP, which is used in milk bottles—it is slightly opaque plastic—is less recyclable. The Government could have made distinctions in the regulations that they made around plastic. Instead of setting the level at 30%, they could allow people to recycle 100% for PET and made that the target for something that is recyclable and achievable, which would make a huge difference by incentivising companies to do more, rather than allowing them to accept the minimum that they can get away with. I urge the Government to think about any further amendments that they could make to the scheme to make it more effective and greener, and to encourage more companies to take up the opportunities that lie within it.
Liz Twist
I want to comment on two areas. First, I want to speak in support of new clause 17. My hon. Friend the Member for Erith and Thamesmead has explained her concerns that the tax, as currently proposed, is unambitious. That, I think, is a good reason to look at reviewing the measures that are in place and seeing whether they are doing what they were expected to do but also whether they need to be strengthened in the future, so I very much support the new clause.
The other issue that I want to raise is about clause 83 itself. It is the considerable number of references in schedule 11 to further measures being taken in the future through secondary legislation. There is a striking number of them. Paragraph 3, for example, allows the commissioners to make regulations—admittedly by the affirmative procedure, which is better than the negative procedure. We see this again in paragraphs 4 and 6. Can the Minister explain to us why we need so many areas to be covered by secondary legislation? Should they not in fact be covered by the primary legislation?
Helen Whately
First, I welcome the support from the hon. Member for Erith and Thamesmead for the plastic packaging tax. I am glad to hear that she does not intend to oppose clause 83 and schedule 11.
To pick up specifically on new clause 17, tabled by the hon. Members for Ealing North, for Erith and Thamesmead and for Blaydon, it suggests that the Government should conduct future reviews of the tax and the impact that it has, including six months after the passing of the Bill for the tax rate and chargeable packaging components, and for all aspects of the tax a year after introduction or annually after an initial report. The Government have already set out a large amount of detail about the expected impact of the tax, and the National Audit Office report on environmental taxes recently concluded that Her Majesty’s Treasury and HMRC had
“undertaken extensive work to understand the possible impacts of the tax”.
Further detail on modelling to assess the impacts of the plastic packaging tax was set out by the Office for Budget Responsibility in its economic and fiscal outlook published in March 2020. This included most significantly the increase in recycled plastic in packaging and more marginal impacts, such as switching to alternative plastics or materials.
As with all tax policy, the Government will continue to keep the plastic packaging tax under review. Given the substantive information already published and the fact that very limited data will be available within six months after the passage of the Bill, it would be premature to review the impacts of the tax as suggested. As to evaluating the impact of the tax annually after its introduction, being able accurately to isolate the impact of particular policy measures alongside other external factors is inherently difficult, and the Government will carefully consider these issues. As set out in the tax information and impact note published in July 2021, consideration will be given to evaluating aspects including the rate, threshold and exemptions from the policy after at least one year of monitoring data has been collected and analysed.
The Government agree that it is important to understand the efficacy and impact of the plastic packaging tax, but given that these issues have been previously considered and will be kept under review, we do not think that new clause 17 is necessary.
I come now to a couple of the specific points made by the hon. Member for Glasgow Central. I can assure her that there is not an exemption from the plastic packaging tax for freeports. The clause is to ensure that the tax continues to apply with any changes to freeports legislation. And that would be the reason for not including everything in primary legislation—to answer the hon. Member for Blaydon’s point—but requiring some flexibility through secondary legislation.
Alison Thewliss
The specific point I was referring to is paragraph 5 on page 164 of the explanatory notes, which says:
“This change ensures that the tax can be amended if changes to other legislation, for example regarding customs or Freeports, require a consequential amendment to Plastic Packaging Tax legislation to ensure it continues to work effectively.”
I am just asking why freeports are included there. I do not understand the reference if there is no intention to make a change.
Helen Whately
What the hon. Lady read out is in line with what I said—there is not an exemption for freeports to supply the necessary flexibility—but I am happy to write to her with the reason why freeports get such a specific mention.
The hon. Lady also raised a point about a freeport for Scotland. We remain committed to establishing at least one freeport in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland as soon as possible.
The clause and schedule make sure that the plastic packaging tax will operate as intended from its commencement on 1 April 2022.
Helen Whately
I jumped across to that point when I was addressing the freeports point. In general, it is to allow flexibility, where primary legislation is not the right place to put measures. I am happy to write to the hon. Lady if there is anything further to add on her particular point.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 83 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 11 agreed to.
Ordered, That further consideration be now adjourned. —(Alan Mak.)