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Mr Brian H. Donohoe (Central Ayrshire) (Lab)
It is good to see you, Mr Gale, in the Chair. You and I, of course, have something in common, in that you used to serve, while I still do, in the British Transport police as a special constable. You will know something about transport, and I presume that I, too, know something about it.
It is good to have secured a debate on an important matter this afternoon and to see so many Members, under a one-line Whip, here to support me, presumably, on the importance of aviation. It is also good to see the Minister in her place, and the shadow Secretary of State, my hon. Friend the Member for Garston and Halewood (Maria Eagle), in hers this afternoon—unusual, it has to be said, for an Adjournment debate. I think that that shows the importance of this afternoon’s subject.
My mind was taken away from the subject at the weekend because young Rosie Donohoe, my first grandchild, was brought into this world at 2.45 pm on Saturday. Rosie and her mother Lisa, and her father Graeme, are well.
Mr Donohoe
I thank hon. Members.
I return to this afternoon’s important subject, which is the future of the UK aviation industry. The aviation sector is vital for the economy, bringing financial benefits both to the UK and to those who serve the airline business. It is also important for the skills and the high-skilled employment that it brings and because of the important growing marketplace that the airline industry is within.
Coupled with that is the importance of the aerospace industry, which is connected to the airline industry in every respect. I have such an interest in the subject because a fairly sizeable chunk of employment in my constituency is based on those two industries. Spirit, which employs more than 1,000 people, is based in my constituency. Goodrich, GE Caledonian and BAE Systems are just a few of the companies that my constituency has within the sector. All are major stakeholders in the future of the aviation industry.
The aviation industry requires the Government to step up their responsibilities to provide a political framework to allow the sector to grow sustainably, integrated with other transport modes, which are equally important. We were involved in a few discussions just a number of weeks ago, and I see the hon. Member for Blackpool South—
Mr Donohoe
Sorry; I will always get that wrong. I see the hon. Member for Blackpool North and Cleveleys (Paul Maynard) in his place this afternoon. He has taken the lead on the case regarding High Speed 2, which is part of the overall package that we have to consider today.
More than any other industry, aviation operates in a global marketplace and needs global solutions to avoid market distortions that would prejudice against UK industry. In that respect, it would be dangerous for the UK to add or continue with unilateral actions that would serve only further to drive UK industries abroad, along with the financial and skills benefits they are associated with.
About 15,000 jobs a year are at stake unless the UK finds way to increase aviation capacity in the south-east. The management at Gatwick airport has argued in a submission to the Department for Transport that that is of great importance to its airport, as well as to the whole country. The UK stands to lose between £20 billion and £47 billion of benefits over 30 to 50 years unless the Government reconsider the current stance of no expansion.
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South) (Con)
I congratulate the hon. Gentleman and his family on the safe arrival of Rosie. He mentions airport capacity in the south-east. With the advent of a high-speed rail network, which he also mentioned, what is termed the south-east could be expanded to include airports such as Birmingham, which has considerable spare capacity. Should we not look at the whole of the southern part of the United Kingdom, rather than just what is narrowly defined as the south-east?
Mr Donohoe
I will return to that point, because I have included in my speech the effect of that and the question of the whole package.
Mary Macleod (Brentford and Isleworth) (Con)
The hon. Gentleman talked about the need for additional capacity. Does he agree that London—he is talking about the south-east—remains the best connected city in the world, with more than 130 million passengers, which is more than many other great cities?
Mr Donohoe
I will come on to that as well; I have a speech that I would like to continue with. Last month, another runway was opened in Frankfurt, which will impact more and more on the position of the UK aviation industry.
The lack of hub capacity could cost the economy right now some £1.2 billion a year in lost trade. The CBI and other organisations, such as the Institute of Directors, say that that must be tackled if the UK is to maintain its global competitiveness, and I support them.
The coalition reversed the previous Government’s plans to build a third runway at Heathrow and, as I understand it, oppose the building of new runways at Stansted or Gatwick, which runs at 78% capacity. The coalition has said that it will produce a new aviation framework by 2013, but we need to bring that forward. It is clear that unless we do so, we will lose business.
As a reminder, the UK is the sixth biggest economy in the world. The world is becoming increasingly interconnected, and its centre of economic gravity is moving further east, but the UK does not have a cohesive aviation policy. The coalition has allowed us to fall far behind. Frankfurt opened its fourth runway just last month. France’s Charles de Gaulle already has four runways, and Schiphol, which is becoming more and more of a direct competition, now has six. We therefore have to think about where we are going in the future. Is it important for us to continue having a hub airport in the first place? One wonders whether that should be the way forward.
The Minister of State, Department for Transport (Mrs Theresa Villiers)
I hope I can reassure the hon. Gentleman. Will he welcome the fact that passenger numbers at Heathrow have reached record levels over recent months? I recognise the crucial importance of Heathrow airport, which is why the Government have arranged a programme to ensure that Heathrow is improved and works better, with reforms to security and other measures, which I will talk about in my speech.
Mr Donohoe
It would be wrong not to. Indeed, there is the possibility of further expanding the number of take-offs and landings by increasing the number of mixed-mode operations, which I understand are still being operated at Heathrow. That will allow it to expand further. The problem with that is all the environmental issues will start to create a real problem, because the noise in the air would become far greater than the noise today. Given the size of Heathrow, there is a clear argument, as the industry and all whom I know have been making for some considerable time, for further expansion through a third runway.
Mrs Villiers
I am afraid that in this instance I may have to disappoint the hon. Gentleman. The trial that is under way at Heathrow is not mixed mode, but a series of operational freedoms geared at improving resilience and tackling and mitigating delays. Those freedoms are substantially different from mixed mode because we are great supporters of runway alternation.
Mr Donohoe
I will always be corrected by the Minister in that respect. Under the previous Government, there was a trial period of mixed mode. I understood that the only way we could increase the number of passengers going through the airport was if we brought mixed mode into operation. I do not think I will be proven wrong in that respect.
Graham Stringer (Blackley and Broughton) (Lab)
Does my hon. Friend not agree that the number of passengers going through Heathrow is only one measure of its economic importance? If we look at the destinations served by Heathrow in its constrained state, we see that it is losing out in many of the emerging economies such as China, Brazil, Malaysia, India and Russia, and that is where the damage to the UK economy is being done.
Mr Donohoe
I could not have put it better. My hon. Friend will be speaking in this debate and will no doubt reinforce that point. It is clear that that is the situation.
Mr Donohoe
I want to make some progress because I know that there are a number of hon. Members who wish to speak. To give way again will impact on that wish, so I will, if I may, move on.
The London Mayor believes that London will become a destination on the end of a branch line unless a new international airport in the Thames Estuary is built. Quite a lot of work would have to be done for me and many in the industry to be convinced of the practicality of such an airport. It is fine putting concrete on the ground, but difficulties emerge when it comes to airspace. The situation in the south-east is among the most complex in the world. Such consideration is vital in assessing the needs of an estuary airport, as there are major structural airspace implications. Of course, we could carry out such work; we have never argued that we could not. However, the scale of the airspace structural change necessary to accommodate the proposal would be enormous and should never be underestimated.
In NATS’ expert view, a four-runway estuary airport could not operate in tandem with Heathrow if Heathrow were to remain the same size as it is today. Such an airport would need to be a replacement for Heathrow. There would be significant implications for other airports in the region, most notably for City airport, which I use weekly, Southend, Stansted and Biggin Hill. It is not simply a matter of shifting current traffic patterns to the east. The eastern boundary of UK airspace is an important factor. Belgian and Dutch airspace and the proximity of airports such as Schiphol and Brussels mean that climb and descent profiles would be affected, so international co-operation would be required.
With westerly winds in the UK prevailing for 70% of the time, westerly operations may increase departures over central London itself. Refining existing flight paths provides more certainty for people already living below them and would be better than blighting new areas, which is what could happen if Boris’s idea goes forward.
Airspace is a critical pillar of national transport infrastructure, yet it is too often the forgotten factor in the consideration of aviation expansion, particularly airport development. The UK has 11% of Europe’s airspace and 25% of its traffic. We are Europe’s transatlantic gateway, which is a strategically important industry underpinning economic growth.
Airports do not work without the airspace to feed them. The Civil Aviation Authority has set out a blueprint for future airspace strategy, and NATS and BAA are co-chairing a cross-industry group over the next 12 months to work out an implementation plan. A major review of airspace has already been started. It has to assume that the current infrastructure will be in place. This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity, so the Government’s policy framework needs to be able to stand the test of time. Fundamentally, if this opportunity is not to be lost, we need cross-party support, which the shadow Secretary of State has argued for for some time.
We face the possibility of being stacked in the air—it happened to me only yesterday. I believe that that is an inefficient way to operate, but some say that it is an extremely efficient means of maximising limited runway space. None the less, it is not very good for the passenger who is trying to get into London. NATS supports the provision of additional runway capacity in the south-east because that is where the demand is. That sounds like common sense.
Taxation is another important area. When I applied for this debate, I felt that somebody from the Treasury should be here with the Transport Minister. The industry is charged some £7.9 billion in tax. Tax is paid by aviation firms, and employees contribute around £6 billion. There is also the evil air passenger duty, which was introduced by a Labour Government. When it started, we had to pay £5 for short-haul flights and £10 for long-haul flights. Now, if a family of four want to go to Australia, they have to pay more than £700 in duty. I know families who now travel from Glasgow to Frankfurt, Charles de Gaulle or Schiphol. They then take their bags off the plane and get on to another plane to reach their destination just so that they can save themselves that exorbitant tax. We are one of very few countries in Europe to apply such a tax, and the Treasury needs to look at the matter. Without a doubt, we are haemorrhaging passengers who travel, connect and interconnect through Heathrow.
Ian Paisley (North Antrim) (DUP)
I welcome what the hon. Gentleman says about airport duty. Northern Ireland has successfully campaigned for a reduction in its duty and we thank the Government for recognising that. The other issue that I want him to address is the connectivity between the peoples of these islands. Does he agree that we must not sacrifice our internal links for the sake of the more lucrative external links out of the United Kingdom? I am particularly concerned about the potential sale of British Midland International. If it goes ahead, will we see a reduction in internal flights between Northern Ireland and London and between Scotland and London? That is a concern.
Mr Donohoe
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for that; I will come on to that matter. Suffice it to say that, only last week, there was an announcement that British Airways was to buy the BMI routes. I predict that those will be the ones that operate between Scotland and England. We have already lost the service from Glasgow. Ryanair’s winter programme is being implemented and there are no flights from Glasgow Prestwick to Stansted. Already we are seeing problems.
As the hon. Gentleman travels in planes as often as I do, he may have experienced similar problems. Any plane that I get on from Glasgow is always full, which shows that there needs to be further expansion in the number of domestic landings in central London. I will come back to that argument a little later.
Returning to APD itself, there is no doubt that that tax was introduced, like most taxes, at a minimal level, but it has become a significant factor in how, and from where, people travel long haul.
In the future, we need to have a joined-up approach on aviation policy and taxation, which of course would involve the Department for Transport and Her Majesty’s Treasury. Such an approach is required to ensure that the tax system and aviation policy are aligned and consistent. Unless they are, we will lose out; of that, there is no doubt. A joined-up approach is absolutely imperative to ensure a sustainable and competitive aviation sector.
Returning to infrastructure development, the Government have adopted an aviation policy that states that there will be no new runway capacity in the south-east, potentially up to 2050. That approach is flawed. As demand increases, there will be a need for new capacity.
Mrs Villiers
Just to reassure the hon. Gentleman, the Government have never said that we have ruled out any capacity expansion in the south-east over that period. What we have said is that the coalition will not give permission for new runways at Heathrow, Gatwick or Stansted. That is not the same as saying that there will be no expansion in the south-east ever, under any circumstances.
Mr Donohoe
I take that point on board, but the Minister is drawing a very fine line in that sense, because I would argue that unless there is an increase in the number of runways, the potential for increasing the service all that much is very limited. I think I would be proven correct by asking the views of those in the industry itself. That is the clear answer I get to the point she is making.
There is no doubt that capacity in the south-east is restricted. As I argued earlier, the south-east is where the need for more air transport services is greatest, yet there is less ability to extract more capacity from the existing infrastructure. Heathrow and Gatwick continue to operate at nearly 100% capacity, even with continuing reductions in domestic services.
Looking to the future, in a global and highly competitive industry such as aviation, any demand management measures implemented by the UK Government would have far-reaching consequences for the economy, jobs and our connectivity with the rest of the world.
Karen Lumley (Redditch) (Con)
Birmingham International airport, which is near my constituency of Redditch, is running at 40% capacity. With High Speed 2 hopefully coming on-stream soon, does the hon. Gentleman agree that that airport could be used to enhance passenger travel?
Mr Donohoe
The difficulty is that passengers will not travel out of London to Birmingham to fly to Schiphol and then fly long haul; the hon. Lady might think that they will, but they will not. The idea that they will do that is just nonsense. What they will do is fly short haul from wherever they happen to be to one of the connections that are readily available in mainland Europe and, it is argued, beyond, rather than doing what she is suggesting. Her suggestion is just not feasible as far as the aviation industry is concerned. In the short term, therefore, methods of leveraging capacity into existing airports need to be agreed, and in the medium term, capacity expansion at regional airports and in the south-east, including a second runway at Gatwick, should be considered.
That brings me to the point made by a Member from over the water in Northern Ireland: the hon. Member for North Antrim (Ian Paisley), who has now left the Chamber. There is the possibility of a further solution to the problem of internal connections within the UK, which is the use of a runway that is already in existence. That runway, of course, is at Northolt, which is only 4 miles from Heathrow. With a bit of realignment, that runway could take on board most of the domestic air traffic that flows into the south-east. That would allow the slots at Heathrow for long-haul flights, which come at a premium, to be relieved and it would allow passengers from the other regions in the UK to connect at Heathrow itself.
I have looked at this idea in some detail. The CAA has argued that it would be difficult to employ Northolt as an airport, but the difficulty is not insurmountable. Indeed, there are those within the industry who argue that Northolt is part of the solution to the capacity problem. I do not know whether the Government have looked at Northolt at all; if they have, it would be very interesting to know the Minister’s view. For me, at almost a stroke the use of Northolt would mean that a third runway at Heathrow could become available, and it could be connected very simply to the main complex at Heathrow. That is a solution that should perhaps be given more thought.
In the long term, of course, the Government themselves have to decide whether the UK needs a hub airport. If they do and they decide that it will not be Heathrow, significant questions need to be asked, including where the hub airport will be located and when, and what criteria will be used to decide its location.
The current situation is unsustainable. The regions will be deprived. We have already heard about what is going on to the routes between Scotland and Heathrow, and between Northern Ireland and Heathrow. That problem will not go away, because airlines will be more inclined to go from Heathrow long haul, allowing for a far greater payload than would ever be the case with any domestic flight. That issue must be looked at.
In the future, we need to look more seriously at what the competition are doing. I have already said that Frankfurt airport has opened another runway, Schiphol airport has six runways and Charles de Gaulle four. Those airports are catching up quickly with Heathrow and their passenger numbers are growing at enormous rates. Their owners must laugh with glee at the stupid situation that we in the UK find ourselves in regarding our own aviation future.
Aviation is a significant contributor to the UK economy and nobody can argue against that. It is a driver of the wider economy, and it has been a great server of the public and a benefit to society. Although aviation can have an adverse impact on the lives of people living around airports and under flight paths, it can also bring many benefits to local and regional economies in inward investment and jobs. The aviation industry is committed to reducing its local and global environmental impact, but airport expansion—where it is required—is an essential tool for the growth of the UK economy.
A successful UK aviation policy requires a joined-up approach by Government that addresses taxation, infrastructure development and sustainability, to ensure that the aviation industry continues to stimulate economic growth and helps to rebalance the UK economy.
As a footnote, I predict that, if there is not an early indication of a change in policy by this Government, British Airways will be off to Madrid airport, which by that time will be run by the owners of BAA, and UK plc will be left miles behind.
Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Gale. I congratulate the hon. Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) on securing today’s debate and, of course, on the new addition to his family.
As we have heard, the UK aviation and aerospace industries are vital to the UK’s economic success. Moreover, based on the criteria set out by the Government to rebalance the economy, they have a vital role to play in delivering growth through manufacturing and exports. That will be the broad thrust of my remarks.
Our country’s aviation endeavours are quite rightly a huge source of pride to many people. Aviation is a sector in which the UK is undoubtedly a world leader. In aviation, British engineering and manufacturing set the standard and still pull in big international orders.
Filton is in my constituency, and is where I live. Most people would agree that it is at the very heart of the UK aviation industry on the manufacturing side. We are fortunate to have an outstanding cluster of aviation and aerospace companies on our doorstep. Airbus, GKN, Rolls-Royce, Boeing and BAE Systems, to name a few of those companies, all have a significant presence in the constituency of Filton and Bradley Stoke and employ thousands of people.
This debate is about the future of the UK aviation industry, but I want to start by recognising the aviation heritage in my local area and how we reached the world-leading standards of today, because only by appreciating and understanding our past will we be able to maximise opportunities, develop a vision for the future and, crucially, inspire the next generation of engineers, scientists and other people who will work in the aviation industry.
Aircraft have been built and flown at Filton since their inception, and we are proud that our aviation roots are well over a century in the making—last year, we commemorated and celebrated 100 years of aviation in Filton. The pioneer and entrepreneur Sir George White, the humbly born son of a Bristol painter and decorator, was the founder of our local industry and, it could be said, the founder and father of British aviation. In 1910, Sir George founded the Bristol Aeroplane Company, and we should all honour and celebrate his legacy, because what he achieved was truly remarkable. He was a pioneer of aviation, a great philanthropist and a completely self-made man. This great Bristolian was the embodiment of social mobility and enterprise, and his example and legacy should be used to inspire the next generation of aviation and aerospace engineers and scientists. Without his vision, we would not have the home of British aviation in Filton, or the thriving UK aviation industry that we have today.
Sadly, BAE Systems has decided to close the airfield in Filton at the end of next year, but that provides us with many opportunities, with room to expand the existing aviation and aerospace industries locally, and plans are close to fruition for an aviation heritage centre, which will house the last complete aircraft built at Filton, Concorde 216, which was the last Concorde ever to fly. The plans importantly include a science, technology, engineering and mathematics learning centre, which will help to inspire children to go to college and university locally.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, there is a concern in the UK aviation industry that the Department for Transport is anti-aviation. I do not subscribe to that view, and I know that the industry appreciates that the concern is more down to airport expansion issues than to anything else, but the fact remains that it is important for our aviation industry’s airline customers that there is an efficient air transportation system in the UK.
Passenger numbers are set to continue to grow, which will help to fuel further growth in the aviation industry. Department for Transport figures show UK terminal passenger numbers increasing to 520 million per annum by 2050, from roughly 210 million in 2010 according to the Civil Aviation Authority. That increase is modest in comparison with that which will be seen globally, not least as a result of the rise of the BRIC economies—those of Brazil, Russia, India and China—and other emerging markets. Airbus’s most recent global market forecast, published in September 2011 and covering 2011-30, foresees the need for more than 26,900 passenger airliners with seating capacities of at least 100, along with more than 900 new factory-built freighter aircraft. In the same time frame, the world’s passenger aircraft inventory will more than double from today’s 15,000 to 31,500 plus.
We should continue to push for further technological improvements and ensure maximum social and economic value for each tonne of CO2 emitted, but the future growth of the aviation industry presents a major opportunity for the UK economy, and it would be unwise to start playing productive sectors of the economy off against each other as we seek solutions to climate change. In a highly competitive global market, adverse regulations that limit a particular sector’s ability to grow domestically are more likely to increase the possibility of a competitor based elsewhere in the world gaining commercial advantage, than effectively to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. I encourage the Government to work through bodies such as the International Civil Aviation Organisation to promote solid and economically sound solutions.
That said, the overwhelming feeling I have picked up from the local aviation companies that I speak to regularly is that the Government are doing a lot of good work to ensure that the UK maintains its position as the world’s second largest aerospace industry, which is an incredible national achievement given the economic conditions and the global competition.
Mary Macleod
Does my hon. Friend agree that this debate should be largely about not how we expand airports such as Heathrow—I do not subscribe to the need to expand them—but about transport across the whole UK, and about looking for creative solutions? The Eurostar is a perfect example, because most of us who travel to Paris or Brussels take it.
Jack Lopresti
My hon. Friend makes a good point. She has worked very hard in campaigning against the expansion of Heathrow airport. I agree that there has to be a more regional dimension to our transport challenges.
I have been asked by the companies that I talk to regularly to pass on their thanks and compliments to the Minister of State, Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, my hon. Friend the Member for Hertford and Stortford (Mr Prisk), on his commitment to the aerospace growth partnership, which he co-chairs. The AGP is an industry and Government partnership aimed at addressing the future needs of the UK aerospace industry, and it will prepare a strategy that embraces technology, manufacturing and supply chain. Such initiatives give the sector confidence in economically uncertain times. By nurturing such relationships and demonstrating the UK Government’s commitment to the sector, we are ensuring that Britain is one of the best places in the world for aviation companies to do business.
The Government sent another strong signal to my local industry by confirming in the strategic defence and security review announcement last year a major order for 22 of the fantastic A400M aircraft, whose wings are manufactured at the Airbus site in Filton. Not only is it a fantastic bit of kit that will provide a much-needed enhanced lift capability for our armed forces, but it will provide us with many export orders. The SDSR also gave us the good news that 14 specially converted Airbus A330 strategic transport and tanker aircraft will replace the ageing TriStar fleets, which will benefit our armed forces and the local and national aviation industry.
The aviation industry holds one of the keys to the economic growth that the UK desperately needs, and the Government are working hard to support the sector and its highly skilled employees. It is the UK’s highly skilled aviation and aerospace work force who contribute so much to the industry’s success, and I ask the Government to continue to do all that they can to support the industry’s employees, especially in these tough economic times. I was very pleased to hear about the Government-backed talent retention solution from the Business Secretary’s skills and jobs retention group. The TRS is designed to help engineers facing redundancy link up with companies with vacancies for highly skilled engineering and aerospace staff, and it is backed by top companies such as BAE Systems, Airbus, Rolls-Royce and GKN.
The aviation industry is an engine of growth for the UK, and we must do all we can to ensure that it is nurtured and protected. From progress on biofuel and research and development programmes to sustainable aviation projects, the UK is a world leader in aviation. As the industry confronts the challenges of operating in an ever-growing and increasingly competitive global marketplace, we must do all we can to help aviation and aerospace companies make the most of the fantastic opportunities that present themselves.
Graham Stringer (Blackley and Broughton) (Lab)
The future of the aviation industry has been hobbled by Government policy, but that future is important, and I hope to explain why in the few minutes available. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) on securing this debate, which is vital not just to aviation but to the whole UK economy.
Historically, the United Kingdom’s aviation business has been the second largest market in the world, not just in the production of aeroplanes but in the flying of them. We are in danger of losing that position; we almost certainly will. The arguments for constraining runway and airport capacity in the south-east fall down when looked at in detail, as do the solutions, and I will try quickly to go through the reasons why.
Aviation is vital to the economy, not just because airports and aeroplanes—the production of them and the flying of people in them—produce jobs, but because reducing the connections that aviation gives us to the rest of the world is, in essence, like switching off the internet. If someone in the House stood up and said, “We’re going to stop the growth of the internet and communications with the rest of the world,” people would think that that Member had gone off his or her rocker. Effectively, however, that is what we are doing by constraining air capacity in the south-east.
There is only one hub airport in this country, and that is Heathrow. By constraining its runway capacity, we will not necessarily reduce any increase in the number of passengers using it, because operators can use larger aeroplanes on the same runways. However, we will certainly reduce its importance to the economy, because we will reduce the number of destinations it serves. Already, the number of short-haul destinations served by scheduled services from Heathrow is 46, while Amsterdam has 67, Frankfurt 74, Paris 78 and Madrid 63. Heathrow still has more long-haul destinations than those airports, but there is an ecology of short-haul and long-haul routes, and as the number of routes diminishes, so Heathrow’s importance also diminishes. Heathrow already has fewer connections to some of the growing cities in China. As I said in an intervention on my hon. Friend, it has fewer connections to Malaysia and to the BRIC—Brazil, Russia, India, China—economies than its competitor hubs in the rest of Europe, so it is already losing out, and it will lose out further.
It is often said that the regional airports can take the strain, and the hon. Member for Redditch (Karen Lumley), who is no longer in her place, said that people will go to Birmingham. However, all the evidence is that the airlines have no levers to help them to get extra capacity at regional airports, and they have not had any for 20 years. We are going through a recession and economically difficult times, and the loss of traffic at regional airports is about twice the rate at Heathrow. Indeed, the Government’s policies—this also applied to the previous Government—are having a perverse impact, because of the nature of the economies involved. Air passenger duty has a really negative effect on regional airports, and some airlines are choosing to use hubs outside a region because of it. The most recent example that I have come across—there are others—is AirAsia, which was more or less signed up to using Manchester airport, but which is now flying from Kuala Lumpur to Charles de Gaulle. The reason that it gave was simply air passenger duty.
What is true for regional airports, where air passenger duty has a differential impact, is also true for the whole United Kingdom economy—we can do the sums and see the transfers. It is not just that flights are not happening at regional airports, but that operators of flights—particularly tourist flights—from Japan, south-east Asia and the emerging economies are choosing to go to Charles de Gaulle, Frankfurt, Schiphol, Copenhagen and Madrid, rather than Heathrow, because of the extra cost of air passenger duty. As a result, air passenger duty is damaging not only regional airports, but Heathrow itself.
I was pleased by the decision to reduce air passenger duty at Belfast airport. However, if we want to use the capacity at our regional airports, there needs to be a differential between them and the south-east airports. Any differential must help our regional airports, rather than being less than helpful to them, as it is at present. The other way that regional airports could be helped is by building infrastructure. Very few airports in this country have direct links to high-speed trains or good public transport connections. Improving public transport to our regional airports at a cost to the public purse would therefore help in some way.
The biggest push that could be given to our major regional airports, such as Birmingham, Manchester and Glasgow—I do not think this really applies to other regional airports—would come from completely opening up the skies. The previous Government gave regional airports the ability to take flights, with their permission, with fifth freedoms, which meant that those flights could pick up passengers at those airports. That is an advantage, but it would be a much bigger advantage —I imagine this would appeal to a Conservative Government—if we completely opened up the skies around those airports, so that any aeroplane could fly in and out, pick up passengers and take them wherever they wanted. Historically, the only reason why that has not happened is the Government’s over-protectionist position towards British Airways and BAA.
Things can be done to help regional airports that go beyond what is being done at the moment, which is counter-productive. Incidentally, if air passenger duty is such a good idea, why do so few other countries in Europe have it? Only four other countries—Denmark, Norway, Malta and Holland—have it; some have tried it and got rid of it because it is so economically damaging. We have to test these things against what our competitors are doing to find out whether we should have them, and I do not think we should.
It is often said that there are environmental reasons for constraining traffic in the south-east. As my hon. Friend explained, however, when we look at the detail of what happens, it becomes clear that people do not stop flying because of constraints in the south-east system; they use other hubs, and the constraints imposed by air passenger duty reinforce that. Rather than taking a direct flight or using Heathrow, people from Manchester will fly to Schiphol, Copenhagen or wherever and fly onwards because it is cheaper. That saves them air passenger duty and it saves them going into the constrained south-east hub. As a result, there is at least twice the environmental damage, because aeroplanes produce most pollutants—carbon dioxide and other pollutants—when they take off. Someone going to, say, Tokyo may go via Copenhagen. There are not, therefore, good environmental reasons for such a view.
Regional airports are not an alternative, for the reasons that I have given. The former Labour Secretary of State, Lord Adonis, said Boris island was bonkers, and within five minutes of looking at it, we can see that it will never happen—for environmental and planning reasons, and because of the sheer cost and financing involved. When there were fewer environmental issues, it took Munich 25 years to develop a new airport, which opened in 1992. Something as huge as Boris island will simply not happen as an alternative.
I should like to make a number of other points, but other hon. Members want to speak, so I will sit down. There is, however, no real alternative to expanding Heathrow; we certainly cannot use Heathrow and Gatwick as one airport. The Government’s policies are hugely damaging to the aviation industry and the UK economy.
Paul Maynard (Blackpool North and Cleveleys) (Con)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) on securing the debate. I shall try to be quick, because I know other hon. Members want to speak, so this will be high speed, if not on high rail, which will make a nice change.
I welcome the progress that the Government are making on aviation policy. They are taking steps in the right direction. It is not fast enough for me or many in the industry, but perhaps we need to learn patience. Good, evidence-based policy is not one of Jamie’s five-minute meals. It needs good-quality evidence, and if we do not form policy based on evidence, rather than on prejudice, it is plain stupid. I am not here to boost Blackpool airport, although it is a wonderful airport to fly into and see the wonders of the Fylde coast. I do not even want to waffle on about air passenger duty. I do not want to tempt the Minister down a route that she probably does not want to go down, given that she is not a Treasury Minister. I do not even want to bang on about a third runway at Heathrow, because I think that is a stable door that was shut long ago, unfortunately.
We must discuss a more fundamental question: what does UK plc need from our aviation industry? What do we actually need? Hidden, buried away like a nugget of gold within the scoping document, are two fundamental questions that the Government must consider. What are the benefits of maintaining a hub airport in the UK? And how important are transit and transfer passengers to the UK economy? Those things may seem self-evident. How could anyone dispute them? Yet a fortnight ago I met a commercial director for a regional airport, who said, “There is no such thing as a hub airport. There is no Government definition of one, so they don’t exist. So we don’t need a hub airport any more.” That struck me as the most illogical and ludicrous thing one could possibly argue, but none the less he tried. I would prefer to focus on not Boris island but Boryspil airport, which, for those who do not know, is the main airport for the city of Kiev, the capital of Ukraine. That is a classic example of an emerging market destination, which is economically crucial, and to which services from the UK are not sufficiently good. Yet all the aviation policy that we seem to be able to focus on is some future airport in the Thames estuary. We need to focus on the needs of the UK economy—of UK plc—here and now.
I welcome the work that I know the Minister is doing to make Heathrow and the other south-east airports function better, so that we get bang for our buck and extract the maximum from the capacity that we already have. I want London to be surrounded by a string of pearls in the form of excellent, functioning airports. One of them, however, cannot be a pearl but must be a diamond—the hub airport. To understand why, we must understand the definition of a hub airport, and why it matters to the economy. Transfer passengers do not exist merely for the benefit of Starbucks. The Frontier Economics foundation recently issued a report showing that there are at least 13 flights to emerging market destinations in which more than half the passengers are transfer passengers, who did not start their journeys at Heathrow. The more that we squeeze the short-haul flights that the hon. Member for Blackley and Broughton (Graham Stringer) referred to, the harder it will be to sustain flights to emerging market economies, because we will not have the transfer passengers, which is a grave concern.
I confess that a few months ago I wondered whether the UK really needed a hub airport. The Japanese Transport Minister once famously said that Incheon in South Korea was now Japan’s hub. I know that for many of my constituents Schiphol or Charles de Gaulle is essentially their hub airport. I began to think, “Can the UK survive without a hub airport? Can’t we just fly to Paris or Amsterdam?” However, the Frontier Economics report makes the fundamental case why we cannot do that. It is explicit about the amount of trade that we are losing as a consequence of having poorer connectivity with the emerging market economies. It is a question of not only the number of people flying through Heathrow, but where they are going. The hon. Member for Blackley and Broughton rightly made the point that Heathrow’s number of destinations is gradually dropping. In the past five years, it has decreased from, I think, 227 to 180. Over the same five years, the number of destinations reached from the main competitor hubs in Europe has increased.
There is clearly a case to be made that Heathrow is entering a period of consolidation. It may be getting more passengers, but they are going to fewer places, and, in the cycle, that is usually the beginning of the end of an airport’s hub status. That is what happened to New York about 20 years ago, when the destinations started to drop off and it lost its hub status. While I fully expect that in the coming 20 years Heathrow will remain England’s major international gateway, I have concerns whether it will retain its hub status. Hon. Members may ask whether that matters. New York no longer has a hub airport, but it remains a world city. I question whether we—UK plc—can afford to sacrifice the economic benefits that come from a vibrant, well-connected hub airport, which I think is fundamental.
Mary Macleod
Does my hon. Friend realise that London has 92 flights a week to China, whereas Paris has 73 and Frankfurt 69? We have good connectivity with China, one of the most important growing economies. Surely the issue is about working with businesses in China and elsewhere to find out their requirements. Has he had any correspondence with businesses there to find out whether they require additional flights to Heathrow and London?
Paul Maynard
I thank my hon. Friend for that useful intervention. Of course the main reason, historically, for our having far more flights to China is our historic tie to Hong Kong. The destinations that we serve are Beijing and Shanghai, and there are more than 3,000 seats a week going to Hong Kong. I think that Frankfurt serves five destinations and Paris four. We dominate on the Hong Kong routes, but we underperform in relation to all the other top 10 Chinese cities. Of course, economic growth in China is happening not in Hong Kong but in cities that most of us have probably never heard of—the likes of Chengdu and Dongguan, which no one is yet serving. Far more than focusing just on the number of people who are flying and the routes they are flying on, we must think about connectivity. Are we serving the places where the economic growth is?
I make a plea to the Government. I welcome what they are doing to make the airports around London and the south-east more suited to improvements in the passenger experience, but I ask that we should not overlook the benefits that can be provided by an active, well-maintained and well-funded hub airport, which works well and connects to the places that UK plc needs to be connected to for growth. That needs to be a fundamental part of our aviation strategy.
John McDonnell (Hayes and Harlington) (Lab)
I shall be as quick as I can, because others want to speak. This will be the first debate in perhaps two decades when our colleague Alan Keen has not been with us, and I pay tribute to everything that Alan did over the years. On a happier note, I, too, welcome Rosie. Given the interest in aviation shown by my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohue) she clearly arrived by stork.
I obviously have an interest in Heathrow, which is in my constituency, because of my constituents who work there, fly out of there and live around it. With reference to those who live around Heathrow, I want to tell BAA and colleagues who are present that the third runway is dead: that is it; it is over; it is finished. All major political parties have made it clear now that it will not be built. As to my hon. Friend’s novel idea about Northolt, this is almost becoming personal now—they are coming at me from all ways. Northolt was ruled out a long time ago because of its impracticality. It would cause just as many problems as expanding Heathrow. I understand the Government’s interest in making Heathrow more efficient, but experimentation around the Cranford agreement, moves towards mixed mode and, certainly, any attempt to increase the number of night flights would be resisted, because of noise and pollution. Nevertheless it is worth examining how we can make Heathrow much more efficient.
Despite everything that has been said by all the major parties, the blight in my constituency continues because of BAA’s continuing angst and lobbying for the third runway. It needs to be made even more explicit now to BAA that that is not going to happen. I say that—people may have seen the television programme last night—because BAA has bought up nearly two thirds of Sipson and refuses to sell the properties to families. It has made them available to families on short-term licences of up to two years and no more, although it now tells us that those licences are possibly renewable. It is destabilising the village. In addition, the threat of the third runway that BAA keeps mooting is still blighting the villages of Harmondsworth, Longford, Harlington and Cranford Cross.
One solution—I say this to the Government on a cross-party basis—is to agree to put in place a similar covenant to the one at Gatwick that will ensure for generations that there is no further threat of a third runway in the area and that is legally enforceable and binding.
We have discussed the role that High Speed 2 could play in alleviating the pressure on Heathrow. I support High Speed 2, but we need a consultation on the routes into Heathrow as soon as possible. Not consulting on the overall route has caused further blight, particularly within the London borough of Hillingdon.
An issue has come up this week involving my constituents who work at Heathrow. The European Transport Workers Federation, the union representing aviation workers across Europe, held a demonstration on Monday about the deregulation of ground handling services such as baggage handling, ticketing and general passenger facilities. They are concerned that deregulation might not only put security operations at risk at airports across Europe, but affect staff health and safety.
On another staff issue, Heathrow is still a wonderful area of employment opportunity for all west London constituencies. It is still recruiting staff, yet the Government are consulting on closing the Heathrow jobcentre, a reduction of six staff members. Employers and unions alike have urged the Government to rethink, as it is one of the best recruitment facilities at the airport for ensuring that local people are attracted into employment and that the skills base in the area is developed.
Both staff at the airport and those flying out of Heathrow are affected by an issue that the British Airline Pilots Association raised with its members recently. The European Union is seeking to relax the flight time limitations on pilots. Britain has the gold standard, which ensures that we have the best safety standards in the world, but the European Union is seeking to undermine that gold standard and bring us into a system that reduces protections and weakens regulations. BALPA, the trade union for pilots, has made it explicitly clear that it is extremely anxious about the safety implications of the moves within Europe.
Those are the issues that I wished to raise in this debate. On the expansion of Heathrow, there comes a time when my hon. Friends must recognise that they are no longer in the majority but in a small minority. Continuing to harp on about the need for a third runway not only destabilises the population around Heathrow, but prevents our getting on with developing a proper aviation policy that is integrated with transport overall.
Mr Rob Wilson (Reading East) (Con)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) on securing this debate and on the birth of his new family member, Rosie.
I want specifically to discuss my strong support for much-needed improved ground access to Heathrow. In my view, there is a specific and strong case for improving railway connectivity to London Heathrow via a western extension of services. The case is not based solely on improved accessibility for passengers, because it is also driven by a strong national economic imperative.
This is a debate about the future of the industry. Often, when talking about the future, we try to be optimistic. Optimism is definitely required when discussing aviation, due to the financial challenges facing the nation. Given the financial crisis and the need for economic growth to stimulate recovery, we must be mindful of the contribution made by the industry. Simply put, we all acknowledge that a strong aviation industry is good for the British economy.
In that light, I am keen to secure the multiple benefits of improved rail access to Heathrow airport for my constituency of Reading East. However, it is worth noting that the benefits of access reach far wider than individual constituencies. I have been working closely with key figures in government and the railway and aviation industries to make extended western access to Heathrow a reality. As we debate the future of this important industry, I am pleased to report that the project is making progress, which is important.
Estimates from the Treasury put the aviation industry’s contribution to the UK economy at £18 billion, which cannot be ignored in the current economic climate. The aviation sector employs 250,000 people directly and an estimated 200,000 more in the supply chain. Again, that contribution should not be taken lightly. Heathrow airport has 65.7 million terminal passengers each year, and Department for Transport forecasts estimate that that figure will have risen to 85 million by 2030.
Looking to the future, as air travel grows, so will the industry’s contribution to the wider economy. We cannot afford to ignore it or fail to make the right investment to exploit it. After all, there are plenty of other airports across Europe willing to challenge Heathrow’s position. We must defend Heathrow’s pre-eminence on the European and worldwide stage. There is, of course, a balance to be struck between aviation expansion and its negative impacts, such as the environmental considerations that hon. Members have discussed.
Mary Macleod
Does my hon. Friend agree that we must also take account of local residents? What we really want is to make Heathrow better, not bigger, and to ensure that the noise impact on local residents is minimised.
Mr Wilson
Of course. I think that the hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell) would totally agree. The Government have said that expansion should not come at any price. As we know, they have cancelled the planned third runway at Heathrow. There is, by and large, cross-party consensus on the issue. However, that is not to say that we cannot make improvements to the system that we already have, as my hon. Friend has said, and Heathrow is a prime example. Improved western railway access to Heathrow would help to maximise the benefits that the airport provides.
For my constituency, that means strengthening Reading’s standing as the commercial centre of the Thames valley. Direct railway access to Heathrow would entrench and extend Reading’s position as a place to do business. Leading technology companies such as Microsoft and Oracle have established headquarters in Reading East, along with many other companies too numerous to name with a global outlook and an international reach.
The lack of direct rail access has rightly been described by the president of the Reading chamber of commerce as bringing “huge frustrations”. Big businesses based in Reading pay an estimated £10 million a year in taxi fares to send executives and business people to and from Heathrow, which is not particularly business-friendly. Money is not the only cost to businesses resulting from inadequate connectivity to the airport. The absence of a link also costs them precious time that could be spent with clients and customers. Lengthy journeys on the M4 to Heathrow, with their inherent risk of traffic jams and other delays, are not acceptable for international businesses.
The easier transport to an airport is, the more people and businesses will use it, in which case the economic benefit will then flow into the wider economy. I have been working with key figures at BAA, Network Rail and First Great Western and officials from the Department for Transport. All have come together to breathe new life into the project. As a result, £119,000 in funds was recently allocated to Network Rail, and design consultants have been appointed. A feasibility study is under way and is due to be completed in December. I look forward to the report’s publication.
As I have outlined, the exciting benefits for Reading East are clear, but the project also has the potential to open up direct rail access to parts of the country that are poorly served. For the first time, Heathrow would become directly accessible to Wales, Herefordshire, Devon, Dorset, Cornwall and many other areas by means other than car or coach. I have no doubt that hon. Members representing constituencies in those areas would also benefit, and that they look forward to the report’s publication. Additionally, I hope that they will attend a parliamentary reception that I am hosting on Thursday 24 November to give the project further traction. I am delighted that my right hon. Friend the Transport Secretary will speak at the event.
I am passionate and serious when I say that this project is part of the future of the aviation industry. The implications of this important expansion in accessibility are vast, as millions of people would find themselves with a new route to Europe’s busiest airport. As the world shrinks and our outlook becomes ever more global, why should some parts of Britain be disjointed in their access to our premier airport?
I am optimistic about the future, despite the gloomy economic outlook. Aviation will play an important role in delivering growth for the UK economy. We cannot afford to endanger that future prosperity by not constantly seeking improvements to the industry—in this case, through better connectivity to Heathrow airport.
Jim Sheridan (Paisley and Renfrewshire North) (Lab)
I will be brief, Mr Gale, because I am conscious of the time. Siren voices in Scotland are already arguing that air passenger duty should be devolved to the Scottish Parliament. I do not share that view, because it would create more problems than it would solve, so I hope that the Minister and her colleagues will resist any temptation to do that.
On Scottish airports, increased competition for slots at Heathrow is already causing a problem, as my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) suggested by highlighting BMI’s withdrawal of its flights from Glasgow to Heathrow. The net result is that we have only one airline that flies from Glasgow to London Heathrow, namely British Airways, which has a monopoly where the prices are already soaring. That has given us many problems.
Finally—I am grateful for this opportunity to speak, Mr Gale—Scotland is located on the periphery of Europe and, as such, travelling by air is not a luxury, but an essential element of business and family life. I sincerely hope that the Minister takes that into account.
Maria Eagle (Garston and Halewood) (Lab)
I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe), first, on securing this debate on the future of aviation, which has clearly been in demand from other Members—we have had an excellent debate—and, secondly, on the birth of his granddaughter, Rosie, who will think that she is the centre of the universe by the time she is old enough to read Hansard. I also welcome you, Mr Gale; it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship.
Our aviation industry is central to our economic prosperity and should be a key driver of the growth without which we have no prospect of emerging from the dangerous economic situation in which we find ourselves. The industry contributes more than £11 billion to the UK’s gross domestic product—more than 1% of the total—and supports up to 200,000 jobs directly and 600,000 indirectly across the UK.
I regret, however, that just as the Government do not have a credible strategy for growth, neither have they yet managed to set out a credible strategy for aviation, let alone set out the role that aviation could play in improving our economic situation. For a crucial sector on which our economy depends, the reaction from business to the Government’s decision not to set out an aviation strategy until the latter part of this Parliament has ranged from incredulity to plain bemusement.
I would much rather that we were not in opposition—it is a deeply frustrating place to be, as the Minister may recall—but the one thing that it provides is the time and space to develop ideas for the future, as well as some detailed plans. However, after 13 years in opposition, it is clear to the industry and to the wider business world that this Government came to office without such plans.
We have had lots of consultations, relentless industry engagement, scoping documents and taskforces. That is all very laudable, yet none of it makes up for the lack of a policy, let alone a strategy. With the economy on the brink, holding out the prospect of a policy late in the latter part of a five-year Parliament is, frankly, not good enough. It represents a total failure to prepare for government, and Members do not have to take my word for that. The chairman of the Airport Operators Association, Ed Anderson, has said that, while the industry knows what the Government are against,
“we are not sure yet what it is in favour of”,
and he went on to describe “better not bigger” as an “election slogan”, saying:
“Better not bigger doesn’t constitute a strategy.”
The Government also face international criticism. The chief executive of the International Air Transport Association, Giovanni Bisignani, has been quoted as saying that the Government seem
“intent on destroying its competitiveness with a policy agenda focused on increasing costs and limiting capacity growth.”
Sir David Rowlands, a former permanent secretary at the Department for Transport, has described the Government’s policy as “mildly extraordinary”, which is damning criticism from somebody from the higher reaches of the mandarinate.
Baroness Valentine, speaking for London First, said in another place earlier this year that
“government seems content for aviation policy to drift.”—[Official Report, House of Lords, 24 March 2011; Vol. 726, c. 872.]
She has also said, most damningly, that
“the Government’s aviation strategy is damaging our economy and enhancing that of our EU rivals.”
We have heard that criticism echoed by some Members who have contributed to today’s debate.
Maria Eagle
In a moment.
I am sure that the Minister saw the letter in The Times earlier this year signed by 74 senior business leaders. Setting a long-term strategic direction for aviation in London, the wider south-east and across the country is a vital part of delivering the growth and jobs that the country needs, and the letter concluded:
“All options must be considered, short term and long term, to address growing demand.”
We agree with them, which is why earlier this month, in a speech to the Airport Operators Association, I made an offer to the Government, which I am happy to repeat today. We are willing to take the politics out of aviation, put aside party differences and work together on a joint aviation policy for the good of the nation. As I have said, this is a clear, unambiguous offer, with no catch.
Aviation matters to our country—every Member who has spoken in this debate has said so—and to businesses and families throughout the country. It is an industry that needs stability for the long term, and a long-term plan that straddles Parliaments and Governments and that is capable of surviving after fruition.
In addition to the Government’s more immediate work that they must conclude—that is fine—I believe that the best way forward is the establishment of a cross-party commission to set out our long-term aviation strategy for a generation or more. We should not have rows from one Parliament to the next about an element of the strategy, but set out a long-term plan. We must not repeat the party political wrangling that turned the proposed third runway at Heathrow into a political football. We must also agree that we will then stick to that agreed strategy, whatever the outcome of the next election.
Any terms of reference for such a cross-party examination of capacity will inevitably start with an understanding that the answer for the south-east will not be to fall back on the proposed third runway at Heathrow. We have accepted that the local environmental impact means that that is off the agenda. The cross-party body must have the freedom to look at all options for growth, including in the south-east, while prioritising making the best use of existing runways and airports. A bigger prize is available for us all if we put political battles to one side and develop a long-term strategy for aviation to which everybody can sign up. It is time to move on and find an alternative way forward.
I should like the Minister to clarify the Government’s position on two further issues: first, the link between high-speed rail and aviation; and secondly, emissions from aviation. We have offered Ministers our clear, cross-party support for the high-speed rail line that we proposed when in government. I have been clear that we will work with the rest of the House to deliver the legislation needed to take forward that vital project. We fully accept that there is simply no other credible way to tackle the growing capacity issues on our existing main rail lines. We have, however, argued that there is a clear case for connecting the new high-speed rail line directly to Heathrow from the start. The Opposition and the Government agree that the line should connect to Heathrow; the only debate is over whether that happens from the start, or via a costly, multi-billion pound spur, tacked on at a later date.
As we have argued, taking the line via our major hub airport opens up the prospect of private sector funding, potentially saving the taxpayer billions. It would lead to a new route that made better use of existing transport corridors and better protected the area of outstanding natural beauty that the current proposal crosses. It would also open up the opportunity to connect to the Great Western main line, thus bringing the benefits of the high-speed line to the south-west and Wales and increasing connectivity for the south-west to Heathrow.
Creating a major new transport hub to the west of London at Heathrow—rather than several miles away at a site with other, inadequate transport connections—that mirrors the hub in the east at Stratford represents the joined-up thinking that is too often lacking in our transport infrastructure planning. I hope that the Minister will confirm that the Government are looking at that alternative proposal.
Our proposal is one that the Minister herself supported when she was the shadow Secretary of State for Transport, and I suspect that she still sees its merit. I hope that she will indicate a willingness to look again at it. She has our support as she seeks to do better at persuading her new Secretary of State of the merits of the case than was possible with the previous Secretary of State.
On carbon emissions, I hope the Minister agrees that we will simply not achieve the goal set out in the Climate Change Act 2008 to reduce emissions by at least 80% by 2050, compared with 1990 levels, unless aviation does more. That is why we believe that future aviation growth must go hand in hand with a greater cut in aviation emissions than we agreed when we were in government.
The Government have failed even to re-affirm their commitment to the existing emissions target for aviation that we set in government. I hope that the Minister will take the opportunity to do that today and that she will support our call for the Energy and Climate Change Committee to set out what it would mean for aviation to go further and ask it to update accordingly the carbon budgets that have been set.
I hope that the Minister will agree with us that, in principle, international aviation should be included as well, once the Committee produces its advice on accounting methodology. As the Minister will know, the industry’s sustainable aviation road map makes it clear that, by 2050, it is possible to get absolute emissions down to levels seen at the turn of the century, even as passenger numbers are projected to grow by a factor of three, so we all agree that it is possible to do more. Therefore, this should be seen not as a threat but as an opportunity. Fuel efficiency improvements in aircraft engines and air frames, improvements in air operations, both in more fuel-efficient practices and air traffic management, and the use of alternative fuels produced sustainably—all those things can make a contribution. The UK should be at the forefront of developing the new technologies that enable the aviation industry to thrive, while reducing emissions.
I again thank my hon. Friend for securing the debate. I hope that the Minister will feel able to respond positively and make up for the Government’s failure to date to provide an aviation strategy, which this country so badly needs.
The Minister of State, Department for Transport (Mrs Theresa Villiers)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe) on securing the debate, and on Rosie’s arrival. I would also like to associate myself with the comments made about the late Alan Keen and his sad, recent death. He had a long and distinguished record on aviation matters.
I agree wholeheartedly with the importance that hon. Members have attributed to the aviation industry as a strong part of our economy and a vital gateway to the global marketplace for business. Many hon. Members made that point, including the hon. Members for Blackley and Broughton (Graham Stringer) and for Central Ayrshire. I also welcome the emphatic support for the aerospace industry provided by my hon. Friend the Member for Filton and Bradley Stoke (Jack Lopresti). Supporting and providing the right economic climate for manufacturing to flourish is a hugely important part of the Government’s overall economic strategy. It is crucial that aviation in the UK is able to grow and prosper in the future, but I think we are agreed that a dash for major aviation growth regardless of cost is not the right approach. That is why we are developing a new aviation strategy to set out the way forward that will allow the British air transport industry to grow in the years and decades ahead, as well as addressing its environmental and quality of life impacts. No one underestimates the scale of the challenge, because reducing harmful emissions through greener technologies is more complex in aviation than in other transport sectors and will take longer to deliver.
In response to the points made on air passenger duty, we have listened with care to industry concerns, which is why we have made it clear that switching to a flight tax is not viable without wider international support for such a move. We have postponed this year’s inflation-based increase in APD, and proposals for further reform of the tax will be published soon.
In response to the hon. Members for Central Ayrshire and for Blackley and Broughton on the issue of the Thames estuary airport, as the Prime Minister has said, the Government have no plans to build a new airport in the estuary, or in Medway or elsewhere in Kent. The hon. Member for Central Ayrshire outlined some of the practical issues that would have to be surmounted before such a programme could go ahead, including, of course, the very significant airspace capacity issues. Nor do we have plans to redevelop Northolt as a third runway for Heathrow.
I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Reading East (Mr Wilson) that surface access to airports is a crucial part of making them successful. That is why Crossrail and Thameslink are going ahead—both will improve access. We continue to consider other options for western access to Heathrow, including work that could be co-ordinated with the proposed HS2 spur to Heathrow.
We have made it clear that a key plank of the Government’s approach to aviation is the cancellation of Labour’s misguided plans for a third runway at Heathrow. I find it ironic that the shadow Secretary of State, the hon. Member for Garston and Halewood (Maria Eagle), accuses us of having no policy, when the previous Government spent 13 years on an aviation White Paper that everyone agrees is no longer fit for purpose, and on pursuing a runway that is universally agreed to be absolutely the wrong approach for the UK economy. One of the coalition Government’s first acts was to cancel the third runway at Heathrow. I continue to believe that the price in terms of the environmental impact would have been far too high, given that noise already has a significant impact for thousands of people living with a plane overhead every 90 seconds. At the time, Labour described our position as
“politically opportunistic and economically illiterate”.
It seems that those on the shadow Front Bench have learned the error of their ways—but not all on their Back Benches.
We are clear that we need to protect and enhance the connectivity that is vital for our economy, which is why Heathrow’s success as one of the world’s busiest and most successful international airports is so vital. Our aviation strategy is designed to ensure that the UK maintains and improves the success of this leading international gateway. There is no evidence that Heathrow is about to lose its hub status. It remains an immensely successful airport, with more services to China than any of its European rivals, and a particularly strong connection with Hong Kong as China’s main hub airport. Our immediate priority is to make our airports work better within their existing capacity limits.
Henry Smith
I was delighted to welcome the Minister to Gatwick airport last month for the opening of new security gates. Will she congratulate Gatwick airport on the more than £1 billion of investment that it is making in enhancing capacity? Indeed, Sir John Major will open the renewed north terminal on Thursday.
Mrs Villiers
I am happy to offer my congratulations on that. Contrary to the allegation that the Government have created a policy vacuum, we have a range of initiatives designed to make our airports better—our priority is to make them better, rather than bigger. We are legislating for a much more passenger-focused system of regulation. We are improving air space management through the Future Airspace Strategy in the Single European Sky programme, which is already delivering real benefits in the UK and Ireland. We are changing the way aviation security is regulated to enable the industry to deliver the same high standards in security, but in a more passenger-focused and more hassle-free way.
Our south-east airport taskforce also included proposals to improve resilience and address delays. As a result, we are trialling the tactical use of greater operational freedoms at Heathrow. This is very sensitive, because those freedoms mean that occasionally there will be some incursions into the respite period, with occasional use of both runways for departures, or, occasionally, use of both runways for arrivals. However, I emphasise that that is not mixed mode and the Government remain committed to runway alternation and the benefits it brings. Very careful consideration will be given to the impact of the trial on local communities. I emphasise that the measures being trialled are to be used only to improve resilience, and prevent or recover from disruption, and not to increase capacity, which remains capped at current levels.
We have published our scoping document, setting out the issues to consider for the future of aviation. We know how crucial it is to have a successful regional airport sector, as hon. Members have highlighted today. We will look at ways to harness spare capacity to support economic growth and help to relieve crowding in the south-east. High-speed rail has strong potential to provide an alternative to thousands of domestic and short-haul flights. HS2 to Manchester and Leeds will deliver a three and a half hour journey time between London and Scottish destinations, providing a viable alternative to thousands of Scottish flights.
Mrs Villiers
I am sorry, but I really do not have the time. We accept that the international nature of aviation, as has been said, means solutions are often best delivered at a multilateral level. That is why we are working with the International Civil Aviation Organisation towards agreement on emissions and on noise issues. That is why we have worked very hard on the inclusion of aviation in the emissions trading scheme. We will publish our draft strategy in spring next year for public consultation, with a final strategy due in 2013. We want to see Britain, and British companies, spearheading the global debate on greener air travel and shaping a low-emission aviation sector of the future. We need to work with the industry to find new ways of decarbonising air travel, boosting investment in low-carbon technologies and fuels, and enabling the aviation sector to generate the headroom it needs to grow in a sustainable and successful way. Our world-beating aerospace sector will play a vital role in that. The challenge creates great opportunities for that world-beating sector.
We want to open a new chapter on the aviation debate. We are interested in working on a cross-party basis, as has been discussed today. Our goal is to move away from the polarised opinions that have dominated the discussion in the past. We want to develop a broader consensus for the change we need to deliver a flourishing air transport sector that can support economic growth, while addressing its local environmental impacts and playing its full part in combating climate change.
Mr Roger Gale (in the Chair)
Order. I owe an apology to the Minister and to the Opposition Front-Bench spokesperson. It does not happen all that often, but I am afraid that, so captivated was I by the quality of the Back-Bench debate, I misread the clock. I apologise to both Front Benchers.
I am also sorry that I was unable to call the hon. Member for Crawley (Henry Smith), but his constituents will have noticed from his intervention that he was assiduously present throughout the debate.
Finally, while I am on my feet, I express my pleasure at the birth of the granddaughter of the hon. Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe).