Great British Energy Bill

Lord Offord of Garvel Excerpts

Committee stage
Tuesday 3rd December 2024 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Offord of Garvel]

21: Clause 3, page 2, line 18 at end insert—
“(e) the production of nuclear energy.”Member’s explanatory statement
This would amend Great British Energy’s objects to include the production of nuclear energy.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

My Lords, Amendment 21 is in my name. The UK led the world, becoming the first country to split the atom. This was followed in 1956 by the world’s first nuclear programme and a nuclear power station at Calder Hall—Windscale. At its peak in the 1990s, the UK generated approximately 13 gigawatts of power from nuclear energy, but this has slipped to around six gigawatts today. This story of decline stands in stark contrast to our modern understanding of nuclear power as the only current form of reliable, secure, low-carbon electricity which can be deployed at scale in the UK and therefore has to be considered a key component in the drive for net zero.

In January this year the previous Government published their policy paper, Civil Nuclear: Roadmap to 2050, and this was considered vital so that nuclear could offer the reliable, resilient and low-carbon power we need to reach net zero by 2050 and ensure our energy security so that we are never again dependent on the likes of Putin. Many other nations, including the USA and France, have endorsed a net-zero nuclear declaration which calls for a global tripling of nuclear energy by 2050.

Global energy is increasingly based around electricity. That means that the key to making energy systems clean is to turn the electricity sector from being the largest producer of CO₂ emissions into a low-carbon source that reduces fossil fuel emissions in areas such as transport, heating and industry. While renewables are expected to continue to lead, nuclear power can also play an important part, along with fossil fuels, using carbon capture, utilisation and storage, and indeed the removal of flaring, turning our hydrocarbon fields into the greenest in the world. Countries envisaging a future role for nuclear account for the bulk of global energy demand and CO₂ emissions, but to achieve a trajectory consistent with sustainability targets, including international climate goals, the expansion of clean electricity would need to be three times faster than at present. It would require 85% of global energy to come from clean sources by 2040, compared with just 36% today. Along with massive investments in efficiency and renewables, the trajectory would need an 80% increase in global nuclear power production by 2040.

We recognise the importance of renewables in achieving net-zero goals. However, going for a 100% renewable energy scenario represents a considerable gamble, especially given that grid balancing and storage technologies are still relatively nascent. One of the most pressing concerns is that solutions to renewables’ inherent variability fail to materialise quickly enough, and Britain either has to live with constraints and interruptions to its energy supply—an economic no-no—or pivot back towards an energy mix of yesteryear, reliant on fossil-fuelled power plants to provide a dependable baseload of electricity, albeit at a great environmental cost. If this were to transpire, the UK would seriously risk reneging on its 2050 net-zero target.

A lack of investment in existing and new nuclear plants in advanced economies would have implications for emissions, costs and energy security. In the case where no further investments are made in advanced economies to extend the operating lifetime of existing nuclear power plants or to develop new projects, nuclear power capacity will decline.

Nuclear power blends the best attribute of renewables, zero-carbon generation, with the best of fossil fuel power stations, dependability. According to the International Energy Agency, over the past 50 years, the use of nuclear power has reduced CO₂ emissions by over 60 gigatonnes —nearly two years-worth of global energy-related emissions.

The Prime Minister has made a vital promise to lower energy bills for households across the country—a commitment that resonates deeply with families facing financial pressures—but to ensure that this promise is more than just words, the Government must take decisive action to secure a diverse, competitive and sustainable energy supply. One critical way to achieve that is by expanding the production of nuclear energy.

Nuclear energy has the potential to significantly increase the UK’s energy supply. By introducing more nuclear power into the grid, we create a stable and abundant source of electricity. This additional capacity can ease pressure on prices by reducing reliance on imported fuels, particularly during global energy crises. With a greater supply of energy comes the opportunity for competition. Competition in the energy market pushes prices down for consumers, ensuring that families and businesses benefit from fairer, and lower, energy costs. Nuclear energy, as a reliable and low-cost source of power in the long term, plays a key role in fostering this competitive environment.

In respect of this amendment, nuclear energy is not just a technological option but a strategic necessity for the UK’s future. As the Government themselves have stated, nuclear energy

“will play an important role in helping the UK achieve energy security and clean power”.

To fulfil this vision, surely the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero must place nuclear energy at the core of its policies and strategies.

With 40% of the UK’s energy currently imported, this leaves us vulnerable to global market volatility and geopolitical tensions. Nuclear energy, with its long operational lifespan and domestic production potential, reduces our reliance on foreign energy sources. As electrification expands across sectors, from transport to heating, the demand for clean and reliable electricity will surge. Nuclear energy can meet this demand, ensuring a secure and steady energy supply for the long term. I beg to move.

[The Deputy Chairman of Committees (Baroness Morris of Bolton) (Con)]

My Lords, I must inform the House that if Amendment 21 is agreed to, I cannot call Amendment 24 for reasons of pre-emption.

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[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I really cannot disagree with anything noble Lords have said in this debate, although I do not believe we need an amendment. I utterly agree that nuclear power is essential to the future; it provides the essential baseload; it is safe, secure and reliable. We have great opportunities in the UK to develop nuclear energy and the supply chain, even more than we have now. Obviously, Rolls-Royce, from a UK company point of view, has great potential.

We are keeping a very close eye on Hinkley Point C; the operational date that has been given for the first unit between 2029 and 2031 is very crucial. We are working very hard to get Sizewell C to final investment decision in the next few months. We have the SMR programme, and I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, about the importance and value of the work of Great British Nuclear. We are regularly engaged with GBN, and I pay tribute to the great work that its chair and chief executive are doing.

I have met a number of companies who are very interested in developing AMRs. We have all seen the experience of companies such as Amazon, in the US, linking small modular reactors and advanced modular reactors with data centres; clearly, we wish the UK to be very much part of that. In terms of the UK’s growth agenda, if we combine military and civil nuclear defence requirements, we know that the nuclear skills task force has now estimated that we need about 40,000 extra people in the industry by 2030, and moving on with even more people by the 2040s. This is at once a challenge and a huge opportunity, because the careers that are offered in the nuclear industry are secure and well paid, and it is a very exciting industry to go into.

The noble Lord, Lord Offord, quoted figures from the IEA. Although we have seen a global downturn in nuclear energy, it is right to now talk about a renaissance. At international gatherings, it is pretty clear that there are countries coming back to nuclear, as we are, and other countries that wish to develop nuclear energy for the first time. This is very encouraging; we know that, in terms of popular opinion, there is a much more positive attitude among the public towards nuclear energy.

In saying I do not believe that the amendment is necessary, I do very much embrace the comments of the noble Lords and I can assure them that, in the department, we see nuclear energy as having an essential role for the future.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

I thank the Minister for his clarity and unequivocal support of nuclear, and, indeed, for his reply to my noble friend Lord Howell of Guildford, who asked a specific question in relation to the GB Energy Bill. GB Energy can, if required, participate in nuclear, but the clear understanding is that discussions are ongoing with GB Nuclear. So I would encourage the Government to continue to clarify what that will look like and how it will be funded going forward.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

If I may come back on that, the noble Lord may have seen that the energy Select Committee had a hearing at which the chair of Great British Energy and then the chair of Great British Nuclear gave evidence. It is clear from what they said that we will have no difficulty at all in establishing a co-operative relationship.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

That is noted. I thank the Minister. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

Can I ask my noble friend why the new power station in Somerset is costing four times as much as an identical one in South Korea? Surely this will add to energy costs, not detract from them.

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[Lord Ashcombe (Con)]

My Lords, Amendment 22 in my name is about energy security. Energy security is a matter of utmost importance—a foundation on which our homes, businesses and industries depend. We must ensure that our nation can provide reliable power to keep the lights on and our economy running.

I was not in this country during the 1970s but lived in the Republic of Ireland. We suffered power cuts that caused significant disruption. I recall a farming friend who lost his entire pig herd due to a lack of ventilation—a stark reminder of the devastating consequences when power systems fail. We cannot afford to let such a situation arise here.

While I wholeheartedly support the goal of achieving net zero by 2050, we must temper ambition with pragmatism. The United Kingdom accounts for 1% of global carbon dioxide emissions, compared with 33% from China and 12.5% from the United States. While we strive for cleaner energy, we must be realistic about the scale of transformation required. Getting electricity production to net zero by 2030 is a noble aspiration, but it remains a significant challenge.

Progress has been made. According to the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, the UK’s carbon dioxide emissions decreased by almost 50% between 1990 and 2023, including a 6.6% drop in the year ending 2023. Electricity generation contributes 11% of our greenhouse emissions. Efforts to reduce this share are ongoing. However, our energy mix relies on a delicate balance. Nuclear power—which we have just discussed—and biomass provide baseload capacity most of the time, while solar and wind offer renewable contributions that are inherently variable. Interconnectors, though helpful, depend on surplus supply from neighbouring countries.

The swing producer in our energy system remains gas, which under certain circumstances—when the wind is not blowing and the sun is not shining—supplies upwards of 60% of our energy needs. As the Government push for greater electrification, whether in transport, heating or industry, the strain on our grid will only increase. Targets for offshore and floating wind are ambitious, as are those for solar power, which raises concerns about land use and its impact on food production—an amendment for later discussion, I am sure.

Onshore wind also faces resistance, and these challenges make clear that gas generation will remain a critical component of our energy mix for years to come. Let us not forget that electricity accounts for only 20% to 25% of the energy consumed in this country, and that 87% of UK homes rely on gas for heating and hot water, yet domestic gas production declined by 10% between 2022 and 2023 and nearly 14% to August this year, according to Offshore Energies UK.

This leaves us increasingly reliant on imports, as our current production is about 40% of requirements. Imported gas comes via pipelines from Europe or as LNG shipments. Global instability, such as sanctions on Russia, has tightened supply, while demand in Europe has risen. Norway, a trusted ally, provides the majority of gas imported by pipeline, some 35%, placing many of our eggs in one basket. The additional 25% required comes as LNG, sourced from countries such as the United States and Qatar, both of which have indicated that their supplies will increase. This has a significantly higher carbon footprint—on average four times more than our domestic production—due to transport and production methods.

The North Sea Transition Authority’s 2024 Emissions Monitoring Report indicates that UK gas production is a top-quartile performer according to kilograms of carbon dioxide equivalent per barrel of oil equivalent—kgCO₂e/boe. The NSTA report also shows a good methane emissions performance—arguably a greater concern than carbon dioxide emissions—with the UK having an intensity of 1 kgCO₂e/boe versus the global average of 16 kgCO₂e/boe. I apologise for all the figures.

New UK developments are being delivered far more cleanly than the average of current existing UK developments. New UK developments are significantly cleaner than imports, producing emissions roughly 10 times cleaner than LNG imports. We are fortunate to have an abundance of hydrocarbons in our offshore waters. Despite the decline, there is still potential for two or three decades of production, as I mentioned at Second Reading. Exploiting this resource responsibly would protect some 200,000 direct and indirect jobs, sustain some critical industries and provide a bridge to the renewable future. Moreover, recommencing the issuance of oil and gas licences would help reduce global emissions by avoiding the higher carbon intensity of imports, stabilise our energy and bolster our economy.

However, I must caution that the current tax regime risks an 80% slump in investment in the UK oil and gas industry over the next five years, according to OEUK. This would undermine both energy security and our ability to transition effectively. Lifting the ban on new exploration and production licences, while ensuring robust environmental standards, offers a pragmatic path forward. It will protect jobs, reduce emissions and, most importantly, help secure the energy future of the United Kingdom. I very much look forward to the Minister’s response and beg to move.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lord Ashcombe, whose amendment I support, for his insightful contributions on the important issue of energy security. This issue cannot go unaddressed when discussing the Bill because of the consequences to our country’s energy production, supply and security. Indeed, Clause 3 explicitly states that GBE’s objects

“are restricted to facilitating, encouraging and participating in … measures for ensuring the security of the supply of energy”.

However, the Bill makes no provision to ensure the security and future of our energy supply, and I express my deepest concern that the tunnel-vision focus on renewable energy to achieve the Government’s overly ambitious target of clean energy by 2030 will inevitably compromise our energy security.

The UK’s energy security should indeed be at the forefront of the debate on the Bill. The Government have said that Great British Energy is part of their plans to ramp up renewables, which they say will result in cheaper energy and greater energy security. However, this is simply not true. Instead, the Government’s renewable plans will cost the British people and our national energy security.

We on these Benches of course recognise the need to cut household energy bills for families, to accelerate private investment in energy infrastructure, and to protect and create jobs in the energy industry across the UK, but the Bill gives no indication as to how this will be achieved. It does not include any measures to ensure the effective delivery of a reduction in household energy bills, nor an increase in British jobs, nor the long-term security of our energy supply. We understand that the purpose of Great British Energy will be to assist the Government in ramping up renewables to achieve their self-imposed target of 100% clean energy by 2030. This is a target that I believe to be driven by political ideology and which industry experts have described as aggressive, unrealistic and expensive, requiring far more than the allocated £8.3 billion of funding.

It is an undeniable truth that renewable energy will always be naturally unreliable. As my noble friend Lady Bloomfield brought to our attention at Second Reading, over the last couple of months, as was the case this time last year and in March, we have seen another dunkelflaute. Indeed, in March, the measure of how often turbines generate their maximum power failed to reach 20%, and we have recently seen levels drop to nearly zero. Relying on new interconnectors to Belgium and Holland will not offer energy security if their wind farms suffer the same weather conditions as ours or if their countries’ needs are greater than ours.

All this being said, it is therefore vital that we acknowledge the UK’s North Sea oil and gas industry when we discuss the future of our energy production and security. This industry has suffered under the Government, as they increase their taxes on North Sea oil to punitive levels. Energy firms have described increasing the windfall tax by 3%—with the headline rate of tax now a staggering 78%—and extending this to 2030 as a devastating blow. This hike will cut investment in UK natural resources and oil and gas production, as indicated by my noble friend Lord Ashcombe, which will make the UK increasingly dependent on imported supply. This will compromise our energy security, but consumers will also be exposed to price fluctuations. The country will become increasingly dependent on imported electricity and will therefore be forced to pay the market price for power as fossil fuel powered generators are closed at a quicker pace than we are ramping up the necessary capacity to replace them.

Not only this, but if investment in UK oil and gas decreases then the revenue generated from the energy profit levy, which the Government are relying on to help fund GBE, will decrease. By pressing ahead with ending oil and gas licences—a move no other major economy has taken—£12 billion in tax receipts have been lost from the North Sea. This, combined with the £8 billion which will be spent on GBE, is a staggering £20 billion of taxpayers’ money.

Analysts have spoken out and warned about relying on North Sea oil taxes to fund the Government’s green energy plans while the Government tax the operators to the point that revenues fall by 80%, as indicated by my noble friend Lord Ashcombe. We must address the fact that the revenue generated from the energy profit levy, or windfall tax, may fall if investment in UK oil and gas decreases. Alongside private sector investment, the Government are relying on windfall tax revenues to fund GBE and support the transition to clean power by 2030. Furthermore, the £8 billion allocated to GBE does not compensate for the amount of investment in energy projects that will be doomed by the Government’s plans to prematurely shut down the UK oil and gas sector.

The North Sea oil and gas industry is not only critical to the UK energy supply but a bedrock for many economies and communities. Economic ecosystems have developed around this industry. It is therefore critical that we manage the energy transition properly. The Government’s plan for GBE, combined with the energy profits levy, puts the industry at risk at this vital time. The proposed increases and the removal of the investment allowances could be detrimental to investment. Offshore Energies UK has warned that the tax increase could see investment in the UK cut from £14 billion to £2 billion between now and 2029. That is not scaremongering; it is what the industry is telling us.

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Moved by

[Lord Offord of Garvel]

35: Clause 4, page 2, line 32, leave out “grant”
Member's explanatory statement
This would probe into the types of financial assistance which can be provided to Great British Energy by the Secretary of State.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

My Lords, I rise to speak in support of amendments tabled to Clause 4 of the Great British Energy Bill, particularly those in my name and the name of my noble friend Lady Noakes. These amendments are crucial as they aim to provide clarity, ensure accountability and protect the taxpayer in what is undoubtedly an ambitious and complex policy area.

Let me first address the central issue that these amendments seek to probe: the nature and scope of the financial assistance the Secretary of State can provide to Great British Energy. We all agree that our energy future is crucial, both for achieving net zero and for ensuring security of supply in an increasingly uncertain world. However, noble intentions must be underpinned by rigorous safeguards, and the current wording of Clause 4 leaves far too much ambiguity.

Amendments 35, 37 and 38 in my name are designed to question the breadth of the financial powers the Bill affords the Secretary of State. It is entirely appropriate to scrutinise these provisions. The taxpayers of this country, who have faced significant financial pressures in recent years, deserve reassurance that the Government are deploying their public funds prudently. The inclusion of vague terms such as the ability to provide assistance by way of guarantees, indemnities and other financial assistance could allow for open-ended commitments.

These are not theoretical concerns. History is replete with examples of well-meaning initiatives that spiralled into financial mismanagement. By narrowing or better defining these provisions, we can ensure that GBE operates within a framework that prioritises efficiency, accountability and value for money.

I turn to Amendment 36 in the name of my noble friend Lady Noakes. This amendment questions the inclusion of specific provisions under subsections (2)(b) to (2)(d). These allow for financial support in connection with acquisitions, liabilities or the provision of assets. While there may well be situations in which such support is necessary, we must ask what checks and balances will be in place and what mechanisms will ensure that public money is not used to underwrite reckless decision-making or speculative ventures.

These amendments are not designed to obstruct the creation of Great British Energy or its objectives; rather, they are about ensuring that its financial underpinnings are solid, transparent and accountable. British principles dictate that the Government must always act as a careful steward of public funds, balancing ambition with fiscal prudence. It is also worth noting that robust safeguards will strengthen the Bill. Clear financial rules do not hamper innovation; they foster confidence for investors, for industry and for the British people.

In conclusion, I urge the Government to take seriously the concerns raised by these amendments. By supporting them, we send a clear message that while we are committed to achieving our energy goals, we will not do so at the expense of fiscal responsibility. The energy transition must be sustainable, in not only environmental terms but economic ones. I beg to move.

[Baroness Noakes (Con)]

My Lords, in this group I have Amendment 36, which partially overlaps Amendment 37 from my noble friend Lord Offord of Garvel. My noble friend asked some general questions about the financial assistance clause. My Amendment 36 is somewhat narrower: it is trying to find out exactly how paragraphs (b) to (d) actually work.

I understand how paragraph (a) works: the Secretary of State gives money to Great British Energy, or possibly lends it money, or guarantees or indemnifies something that Great British Energy does. However, when we get to paragraph (b), somehow the financial assistance is provided by the Secretary of State acquiring shares or securities, but Great British Energy does not appear to be involved at all in that transaction.

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[Lord Cryer (Lab)]

I have answered the noble Baroness’s question to the best of my ability; I will write to her.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

I thank the noble Lord for his response to these amendments. I reiterate that the core aim of these amendments is to protect the taxpayer, ensure proper scrutiny and secure the financial integrity of Great British Energy, so I am sure we will come back to that on Report. I am very taken with the advice given by my noble friend Lord Hamilton of Epsom, that nationalised industries do not have a great track record of producing profits and returns for the taxpayer. In the meantime, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 35 withdrawn.

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[Earl Russell (LD)]

My Lords, my Amendment 100 seeks to insert a new clause after Clause 7 that would require Great British Energy to verify its supply chain in respect of unethical practices and to attempt to engage in ethical supply chain practices only. I will also speak in favour of the principles contained in Amendments 43 and 109 in this group, moved by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, and supported by others.

To be clear, I believe in people and planet, and we should not have to choose one or the other. The two are intertwined and co-dependent. Our goal of reaching net zero must not come at the expense of supporting repressive regimes which do not support the human rights of their own citizens, or on the back of slave labour.

The truth is that it is certain that a proportion of the supplies and materials used in this country as part of our efforts to decarbonise have unknown ethical origins or, if we look more closely, are probably produced in regimes with modern slavery practices.

Polysilicon manufacturers in China account for some 45% of the world’s supply, and some 80% of the world’s solar panel manufacturing. As the noble Lord, Lord Alton, alluded to, Sheffield Hallam University has linked forced labour in China’s labour transfer programme directly to the global supply chain of solar panels. Some 11 companies were identified as engaging in forced labour transfer, including all four of China’s largest polysilicon producers. Some 2.7 million Uighurs are subject to state detention and coerced work programmes.

The combination of unethical practices, cheap labour and deliberate foreign policies means that China controls much of the world’s rare earth materials and manufacturing that is necessary to produce solar panels. China built more renewable technology than the rest of the world combined last year. But China is still opening and highly dependent on coal mines. It is time for China itself to choose which side of the green revolution it is on.

It is not in our national interest to continue with such foreign power dependence in order to secure our net-zero goals. What actions are the Government considering or planning to undertake, along with our allies and partners, to verify supply chains and build our own manufacturing capacity, particularly for solar panels, so that we are not dependent on foreign countries for the materials we need to decarbonise, and so that we can be certain that the products we use are not the result of human suffering? I hope the Prime Minister raised these important issues in his recent meeting with the Chinese President.

My amendment would place a duty on GB Energy to verify and engage in ethical supply chain practices. This is not the end of the journey, but it is a start. Of course, these problems extend way beyond GB Energy and these measures should be implemented nationally.

Amendment 43 says that no financial assistance must be provided

“if there exists credible evidence of modern slavery in the energy supply chain”.

Amendment 109 calls for a warning to be placed on any products sourced from China that are used by GB Energy. Although I support the spirit and intention of both these amendments, my worry is that the Government will not be able to support them and that they will fail.

My fear is that if Amendment 43 passed it would put GB Energy at an unfair disadvantage in relation to other competitors in the industry operating in the UK. For this reason, the Government will most likely reject it. On Amendment 109, I expect that the implication of labelling these products might simply be to prevent their purchase by GB Energy, while other competitors in place in the UK marketplace without this labelling requirement would be able to continue their supply. Again, my worry is that this would do more to put GB Energy at a disadvantage versus its competitors operating in this country. The Government will probably reject the amendment on those grounds.

My hope is that my amendment or a newly tabled one on Report might help us to find a way forward together on this important issue, which we all need to make progress on. To be clear, this issue goes well beyond GB Energy, and the real long-term solutions to it sit with the verification of supply chains, strong and determined diplomacy, the creation of and investment in solar panel manufacturing on our own or along with our allies, or the research and development of new forms of manufacturing processes for these technologies. These are essential issues, but I suspect we will need to engage constructively together to find a way forward prior to Report, and that the solution, ultimately, goes beyond the scope of the Bill and GB Energy.

[Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)]

My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton of Liverpool, and the noble Earl, Lord Russell, for their amendments. We all agree that modern slavery is one of the great scourges of our time. It is estimated that tens of millions of people are trapped in forced labour worldwide, many of them in sectors tied to energy production and manufacturing. Indeed, as the noble Lord and the noble Earl pointed out very eloquently, renewable energy technologies such as solar panels rely on materials such as polysilicon, much of which is sourced from regions where reports of forced labour and human rights abuses are widespread.

These amendments seek to ensure that GBE operates with integrity and accountability in its supply chain practices. Each amendment addresses a crucial aspect of ethical responsibility, and together they would bind the Government to ensure clean energy does not come at the expense of human rights, ethical labour practices or transparency. I encourage the Government to look at this matter carefully. Can the Minister explain what measures will be put in place to ensure that there is oversight of Great British Energy’s supply chains? If Great British Energy is to represent the values of this nation, there is a strong case for tougher measures to prevent public funds being spent in a way that supports or sustains supply chains that exploit human beings.

On Amendment 109, while I recognise the sensitivity and complexity of this issue, it is crucial that we approach it with transparency and courage. Consumers and stakeholders have a right to know the origins of the products they use and the conditions under which they are made. I hope the Minister will listen carefully to the arguments made on this matter; we on these Benches will be very interested to hear his reply.

As a publicly backed entity, Great British Energy has an opportunity to set an example and be a model to other countries. I am sure the Government agree there are opportunities here and we look forward to hearing their response.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for his expert introduction to the amendment. I also thank the noble Earl, Lord Russell, for his wise comments. I say to the noble Lord, Lord Offord, that we are, of course listening very carefully to this important debate, and I have no doubt whatever about the gravity of the issue. The amendments seek to highlight the importance of ensuring that our supply chains are protected from forced labour, and I wholeheartedly support this.