Superintelligent AI

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

Monday 26th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Lloyd of Effra (Lab)]

The Government have forged many extremely successful relationships; as evidenced, for example, by the number of trade deals secured over the past 18 months or so. These relationships with the EU, the US, India, France and many other countries include discussions on AI. In addition, the UK is the co-ordinator on related questions for the International Network for Advanced AI Measurement, Evaluation and Science, which aims to shape and advance the science of AI evaluations globally. Our engagement is on all levels, and specifically on the technical level. The noble Viscount makes an extremely important point. This is an effort of global development, so it is important that we engage with developers globally and with other countries.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords—

[Lord Pitkeathley of Camden Town (Lab)]

My Lords—

[Lord Kennedy of Southwark (Lab Co-op)]

They are both Labour.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, I am and always have been a faithful. With tighter regulation in the future confidently anticipated, is it not often the case that its absence in the present can impede innovation rather than foster it? Given that many of those responsible for the development of AI—and, in some cases, the development of AI superintelligence—have repeatedly requested tighter controls on their activities, can my noble friend the Minister assure your Lordships’ House that the existing regulatory structures are adequate? Can she describe the mechanisms through which their salience and strength are kept under constant review?

[Baroness Lloyd of Effra (Lab)]

My noble friend makes a very good point: our regulators need to be equipped and to have the capabilities, capacity and expertise to regulate a fast-advancing technology. We have put in place many actions and convening powers as part of the AI action plan, to make sure that our regulators have that capacity and capability. Through the AI Security Institute, we are making sure that they have the information they need to regulate. Many departments are thinking about this in concert with their regulators, to ensure that we are taking advantage of the opportunities and preparing for the risks that AI will undoubtedly bring.

AI: Child Sexual Abuse Material

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

Wednesday 30th April 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

It is important to recognise that the measures that Ofcom has set out in the illegal content codes of practice and, last week, in the child safety codes of practice are a landmark change to protect users online. They mark the first time that platforms in the UK are legally required to tackle illegal content and content that is harmful to children. Section 47 of the Online Safety Act requires Ofcom to keep these under review. Additionally, Section 178 requires the Secretary of State to review the effectiveness of the regime two to five years after the legislation comes into force. The report on the outcome of that review must be laid before Parliament. I stress to my noble friend that the Act is not the end of the conversation; it is the foundation. We continue to look at how we can develop the legislation and how Ofcom can strengthen the codes in its own way. We are listening and debating, and we will not hesitate to take further action if it proves to be necessary.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, as the wording of my noble friend Lady Berger’s original Question and her supplementary question rightly emphasises, the report pinpoints AI-generated child sexual abuse images as a growing area of concern. Many of them were indistinguishable from real photographs, with the IWF suggesting that their growing number risks re-victimising persons who are previous victims of sexual abuse. Over 70% of AI-generated sexual abuse images are hosted on servers in Russia, Japan, the United States and the Netherlands. What is being done to solve the jurisdictional issues that allow perpetrators and disseminators of this appalling abuse to act with impunity?

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

My noble friend raises a really important point, but I stress that if a service, including file-sharing and storage services, poses a material risk to users in the United Kingdom, it must abide by the Online Safety Act and the illegal content duties, no matter where it is based. Ofcom has recognised the importance of tackling this issue specifically and has identified it as an early priority for enforcement, opening up a programme to assess the measures being implemented by file-sharing and file-storage services to prevent those services being used. My noble friend is right that a lot of these incidents are happening on an international basis. We are working with our colleagues internationally to make sure that we share information and determine the source of some of these materials, because sometimes we need to take action on an international basis.

Employment Rights Bill: Productivity

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

Monday 31st March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Fox (LD)]

My Lords—

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords—

[Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms and Chief Whip (Lord Kennedy of Southwark) (Lab Co-op)]

There is plenty of time. We will hear from my noble friend first and then from the noble Lord, Lord Fox.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Wirral, will be familiar with the Cambridge Centre for Business Research 2024 policy brief, which my noble friend referred to. It is titled The Economic Effects of Changes in Labour Laws, and it tracks changes in legislative protection for workers around the world from 1970 onwards, including in the UK. The conclusions of this research speak directly to the Employment Rights Bill. On 5 March, Professor Simon Deakin, the CBR director and co-author of this brief, stated that

“stronger labour protection is associated with higher employment and lower unemployment”

and that

“laws, including those regulating flexible working, working time, and employee representation, can have positive productivity effect”.

In anticipation of Committee on the Bill, will my noble friend the Minister join with me in inviting Professor Deakin and his research colleague to come to Parliament and to brief us on their findings, and, if they accept, will the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, accept a challenge to put the case that the CBR’s conclusions are not supported by 50 years of global datasets underpinning its research and therefore do not justify the causative link?

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

I am grateful to my noble friend. He is citing one example. There are numerous examples of external support for our arguments. Academics at Warwick University, Oxford University, MIT and UCL all find a positive relationship between job satisfaction and productivity in their research—but, of course, I would welcome the opportunity to meet the academic to whom my noble friend referred.

Employment Rights Bill

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

2nd reading
Thursday 27th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to speak in support of this much-needed legislation. It is also a pleasure to have an opportunity, following the noble Baroness, Lady Jones, to remind her that much of this Bill was in our manifesto. I remind the Conservative Benches that we have a strong mandate for it.

It has been a pleasure to follow so many powerful contributions, based on expertise and deep engagement on these issues. I am mindful of time and the likely duration of proceedings in Committee and on Report, so I shall focus my remarks on just a couple of headline measures in this Bill and the backdrop against which they are being introduced.

Before I do that, I congratulate my noble friend Lady Jones of Whitchurch on her introductory speech. This is a very complicated and large piece of legislation, and she did a great job of delivering an explanation of the most important parts of it in her introductory speech. I also associate myself with the congratulations to our bevy of maiden speakers, including the noble Lord, Lord Young. I apologise that I have insufficient time to go into detail on the remarks that I would like to make about all those speakers, but their speeches were excellent. I will have another opportunity to compliment them in the future.

We know that the productivity gap between the UK and France, Germany and the United States has doubled over the past 16 years. Anyone who has walked past a newspaper stand or turned on the news over the past couple of months will be aware that we have a record number of economically inactive people through ill health, and that business has reported significant labour shortages in recent years. That is quite the inheritance. However, I am confident that this legislation is a substantive step towards engaging these challenges.

Taking the productivity gap first, when we ask what has caused our anaemic rate of productivity growth compared with that of our neighbours, we are often told that the Government need to get out of the way and that a thicket of workers’ protections is dampening the spirit of capitalism. Over the past 14 years of Conservative-led Government, I long ago lost count of the ministerial promises to kindle bonfires of red tape, take an axe to red tape, or some similarly strenuous deregulatory measure. It is clear that successive Conservative-led Governments over the past 14 years have failed by their own metric or simply were acting on an entirely false premise.

To build on the words of my friend, the noble Lord, Lord Burns, according to research by Cambridge Judge Business School, there has been a consistent and growing negative gap between labour law protections in the UK and those enjoyed by workers in other OECD countries, including France and Germany, at whose productivity rates we have cast such envious eyes in recent years. According to this research, the gap in protections began significantly to widen in 2010—the year that a Conservative-led coalition took office. Key divergences appeared, including working time, wider labour protections and laws impeding legitimate industrial action. This Bill makes a substantive contribution to closing that gap.

There are more celebratory remarks that I should like to make in that context, but time debars me. I will focus on one: the provisions relating to fire and rehire. Your Lordships’ House will recall the most egregious example of this, when the P&O Ferries instituted mass redundancies in March 2022. In response, the then BEIS Minister described the practice of fire and rehire as “deceitful” and “disgraceful”, and vowed that the Government would “stand up for workers” against these “appalling” actions. What slingshot of redress did the Conservative Government choose to employ against this Goliath of inequity? It was a voluntary code of practice that impinged on employers only at the point that a case reached tribunal. The measures in this Bill are far stronger, forcing employers who engage in fire and rehire to demonstrate that they have made exhaustive efforts to find an alternative and to demonstrate that an alternative course would cause severe financial harm to the company. That sounds like a much better way of dealing with this than was offered to those people.

I shall now engage the second element of this Government’s challenging inheritance: the number of people who are currently economically inactive owing to illness. Again, there are competing theories around the causes of this. Some believe that this country has some inherent aversion to hard work. Among them is the shadow Home Secretary, who recently suggested that British people need a better “work ethic”. A deeper look at the ONS figures belies this interpretation. Alongside mental ill-health, musculoskeletal disorders are the biggest cause of long-term unemployment.

Which professions are most likely to be impacted by musculoskeletal disorders? It is manufacturing, construction, transport and storage. There is a huge and structural disparity, in some cases over three times greater, between the number of people who are long-term sick who previously occupied those professions compared with people with jobs in IT, science or public administration, or with professional jobs. These structural inequalities will need wider treatment than falls within the scope of this legislation, but measures which improve protections around sick pay, end exploitative zero-hours contracts and strengthen workers’ rights are a step in the right direction. The question of workplace culture may be a wider discussion, but one which speaks to the spirit underlying this Bill.

Whistleblowers

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

Monday 28th October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

The noble Baroness is absolutely right to raise those cases. We all take those issues very seriously, and we have debated them here in the Chamber on many occasions. There should not be a need for anybody to whistleblow; people should have their concerns taken seriously in the first place. This Government are absolutely determined, from the top, to make sure that people who have concerns at the workplace are able to raise them without the detriment to which the noble Baroness refers. With regard to an office for the whistleblower, there are a number of ideas around this. We are looking at the role and remit that such a body could have. There will be a need to look at the cost, role and function of a potential new body, but we are looking at all the ways we can ensure that whistleblowers are protected at the workplace, as they should be.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, alongside the essential statutory protection of whistleblowers, the current director of the Serious Fraud Office has repeatedly emphasised the importance of offering incentives to the whistleblowers. My noble friend will be aware that my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary, in May, when he was talking about a crackdown on money laundering and corruption, stated that a Labour Government would

“launch a new whistleblower reward scheme to incentivise and encourage sources to step forward”.

Can my noble friend the Minister outline where the Government’s thinking is on balancing the need for these incentives, as well as the existing legal protection?

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

My Lords, we are continuing to look at the whistleblowing regulations. We understand that there may be a need to review them further; a review was carried out by the previous Government. But I reiterate the point I made earlier: there should not be a need for whistleblowers to come forward; they should be protected in the workplace to come forward with their concerns. This requires leadership from the top in every department to make sure that those concerns are heard and acted upon properly. That is what we intend to do across government—make sure that people do not have to resort to whistleblowing to make sure the terrible incidents they are shining a light on finally come to light.

Online Safety Legislation: Abuse on Social Media

Lord Browne of Ladyton Excerpts

Thursday 5th September 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

My Lords, we share my noble friend’s concern about the flourishing of hate crime on these sites and particularly on smaller online platforms. The Secretary of State for DSIT is carefully considering Ofcom’s categorisation recommendations and will make regulations as soon as reasonably practical. He can decide to proceed with Ofcom’s advice or divert from it. If the latter approach is taken, a statement must be published explaining why.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, it was reported today that the United States, the EU and the UK are all expected to sign the Council of Europe’s convention on AI, which emphasises human rights and democratic values in its approach to the regulation of public and private sector systems. The convention, which is legally enforceable, requires signatories to be accountable for any harmful or discriminatory outcomes of AI systems and for victims of AI-related rights violations to have legal recourse. In addition to the offence of sharing, is now not the time to consider criminalising the creation of sexualised deepfake images without consent? The noble Baroness, Lady Owen, called for this on 13 February in your Lordships’ House, and described deepfake abuse, which is almost wholly misogynistic and now epidemic. It is the new frontier of violence against women.

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

My Lords, my noble friend will know that, in addition to the implementation of the Online Safety Act, we already have plans to bring forward a new data Bill where some of these issues can be debated. We also have ambitions to bring forward a further piece of AI legislation, on which we will have the opportunity to talk about those issues in more detail. He is absolutely right: these are serious issues. They were debated at length during the passage of the previous data protection Bill, and we hope to return to them again.