Future of Farming

Jim Allister Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2024 Westminster Hall

[Sarah Smith (Hyndburn) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Roger. I grew up in a rural community as well, and I know how hard farmers work. I know how long it takes for generations to pass on the expertise involved in managing and cultivating the land. It is not like any normal apprenticeship or training programme; children learn over decades how to get the most out of the land, how to get the best yield and how to manage the ever-unpredictable set of circumstances that any year on a farm may bring.

However, I suggest that the last thing farmers need right now is the scaremongering that has been undertaken by the Opposition parties; they are protecting the vested interests of wealthy landowners. It is not just a minority of these people who are buying up the land; 50% of our farmland is being bought up by them, and they are on record saying that they are seeking it to avoid inheritance tax. That is the issue we are taking on. The average farmer in my constituency in Hyndburn has nothing to fear. When we look at the numbers in detail—unfortunately, I do not have the time to offer them—they show that those farmers are protected from the tax. The average farmer, even when we look at arable land values and some of the higher-value land, will not be impacted by the tax.

We have to acknowledge the challenges that some farmers face and the rural poverty in this country—we talk about it a lot and it is very real. But that is not the fault of the current policy; it is the result of decades of failure, and particularly of what happened in recent years under the previous Government, who failed to grasp how to support farmers to be more productive, so that they can earn the money they ought to be earning.

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

The hon. Lady says that 50% of those affected are people who invest in land not for farming; is not the answer to put 40% inheritance tax on them and 0% on the real farmers?

[Sir Roger Gale (in the Chair)]

Order. I should have said—I did not, but I will now—that if any Member chooses to intervene, which they are quite entitled to do, I shall treat that as a speech, so they will not get called later in the debate.

--- Later in debate ---

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Roger.

In Northern Ireland, land prices are in some cases twice as high as in other parts of the United Kingdom. The consequence of that is that the farm tax threshold will be reached more quickly and the burden will be even greater. But the real cruelty of the tax is this. In many cases, when one generation take over a farm, they naturally want to grow, expand and improve their productivity. Very often, during a lifetime, extra land will be bought. That extra land is bought with money on which tax has already been paid. So this is a double taxation: people buy land with profits they have made on which they have paid their tax, then when they die, the Government come looking again. That is so unfair, particularly when it is family farms being crucified by that tax.

I understand that there are people exploiting the market who are interested not in farming, but in tax relief, and own land for that purpose. The Government should hit them with all the might they can with the 40% inheritance tax, but exempt the genuine farmers—those who have a farm business number; those who are in receipt of direct payments; those who are genuine, active farmers. If the Government exempted them and went harder after those exploiting the system, they would probably have the same return at the end of it. Would that not be far more equitable than what is being proposed?

Draft Movement of Goods (Northern Ireland to Great Britain) (Animals, Feed and Food, Plant Health etc.) (Transitory Provision and Miscellaneous Amendments) Regulations 2024

Jim Allister Excerpts

Tuesday 3rd December 2024 General Committees

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

Thank you, Mr Twigg, for the opportunity to contribute on this matter.

There are the practical considerations, and there is the ideology that lies behind these regulations. On the practical side, we are told that Northern Ireland qualifying goods—that is to say, those that originate only within Northern Ireland—will have free passage to GB. However, the very fact that we have to consider and discuss that within what is supposed to be one single country and one single internal market requires a commentary in itself.

The Minister would concede that to implement these regulations, there will have to be spot checks on NI qualifying goods moving to GB. Without them, there will be no protection against infringement, breaches and upset of the very thing that is meant to be protected. I suspect that, whereas it is easy to say that Northern Ireland qualifying goods will move unfettered from Northern Ireland to GB, the reality will be very different in time. Spot checks will inevitably be carried out as a protection, and that will have the full- frontal effect of fettering trade from Northern Ireland to GB.

The more fundamental point is that these regulations put the Government in something of a bind. They tell us, as their predecessor Government did, that trade from GB to Northern Ireland cannot be managed without an international customs border partitioning the United Kingdom down the Irish sea. Of course, that stems from the fact that the protocol surrendered customs control over Northern Ireland, because, under regulation (EU) 2017/625, Northern Ireland is deemed to be the entry point to the EU.

We are deemed to be EU territory, so all the rules relating to its customs code and single market apply to us—rules we do not make and laws we cannot change. This Government and the previous one said, “That’s the only way to manage the border, because having checks away from the border, and SPS facilities at factories and recipient points just wouldn’t work.” Yet that is precisely what these regulations are proffering, in terms of goods from the Republic of Ireland coming into Northern Ireland and going onward.

If the destination of the goods is Northern Ireland, there will be no checks whatever because Northern Ireland is deemed to be EU territory with regard to customs arrangements. If the goods are going onwards, they are to be subject to SPS checks, which can be carried out away from the border. If SPS checks can be carried out away from the border in a west-east transition, why on earth can they not be carried out away from the border in an east-west transition or a north-south transition?

That is the fundamental bind that the Government are putting themselves in. They are saying, on an unsustainable basis, “You must have an Irish sea border. You can’t have the checks at the international border, because you can’t do them away from the border at the factories from which they come or the places to which they are going.” But that is exactly what is on offer here for goods coming from the Republic of Ireland: they can be checked at SPS facilities away from the border. If that is good enough for goods that are going from the Republic through Northern Ireland to GB, why is it not good enough for goods going from the United Kingdom through Northern Ireland to the Republic of Ireland? That is the fundamental question.

If it fits for one, why does it not fit for the other? Patently it would and it should, but it only could if the Government recover sovereignty over Northern Ireland by discontinuing our treatment as an EU territory. Then there can be SPS checks, not at the border if we do not want them there, but at any facility, so that the goods travelling from GB to the EU through Northern Ireland are treated exactly as the goods coming from the EU through Northern Ireland to GB. I would love the Minister to explain to us why it could not and should not be a two-way process, because without it we will end up with a two-way border in the Irish sea.

Draft Windsor Framework (Non-Commercial Movement of Pet Animals) Regulations 2024

Jim Allister Excerpts

Wednesday 6th November 2024 General Committees

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

I urge the Committee to reject these regulations. I take issue with the Minister saying that this is an improvement. The original propositions of the protocol were never implemented. The grace periods remain the current position, which is that no pet passports, no documentation and no requirement to be part of a pet scheme is needed to bring your pet from GB to the other part of the United Kingdom.

What these regulations do is impose a pet passport scheme. People must belong to a pet scheme and submit their dog, cat or ferret to documentary and identity checks on getting on the boat and on leaving the boat—all that is within the one country. All that is because, for the first time since Brexit, the EU has legislated for the United Kingdom. I want that to sink in. What these regulations do is impose EU regulation 2023/1231. Let me read the title of that measure, which is a regulation of the European Parliament, not of this Parliament, and of the Council:

“Regulation (EU) 2023/1231 on specific rules relating to the entry into Northern Ireland from other parts of the United Kingdom of certain consignments of retail goods, plants for planting, seed potatoes, machinery and certain vehicles operated for agricultural or forestry purposes, as well as non-commercial movements of certain pet animals into Northern Ireland”.

These regulations impose that foreign-made regulation, made not for the EU—it is not applicable to the EU—but for this United Kingdom. How is it that we have got to the point that this Committee is expected merely to nod to legislation made not by this House, for this United Kingdom? It is not that it is imposing obligations unique to Northern Ireland; it is imposing obligations on GB citizens, who want to bring their pet to visit family, the Giant’s Causeway or the many tourist attractions in Northern Ireland. Now, courtesy of the demands of this foreign EU legislation, they must belong to a pet scheme, apply for and obtain a pet passport, subject their pet to document and identity checks, and then—and only then—can they move their pet internally within the United Kingdom. That is an astounding situation, and an astounding imposition on citizens of Great Britain.

As I read the regulations, that imposition extends even to guide dogs. Think about it. If someone who needs a guide dog comes from GB to visit a relative in my constituency or elsewhere, or the Giant’s Causeway in my constituency, they must have a pet passport. Why? Not because of regulations made by this House, but because legislation passed by the EU says that he or she must have one. Many guide dogs are reared in Northern Ireland for GB use. They are trained in Northern Ireland, and every one of them will be subject to this unnecessary regulation.

We are told that it is all to protect the EU market. We are told that we cannot have an SPS border where it should be—where the actual border is—but we must have it in the Irish sea. The farce of these regulations is that if someone brings their dog from GB to Northern Ireland, and wants to visit Donegal or Dublin across the border, then they must subject themselves to a full SPS border where we were told it cannot be—at the actual border. How farcical is that? We cannot have an SPS border where it should be. We must therefore impose restrictions on animals coming from GB to Northern Ireland, but if we take a dog onwards to the Republic, then yes, we are subject to full SPS checks. Where? Where we are told we cannot even have an SPS border.

The other dimension of the regulations, and the subservience that we are invited to submit ourselves to, is that if the EU is dissatisfied with the United Kingdom’s implementation of them, then under EU regulation, it can suspend them or take whatever steps it wishes. What this Parliament has been asked to do, on behalf of its citizens—primarily its GB citizens—is put them at the mercy of the EU’s regulations, not United Kingdom registration, which could allow their animal to be put into quarantine. Indeed, under the regulations, if an animal fails the document or identify check, it has to go into SPS custody. I assume that means it goes into quarantine, in its own country. Little wonder the other place debated these regulations. I have initiated an early-day motion for this House to debate them. I suspect it will not, but it certainly should, because they are a fundamental assault on basic freedoms.

The other point to stress is that most other things governed by the Irish sea border are governed under the pretext that they are commercial. This is the extension of the Irish sea border to the non-commercial movement of pets. Why should that be? We are told that this improves the present situation, but I have already explained why it does not: the present situation is free movement.

At present, cats and ferrets do not need to be microchipped—yes, dogs need to be microchipped, but not cats or ferrets. Under these regulations, cats, ferrets and dogs must all be microchipped to move within this United Kingdom. Frankly, that is a step far too far. The Committee should take a stand and say, “We cannot—we will not—put this upon our citizens.” Why should we, if all someone is doing is bringing their best friend—their dog—with them within the United Kingdom? That is why I invite the Committee not to approve the regulations.

I raise considerable concern that there was no impact assessment on the regulations on the fatuous grounds that they were less severe than they might have been— that is no comfort; there should have been an impact assessment—and because, equally fatuously, there is no impact on business. Of course there is not—the movements are non-commercial. It is all the worse that we have now got to the point where non-commercial movements are being dictated to us under regulations.

As the hon. Member for Broadland and Fakenham said, there was no public consultation. Why not? These regulations affect every dog, cat and ferret owner in Great Britain. Should there not have been a public consultation, particularly as they affect every guide dog owner? That is where it really cuts to the quick. I say to the Committee that the case is not made for these regulations and they should be taken back, because to go down this road is to take a step far too far in being subservient to a foreign Parliament telling us what people in this country can do with their dogs, cats and ferrets.

Farming and Food Security

Jim Allister Excerpts

Tuesday 8th October 2024 Commons Chamber

[Steve Reed]

It is regrettable that this Government inherited from the previous Government flood defences in the worst condition ever recorded. Of course I recognise that farmers need support, but they need long-term support, not just the sticking plaster approach that we had from the previous Government. We will be looking at how we can do that. The Environment Agency has already made £37 million available, so support will be available to farmers that are facing flooding in the here and now. However, it is in the spending review that we will look at how we can provide that longer-term support so that we can give farmers and, indeed, other businesses and homeowners protection from the kind of severe weather events that we are seeing much more frequently due to climate change.

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

While the Secretary of State explains to the House what he is doing and what he will do, will he spare a thought for the farmers of Northern Ireland? Our agrifood industry is shaped and controlled not by the laws that this House makes, not by the laws that the devolved Parliament makes, but by the laws made by a foreign Parliament, namely the European Parliament. In more than 300 areas of law, 120 of which affect our agrifood industry, that is how our laws are made. How is that even approaching being democratic and how is agrifood in Northern Ireland meant to be shaped to meet its needs if its own representatives cannot even make or change the laws that govern it?

[Steve Reed]

I am very pleased to say that I have already had two meetings with the Northern Ireland Environment Minister to talk about how we can co-operate better to support farmers in Northern Ireland. I have also been speaking with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, who shares that interest.

--- Later in debate ---

[Carla Lockhart (Upper Bann) (DUP)]

I rise to proudly voice my support for the 27,000 farming families across Northern Ireland who, day in and day out, work tirelessly to help feed our nation. I also stand for the 100,000 people employed in the agrifood sector directly or indirectly, and the 10 million people across the UK who consume Northern Ireland’s top-quality produce on a daily basis.

We DUP Members take great pride in the fact that Northern Ireland sets a high bar for food quality, animal welfare and environmental standards. Our farms are committed to sustainable practices, ensuring that food is produced responsibly and with respect for our landscapes and ecosystems. Despite the efforts of those who unfairly criticise our farming community and treat them as scapegoats for climate change, our farmers should be seen as partners, not problems. They are already working with some of the most rigorous environmental regulations, and should be recognised for their role in meeting climate targets across the UK. Farmers are and always have been the best custodians of our land. They must be enshrined in UK policy, given a seat at the table in key discussions and supported financially, so that they can continue their vital work.

However, not all is well in the industry. Northern Ireland is grappling with the daily impacts of the protocol and the Windsor framework, which have created significant uncertainty. Our agri-industry is subject to more than 120 EU laws over which we have no democratic say, and our agriculture sector faces unnecessary trade barriers and supply chain issues that complicate the movement of goods between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

[Jim Allister]

Does the hon. Lady agree that one of the most pernicious impacts of the protocol is that in a few months, the European Union will stop the veterinary medicines that are so vital to the health of animals in Northern Ireland coming over from Great Britain, because the EU insists that its veterinary agency should control these matters?

[Carla Lockhart]

I agree wholeheartedly with the hon. Member. The growing uncertainty over the availability of veterinary medicines in Northern Ireland because of the protocol poses a grave threat to the agri-food sector and animal welfare. If a permanent solution is not reached now, Northern Ireland risks losing access to more than 1,700 vital veterinary products, around 51% of its current medicine portfolio, as per the British Veterinary Association’s advice. That will have devastating consequences, not only for farmers and their livestock, but for consumers and companion animals such as cats, dogs and horses. Without those essential medicines, animal health and disease control will be severely compromised, leaving our agricultural sector, and the broader public, exposed to significant risks. This is a 2024 problem, not a 2025 problem, and it needs a fix.

We also have the unsatisfactory situation around the transport of second-hand farm machinery from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, due to requirements such as a phytosanitary certificate just because there might be soil on the wheels. We had the eleventh-hour U-turn on the UK-wide “not for EU” labelling policy, which demonstrated no sign of a willingness to mitigate the Irish sea border—an outrageous move on the part of the Government, but not surprising given the continued bending to the EU and big business. This Government have demonstrated their complete disregard for Northern Ireland in that regard. We also have ongoing issues around potatoes and plants coming from Scotland to Northern Ireland—the list goes on. Those issues are far from resolved and need to be addressed.

On top of those difficulties, our farming community is dealing with the rising cost of living, rising energy prices and volatile farmgate prices. I call on the Government to ensure that funding for agriculture in Northern Ireland is adjusted in line with inflation, at around £389 million. Our farmers need certainty, and that means a ring-fenced support package that extends beyond short-term budget cycles, ideally for at least 10 years. In conclusion, the message is clear: no farmers, no food. They need our support.

Sheep Farming

Jim Allister Excerpts

Wednesday 4th September 2024 Westminster Hall

[Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)]

I thank the hon. Member for Hexham (Joe Morris) for bringing this important matter to the Floor. As has been clear from the contributions from Northern Ireland, sheep farming is a significant but, sadly, poor relation of farming because the lowest farm incomes in the farming sector arise among sheep farmers. That is an indication of an indisputable fact: what is needed in Northern Ireland, and particularly in a constituency such as mine, which has a lot of sheep farmers, is a sheep support scheme.

In Northern Ireland, we do have a beef support scheme —it is called the beef carbon reduction scheme—and we have a separate cow scheme. Those contribute to environmental enhancements on what used to be the single farm payment, now the direct payment. But there is no scheme for sheep farmers, and that is a lamentable failure on the part of the local Department. It has been sitting on a taskforce recommendation since early last year and has failed to move on that matter. Not only is that failure to move doing nothing to increase incomes, but it is going to decrease them. From 2025, sheep farmers farming only sheep are set to lose 17% of their basic payment unless they change to include protein crops and cattle. For many, that is just not possible, so there is an urgent need for action.

[Robin Swann]

The hon. Member talks about sheep farmers in Northern Ireland looking enviously on at beef farmers in Northern Ireland, but he will be aware that they also get to look across the border, where the Republic of Ireland Government have introduced a sheep support scheme that pays up to €17 to €20 a head. That puts our farmers in Northern Ireland at a further disadvantage.

[Jim Allister]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, but it is actually worse than that. Yes, we can look across the border and see the advantage, but the problem is that, courtesy of the Windsor framework and the protocol, Northern Ireland farmers are subject to the same rules and regulations but none of the benefits. Members should never forget that the laws concerning farming in Northern Ireland are not made in this place or in Stormont; they are made in a foreign Parliament to which we elect no one. That is the ultimate constitutional absurdity of the Windsor framework: we have created a situation where, in more than 300 areas of law, the laws are foreign-imposed—colony-like—on Northern Ireland. The laws concerning the whole agrifood industry are made in Brussels, and that is an appalling constitutional and economic affront.

Because we are subject to the European veterinary regime, we now have a looming crisis: come 2025, our veterinary medicines, which are produced in Great Britain, will not be permitted to enter Northern Ireland, and up to 50% of our medicines will be excluded from Northern Ireland. That is a serious challenge, which the last Government did nothing about and which I trust this Government will do something about. This Government will need to stand up with vigour against the European Commission and insist that every part of this country must be entitled to have the same veterinary medicines as the rest of the country. It is time that we shook off our shackles and insisted on that.

Of course, it gets even worse. As has been alluded to, movements of livestock from Great Britain to Northern Ireland are subject to every EU rule that applies. We therefore have quarantine periods of six months for those wanting to bring in livestock, and of 30 days for the host farm it is coming from. Why? Because that is what EU rules, which we have been left subject to—serf-like—insist on. To take sheep farming, farmers need to constantly improve the genetic line; they need to bring in new rams, but bringing one in from Scotland or Wales, which would be our traditional sources, is now nigh impossible because of these quarantine rules. That needs to be addressed.

There are other dimensions. Reference has been made to the fact that hundreds of cattle and other livestock have been stranded on this side of the Irish sea since last year and cannot be moved to Northern Ireland, due to EU rules about bluetongue. We have the ludicrous situation that someone who buys rams in France or cattle in Sweden or elsewhere can bring them straight through GB to Northern Ireland, but if they buy them in GB, they cannot bring them to Northern Ireland, because GB is said to be a bluetongue zone. Even though the livestock is, in many cases, being bought from Scotland, which has no bluetongue difficulties, it still cannot be brought to Northern Ireland. Why? Again, because of the absurdity that we are subject to EU rules.

This House, far outside the framework of farming issues, needs to get hold of the fact that unless we deal with the constitutional imperative of restoring Northern Ireland to the rules of this House and this country, and not of a foreign jurisdiction, we will have these problems, which manifest themselves in our farming industry in the way I have described. It is not just a multifaceted problem, but a multifaceted problem with many deep issues that need to be addressed. The last Government had no appetite to address them—in fact, they deepened the problems with their Windsor framework. I trust that this Government, who have inherited the ludicrous situation of Northern Ireland being a condominium ruled in part by laws made in the United Kingdom and in part by foreign laws in a foreign jurisdiction, will address this issue. We cannot go on like this. Neither our sheep farmers, nor any other farmers, nor our citizens should be living in a colony-like situation where we are ruled by laws we do not make and cannot change.

--- Later in debate ---

[Robbie Moore (Keighley and Ilkley) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dr Huq. I thank the hon. Member for Hexham (Joe Morris) for securing this really important debate. He represents a beautiful constituency in a county I know very well, having worked there for many a year. I welcome him to this place. I also welcome the Minister to his place in probably the best Department in Government.

Before I start, I want to thank our farming community, not only in my constituency of Keighley and Ilkley in West Yorkshire, but across the whole United Kingdom. We all know that farmers work tirelessly throughout the year in all weathers. Having lambed many a yow in the cold winter months up in Yorkshire, I know just how hard our farmers work.

I echo colleagues’ comments highlighting just how important the sheep farming industry is. It not only contributes £1.8 billion to our economy but provides the high-quality food on our plates and sustainable textiles on our backs—perhaps even Northumberland tartan, as the hon. Member for Hexham mentioned.

I support the National Sheep Association’s calls to maintain, if not enhance, the UK’s flock. I want sheep farming to be supported and developed, not cut back. So much of our natural landscape is as it is because of the hard graft of sheep farmers across our nation. We owe it to them to keep food at the centre of what we do in this place, in the knowledge that supported food production goes hand in hand with our duties to the environment.

During the previous Conservative Government, I was proud to play my part in making much progress in the sheep sector, both in my time on the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee and as a Minister. We made strong progress in cracking down on livestock worrying—a blight on our farmers, who have enough to deal with without having to worry about inconsiderate dog owners. I only hope the new Administration will pick up that legislation where it was left off and not scrap it, as is being reported in the farming press.

We also delivered the biggest change in a generation in how the Government work with farmers, following our exit from the European Union. Replacing the common agricultural policy with a framework that works for farmers, food producers and the country has been a huge task. Although I would be the first to accept that the sustainable farming incentive and other schemes are not perfect, they are major milestones in delivering a farming subsidy support scheme that works for sheep farmers and other farmers across the country as the basic payment scheme is phased out.

I was pleased that, at the National Sheep Association’s Sheep Event 2024, the Minister indicated that the new Administration will not overturn those schemes. However, it is now being widely reported in the media that the Labour Administration are intent on cutting the farming budget, which not only will have dire consequences for the farming industry, but will negatively impact our nation’s food security agenda and efforts to enhance the environment. Will the Minister confirm whether that is the case? Will he provide some clarity on his intentions for the farming budget? The farming budget needs at least to be maintained, if not enhanced, and be properly ringfenced and secured to provide certainty for our farming community.

The harsh climate of our upland farmland will always be a challenge for any business in the area, but that is why we must support our sheep farming sector, which is able to turn land that would otherwise be uneconomical into productive land that contributes valuable produce to the economy. I urge the Government to ensure that the new expanded offer for the sustainable farming incentive is quickly rolled out, and that much clarity and reassurance is provided through the extended offers that were announced.

I know from my time in Government that the DEFRA team and their officials have been working incredibly hard on this proposal. I thank the officials, including Janet Hughes, who has a huge amount of respect from the farming community. We all want reassurance and clarity to be provided on those extended offers so that they can be taken up in full.

With a new Government, we must look to the future and at how we can further support this dynamic and ever-changing sector. As a guiding principle, I urge the new Labour Government to trust the excellent sheep farmers across the country, who know so much about what they are doing and have the best intentions. They are keen to get on with the job, and we have a duty to support them without burdening them with unreasonable red tape.

A clear example of that is the ongoing efforts to combat bluetongue. It is in everybody’s interest to combat that disease, and I hope that the DEFRA team will deliver effective support for sheep farmers, particularly with regard to proper surveillance. I know that bluetongue is of deep concern to our sheep farming community. Like the National Sheep Association, I urge British farmers to remain vigilant for signs of bluetongue, as I am aware that around 50 suspected cases have been reported within a week, and restriction zones have been implemented in Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk to limit the spread of the virus. Will the Government support the development of a licensed bluetongue vaccine and work with the industry to deploy it as soon as possible?

Moving on to another area of concern, I am aware of the pressure in the farming sector to reduce regulation around carcase splitting. Of course, any Government’s first concern is rightly to ensure that food stocks in the UK remain safe for the broader public, but I urge the Government to look at regulation. I would be interested to understand their view on the issue and to hear whether they would consider rolling back carcase-splitting requirements so that farmers are able to maximise value.

Where the Government can really make a direct and positive difference is in the delivery of greater fairness in our food supply chain, to help sheep farmers run successful businesses. The industry-wide consultation in February 2024 provided compelling support for carcase classification. I urge the Government to pick up on that proposal as quickly as possible. It can only be right that, after doing the hard work of raising and caring for their animals, sheep farmers have certainty about the price they can expect to get for them. It is vital that transparency is applied right across the food supply chain, as we have seen in other sectors, including pigs and cattle.

As we look to our domestic supply chain, we must recognise the globalised world we live in and the opportunities and challenges that it brings. Last week, the Prime Minister unveiled the first step in his supposed reset with Europe. Much has been made of what the new relationship might look like. Although promises not to return to the single market or the customs union are welcome, it is possible that farmers could fall foul of EU law under any new arrangement, so I seek the Government’s reassurance about what the new relationship will look like. Complicated and bureaucratic EU animal welfare laws will only damage our sheep farming community, so will the Minister reassure me that none of the four nations across the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland, will be subject to additional rules, which we have spent much time since 2016 trying to remove ourselves from for the benefit of the sector?

[Jim Allister]

The shadow Minister says that no part of the United Kingdom should be subject to EU rules, but the reality is that Northern Ireland is subject to them. That is the problem: we were never delivered from them. His Government failed to deliver us from them. That is why we have the mess we have.

[Robbie Moore]

Of course, the Windsor framework was an element of trying to address many concerns, not only in the food and farming sector but in other sectors. Although it is indeed not perfect, I am interested to see what the new Government want to do on the specific issue that the hon. Gentleman raises.

There is much to do to support our sheep farming sector. It is vital that the new Government move quickly to continue the work of the Conservative Government and deliver a vision for upland and lowland sheep farming that will give businesses the ability to plan, produce and thrive.