Consumer Rights Bill

David Hamilton Excerpts

Tuesday 28th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Mr McKenzie]

I thank my hon. Friend for her intervention, and she is absolutely right to say that there is a pressure from the other end of that telephone line to make the recipient think that the caller is selling the best possible product imaginable. Time and again, it catches people out.

It is not only a question of the elderly being caught out by sales over the phone and so on. Increasingly, a number of young people are coming in to my surgery. They are not the only people who purchase online, but they are increasingly purchasing certain products online and are bitterly disappointed by their quality. I am speaking about those who might have downloaded things, especially music, from the internet in the months leading up to Christmas, only to find that the music is not quite what it said it was and is not quite of the quality they would have expected from the group or individual they downloaded. For them, it is a case of saying, “That is not what I wanted: the product does not do what I thought it would when it was sold to me.” In some instances, it is not entirely the person they expected when they downloaded their purchase. Other people are filling up tracks just to make up the album.

The problem does not often come to light, because when people purchase something for £2.99 or £3.99 they think that it is not really worth their while to go back and complain. However, when we multiply the problem by the number of young people who make downloads and share that experience, it adds up to quite a bit of money. The Bill should look at the download and software side as much the hard physical side of the problem.

We live in an era in which we share a lot of data—perhaps we do not realise how much data companies have on us, including about our buying habits and other trends. I dare say that if we went into certain supermarkets, they could tell us what we purchased every week, what we changed every week and, more to the point, what we were probably enticed to buy when there were “Buy one, get one free” or “Three for the price of two” offers. It is that sharing of data that leads to another consumer experience: nuisance or persistent calls in which people are told, “We know what you buy, we know what you like, and we know what you might buy.” We live in a different world in which we are told that we should not wait and that we have to buy something now—“Get it now; don’t wait”—which is in stark contrast to the experience of a previous generation, who thought that if they could not afford something, they should not buy it. There are pressures to impulse buy as a result of the sharing of that sort of information. For some people, that leads inevitably to debt. An increasing number of people are getting into debt as the result of such purchases.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

Is it not the case that when certain groups of people take those calls they take a backward step? They think that they are talking to the agent or the company, but in fact they are talking to a sub-company. They are left with a belief that they have to do something. It is not a question of whether they should do it—they have to do it.

[Mr McKenzie]

We should never forget that those sub-companies have targets, and they will do anything to meet them. For example, a young constituent came to see me. He had purchased a mobile phone contract, and wished to give up the phone after the term of his contract had ended. He found that, yes, it was easy to give up the phone, but he noticed on his bank statement that every month a deduction of £5 continued to be made by the company. He wondered what on earth it was about. He had given up the phone, only to find in the small print that he had been sold phone insurance. Because of its targets, the company continued to take insurance money, even though he did not have the phone.

That leads me to the problem of debt and how we help people to get out of debt. I am delighted that in my area we have begun a campaign to highlight the problem called Debtbusters, which has been rolled out across Scotland both to help people who have got into debt as a result of those purchases and to tackle payday lending. One way out is to offer advice on credit unions. The focus on credit unions tends to be the credit side, but we need to change that and focus on savings. It is unbelievable that, after eight weeks, someone can take out three times what they have saved and that leads to increased debt.

In conclusion, Labour believes that this Bill does not do enough to clarify the way in which customers are empowered in both local and national structures to ensure that they know who to turn to for help when things go wrong.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr David Hamilton]

More and more people are coming to my surgeries and indicating that, because of the type of contract they have—zero-hours contracts, for example—they cannot use direct debits. They pay when they can pay. That is a major issue that is beginning to develop in my area.

[Sheila Gilmore]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. We must examine that issue more carefully, because there is an assumption that people will have bank accounts. The Government have stated that they want to make that assumption in relation to universal credit payments, for example. People who are working will be affected as well as those who are not. People are naturally wary of that, because they do not want to be caught up in the payment of high charges. There has been talk of trying to find some form of bank account that would avoid that happening, which would be all the better. I am sure that Members of all parties have had cases come up, whether localised or not, that have made them realise the need for legislative change to protect people. The Bill provides us with an opportunity to make that change. I do not want to rewrite “War and Peace” or create a huge doorstop of a Bill, but we could take this opportunity, perhaps in Committee, to improve the Bill and improve the lives of many of our constituents.

National Minimum Wage

David Hamilton Excerpts

Wednesday 15th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Rachel Reeves]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. The reality is that under this Government we have seen record numbers of workers on zero-hours contracts, record numbers of people who want to work full time having to work part time, and wages failing to keep up with prices. The average worker is now £1,600 a year worse off and the number of people being paid less than the living wage is up from 3.6 million in 2010 to more than 5 million today. The value of the minimum wage has fallen by 5% over the past three and a half years. For a full-time worker that means a real-terms pay cut of £13 a week.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

Is my hon. Friend as surprised as I am that Government Members are not supporting good employers? There are good employers in my constituency who are arguing very clearly that undercutting the minimum wage is affecting their business. They want good employers, not bad ones.

[Rachel Reeves]

I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. We saw similar things when Labour introduced the national minimum wage in the first place, because in many cases those who benefitted were the good employers who wanted to pay their workers a decent wage and who were being undercut by the cowboys.

Beer Duty Escalator

David Hamilton Excerpts

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

I will try not to take up too much time. I want to be specific, because it appears from the interventions on the hon. Member for Burton (Andrew Griffiths) that hon. Members have a wide range of opinions that all go in the same direction. They will give the facts and figures during the debate.

When I was a young man, there were 23 pubs in Dalkeith high street. Times have changed. The price of alcohol has created problems for the brewing industry, but so have changes in habits and priorities. There is no doubt that taxation is one of the many factors that have created a problem for our pubs. Every day, we see on television and in the newspapers the problems on high streets at weekends, but no one talks about the thousands of pubs in villages and housing estates where there are no problems whatever. We want to protect those pubs.

No doubt the Minister will say that treating alcohol-related diseases costs 3% of the NHS budget; that only £10.6 billion is raised in tax; and that £21 billion is spent through the NHS on treating alcohol-related injuries and so on. I understand that, but I have a specific point for him to consider. Many hon. Members will talk about draught beer and cider, which are disproportionately affected by what happens in the supermarkets. In Scotland, there will be a threshold for alcohol pricing in supermarkets, but a minimum pricing regime will mean that the supermarkets take the money—nobody else will get it. Will the Treasury consider transferring the duty, and reducing the tax on some products and increasing it on others?

If hon. Members go to Tesco across the road from the Palace, they will find that four cans of John Smith’s will cost them £3.50—so I am told. A pint of the same beer will cost them £4.10 in The Red Lion. The tax on alcohol in supermarkets is completely disproportionate to the tax on alcohol bought at the bar.

[Dr Eilidh Whiteford (Banff and Buchan) (SNP)]

The hon. Gentleman makes a serious point about the health impact of alcohol on our society. Does he agree that pubs are a more controlled environment for drinking, and that people are less likely to abuse alcohol in pubs than if they buy cheap booze from the supermarket?

[Mr Hamilton]

I could not agree more. As a side issue, the central location of television soap operas is the pub. Things might be exaggerated on television, but pubs are about families and people getting together. Pubs are controlled environments where people look after one another. It is not uncommon for the bar steward to say to someone who is too drunk, “You’ve had enough. Away you go.” Somebody might look after someone who is too drunk in the pub. Drinking at home is uncontrolled and causes far more bother. Another problem we must face is that, nowadays, people—youngsters especially—meet in houses and get drink-fuelled before going out to the nightclubs.

[Mr Jim Cunningham]

Does my hon. Friend agree that one big problem with our high streets is the fact that there have been a lot of pub closures? Working men’s clubs are also affected. Are they not contributing factors to why we have ghost city centres, as we call them these days? A commission is looking into that.

[Mr Hamilton]

It is also the case that it is not just about pubs and the price of beer. Pubs, and especially clubs, have a far wider role. My local club, the Dalkeith miners club, has about 25 different organisations, including ones for kids, using its big halls during the day, and it is looking at other avenues. In many cases, clubs are community centres where no other community centre exists. They become the focal point for everyone.

I know that other hon. Members will raise a host of issues, but I have a specific point I wish to make. Surely it is not beyond the wit of the civil servants in the Department to come up with a mechanism that would tax a 50-pint cask of beer differently from anything else. That would allow draught beers to be taxed at a different rate—nobody is going to go to Tesco and buy a 50-pint cask and carry it home. Draught beers, ciders and lagers could be taxed differently.

[Mr Leech]

Is not the easy solution a differential on beer duty as between off-sales and on-sales? Minimum pricing for alcohol in supermarkets is still going to make supermarket alcohol much cheaper than in the pubs. If there is a massive differential in duty between supermarket alcohol and on-sales, it would make a massive difference in terms of encouraging people to drink in the pub instead of front-loading from the supermarket.

[Mr Hamilton]

I agree with the hon. Gentleman’s point, but without a cross-subsidy—the money raised from one being transferred to the other—I would be reluctant to go down the road of minimum pricing as proposed by the Scottish Government. Nobody has yet told me where that extra money will go, and that is a really big question that has to be answered. It has to be taken on board by the Department.

On the wider issue of alcohol taxation, it is a fact that the tax nowadays is so draconian compared with many years ago that it is a case of beer drinkers subsidising tax revenues. That has to stop, and the European Commission has to be drawn into line. I believe strongly that there is an alternative to the present proposal of cutting tax across the board. A selective cut could be effective. There have been many campaigns on beer, cider and lager, but there is an easier method if the tax is considered in terms of barrels of beer. It would have to be cleared through Europe, but the civil servants could do it.

Air Passenger Duty

David Hamilton Excerpts

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Priti Patel]

I thank my hon. Friend for her comments.

We would all like to see travellers from Brazil, Russia, India, China and a range of emerging markets choose to spend their dollars, rupees and other currencies here, but the current rates of APD are deterring inbound tourism, especially from developing countries with a growing middle class. Why would a family of four from China wishing to take a holiday in Europe come to Britain where APD would add a further £324 to their travel costs when they could hop on a flight to France and pay aviation taxes totalling £36 or to Germany where they would also pay less? The Government’s tourism strategy clearly warns that we are pricing ourselves out of the mass or middle market and will swiftly relegate Britain from being the sixth most popular destination in the world to the margins of the industry. The aviation sector supports more than 900,000 jobs and contributes more than £50 billion to GDP. I urge the Government to consider how APD can be reformed to support tourism as well as business.

In 1994, modest levels of £5 for short-haul travel in the EU and £10 for destinations beyond the EU were introduced. APD is now having a negative impact on our economy. When the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Minister without Portfolio, my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Rushcliffe (Mr Clarke), announced the introduction of APD in November 1993, he said it was a small duty on all air passengers from United Kingdom airports. The predicted revenue was £330 million a year. It now raises 10 times more than that, and a family of four travelling economy class to Florida this winter will pay £260 in APD.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

That figure would be a lot higher if the family were going via one of the regional airports and could not get the same carrier, because they would pay two lots of APD. It is now proving very difficult for many families to have a decent holiday abroad.

[Priti Patel]

The hon. Gentleman makes his point clearly. APD is having a wider multiplier effect.

If that same family of four were travelling to Australia, they would have to fork out £368. Those figures are not small and are having a severe effect on households with modest incomes throughout the country, including pensioners who wish to visit relatives living abroad. We have all had correspondence from our constituents, and one of mine wrote to me on this point to say that she supports this campaign because both of her children and her grandchildren live overseas and flying is the only way to visit them.

Another has written:

“Having friends and family in the Caribbean we have to pay even more of this excessive tax than flying to the west coast of the USA although the distance flown is less.”

This tax is clearly having a negative impact on families. It is deterring foreign direct investment, it is holding back our businesses, and it is making our country less competitive. For those reasons, I hope that colleagues will support the motion and I urge the Minister to take on board the remarks that I have just made.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Donohoe]

In order not to prolong the debate, and to give the hon. Gentleman time to speak later, I will not respond to his intervention.

The report suggests that, as a result of air passenger duty, 2 million fewer passengers will fly from Scotland from 2016 onwards. That is a fair number of passengers, given the number of people who fly. There are other reasons to believe that the problem is more serious in the regions than it is in the south-east of England, but I will not go into them in depth now. Our report recommended that the Treasury and the industry come together to undertake a comprehensive study. I would echo today’s calls that, until such an assessment is made, APD should be frozen.

I shall briefly mention VAT and fuel duty. If either were to be imposed on aviation fuel, the airlines—and not just those based in the UK—would go abroad for their fuel in order not to have to face that problem. Buying it here would simply no longer be an earner. I put it to the Minister that any suggestion of such an imposition should be studied in much greater detail. Indeed, fuel is not taxed for other forms of transport in the UK. There are a number of unconvincing arguments. One is that whereas the UK does not levy VAT on domestic flights, international air travel is generally VAT-exempt in many other countries. There are all sorts of other things that have to be brought into the picture. The aviation sector has no competitive advantage over other forms of public transport.

Let me look at the question of tax and tax avoidance. There is a good deal of evidence coming to the fore to suggest that families, instead of travelling out of the UK long haul, are travelling to other hub airports in mainland Europe and even further afield. As a consequence, the Treasury will lose the business and “Air UK” will lose the business.

[Mr David Hamilton]

Is my hon. Friend aware that travel agents throughout Scotland—and, I suspect, in the north-east, where the regional airports are based—are now actively encouraging people to go via Europe because it will save them quite a bit of money? For a family like mine, going to America otherwise means paying £1,000 extra.

[Mr Donohoe]

I am very grateful to my hon. Friend, but he is eating into my time and I have to be careful in that what happens in that respect has already been mentioned. I am told that up to £380 extra per person might need to be spent in those circumstances.

In conclusion, as we know from the length of the Davies commission, the Government appear to be in no rush to address the competitiveness problems of the UK aviation industry, which are impacting on the whole of our economy. The abolition or reduction of APD has the potential to make the UK more internationally competitive. As a minimum, I urge the Minister’s Department to undertake research to find out what the impact of APD has been on the aviation industry and what it means for that industry.

--- Later in debate ---

[Cathy Jamieson (Kilmarnock and Loudoun) (Lab/Co-op)]

I will not be churlish, so let me say only that it is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil), with whom I have shared a number of flights to destinations both within the UK and further afield. I have therefore heard him speak at great length on some of the issues he has just discussed, but he has still not persuaded me of anything other than that we are better together.

I congratulate those Members who secured the debate. By and large, we have had some helpful and thoughtful contributions, and I was very aware from the outset that a number of Scots were in the Chamber. I was glad to see that. Most of them are still here, although I note that my hon. Friend the Member for Central Ayrshire (Mr Donohoe), who has an encyclopaedic knowledge of the airline industry and was warning of inclement weather, is no longer in his place. I am worried that the rest of us might be detained here for somewhat longer than we had wished—I hope that will not be the case.

Hon. Members have made the case for the motion powerfully and persuasively. I am not going to repeat everything that has been said, although some points are worth reiterating because the issue has clearly touched a lot of people. The fact that well over the 100,000 people needed to trigger a debate in this place were drawn to sign the fair flying petition is evidence of that. Although I perhaps did not receive as many e-mails as other hon. Members, I know from my postbag that the issue matters to people. It matters to those who fly for business purposes, for family reasons, and for leisure and holidays.

I undertook a short survey of those who responded to the fair flying petition, asking them for their comments. I heard from a 65-year-old woman who flies from Scotland regularly to see her elderly father, who lives in the south of England; from the mother of a young person who is working overseas as a teacher—she told me that she helps to pay for the flights to enable the visits; and from a grandmother who travels regularly to the other side of the world to see her grandchild, who has a long-term condition. Those are the real-life examples that people were bringing to me. It is important to recognise the strength of feeling on this issue.

There has been wider frustration at this Government’s lack of consistency or urgency on aviation policy, as well as concerns about APD. When the economy has been struggling, the family purse strings have been tightened and businesses are crying out for support, the lack of direction has not been helpful. A number of speeches have dealt with the issues of tourism and jobs. I can tell the hon. Members who mentioned the Caribbean question that I have agreed to meet a delegation to discuss that in more detail, just as I have agreed to meet a number of other organisations after this debate to see where we take things in future.

It is important to remember that when Labour was in government APD was restructured so that it would be based on four geographical bands set at intervals of 2,000 miles. It was intended that travellers flying further would pay a higher rate of duty, but I know that hon. Members have discussed some of the anomalies. The intention was that additional taxes on air travel would be targeted at the most polluting, long-haul flights—again, people have raised issues about that today.

As we heard from my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith (Mr Slaughter), during the election campaign both the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats argued for reforming APD further. The Conservatives argued that they wished to

“reform Air Passenger Duty to encourage a switch to fuller and cleaner planes.”

The Liberal Democrats’ manifesto contained more detail, suggesting that they would ensure that pollution was properly taxed by replacing the per-passenger APD with a per-plane duty—PPD—and that air freight would be taxed for the first time. They also said they would introduce an additional, higher rate of PPD on domestic flights if realistic alternative and less-polluting travel was available.

Those statements in the manifestos were supposed to be translated into action following the coalition agreement, which confirmed that the Government would

“reform the taxation of air travel by switching from a per-passenger to a per-plane duty”

and

“ensure that a proportion of any increased revenues over time will be used to help fund increases in the personal allowance.”

Those allowances were referred to in an earlier debate, and they have been referred to again today.

The Chancellor announced in the 2010 Budget that major changes would be subject to a public consultation. We then saw speculation in the press that the Government had had a change of heart over per-plane duty. Indeed, that was what triggered the organisations coming together to launch the fair tax on flying campaign, to apply pressure in order at least to get some action or clarification on APD.

In the 2011 Budget, the Chancellor announced that the Government would consult on simplifying the structure of APD. He also announced that he was dropping the commitment made in the coalition agreement and not pressing ahead with a per-plane duty, and that APD rates would rise in line with inflation, although the next increase would be deferred for a year. After promises of wholesale reform, the industry and the public heard that he was not only keeping the current structure but raising the rates further.

I am always happy to try to give people credit where it is due, not that I have had to do that often in the Chancellor’s case. There was a consultation and it covered a number of areas, including private jets, different tax bands, premium economy flights, flights from regional airports and the devolution of APD—all the things that people have talked about today. However, having consulted, the Government failed to propose anything. They did not propose any changes to the tax’s banding structure, to how different classes of flights are taxed or to the application of APD to the regions. Instead, they seemed for some time to have given up on any reform of APD at all. They argued, as the Minister did again fairly recently, that although no action had been taken there was no reason for another consultation or review.

I have only a couple of minutes left to summarise the debate and I realise that this subject is very difficult, given the range of considerations that must be balanced—including those of industry and business, the travel trade, airlines, consumers and the Treasury. I recognise the Scottish issues and those in Northern Ireland, particularly those outlined as regards Scotland and the connections with the main hub airports.

[Mr David Hamilton]

If a passenger uses the same airline—British Airways, for example—from Scotland to London and then to America, Australia or South Africa, the duty in the regional airport does not matter. The real issue is the double tax.

[Cathy Jamieson]

My hon. Friend makes a valuable point and I know that he has raised that question on a number of occasions. A sensible review would allow us to consider such matters. For the Government to undertake a consultation and take no action, without even considering any further work on the issue, was disappointing and showed a lack of leadership. It did not go unnoticed by the aviation industry, and we have heard a string of comments from the travel organisations, airlines and consumers. The Select Committee on Transport stepped in, in a sense, with its inquiry into aviation. The Chair helpfully confirmed that that inquiry would consider APD issues and it has provided an initial focus.

In conclusion, I hope that the Chancellor and the Minister, who will relay this debate to him, will take note of what has been said today and will consider and act on the findings of the Transport Committee’s report when it is published. Many Members are arguing for action and a review. The motion is modestly worded, although at some points I might not have worded it in such a way. However, in the spirit of co-operation, we want to ensure that we have the opportunity to consider the issue in more detail. We recognise the significant economic issues in the UK that need tough decisions, but such decisions should be based on the best available evidence.

The consistent message coming from all sectors of the industry is that the lack of certainty is causing problems, delaying investment decisions, risking future development and, crucially, risking jobs. I hope that the Minister, who comes fresh to this issue—indeed, he is the third Minister I have faced across the Dispatch Box in the relatively short time for which I have been shadow Minister—will take account of the points that have been made today, take away the work that needs to be done and introduce the review asked for in the motion.

Banking (Responsibility and Reform)

David Hamilton Excerpts

Tuesday 7th February 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Umunna]

That is not actually what we are arguing for. We have said, given that the Government have been lecturing shareholders on being more active in relation to their shareholdings, that the Government should of course take a more active approach to those banks in which we have a stake. As has been pointed out, however, the sector as a whole needs a change in its culture; that applies across the board.

Right now, we need the Government to make good on their promise to implement credit easing, to relieve the credit squeeze on businesses. That plan was announced to great fanfare more than four months ago, but nothing has happened. I am glad that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, the hon. Member for Fareham (Mr Hoban) will be responding to this debate. Perhaps he can tell us what has become of the scheme. The lack of speed with which the Government have proceeded with it is in marked contrast to the actions of the German and US Governments, for example. In Germany, KFW doubled the amount of small business finance available very quickly over the past couple of years through its lending programmes.

Some people suggest that if we do all these things, wealthy bankers will simply move abroad. We are for ever being held to ransom by that threat. It is notable, however, that many of those who put that argument benefit from the status quo. They have been making the argument for a number of years, but they are still here. They tend to ignore the fact that it is the banks’ shareholders—not just politicians and society at large—who are calling for reform. Shareholders such as Jupiter, F&C Asset Management and Legal & General have all reportedly told the banks to be sensitive to the popular mood, and to moderate pay rises to match sharp falls in shareholder returns. The Association of British Insurers is reportedly meeting all the banks at the moment, including Barclays. Those people also ignore the fact that bankers and executives in other countries are being required to change their ways. For example, our banks’ US rivals are cutting bonuses by up to 30% at the moment.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

Where would those chief executives go? In Europe, they would get a lot less, and in America some chief executives have gone to court and even to prison. Perhaps they want to stay where they are because they feel safe here.

[Mr Umunna]

I am sure that many of those executives are watching the debate, and that they will pay attention to what my hon. Friend has said.

I will finish by returning to where I started. We are proud of our financial sector; it is an asset. We need it to help create the jobs and growth that are so lacking at present. All we ask is that it better serve the real economy in this endeavour—and that it does so more responsibly. With that in mind, I urge all Members to support our motion.

Banking Commission Report

David Hamilton Excerpts

Monday 19th December 2011 Commons Chamber

[Mr Osborne]

Yes, I do, and, to be fair, the banks themselves acknowledge that they withdrew from the high street too much. We want to get back to more of that face-to-face banking that served our country well for many decades. As I have said, the banks acknowledge that, and they have come together to create the business growth fund, which will invest in new start-up businesses. They have also issued a new code of conduct to enable them to get back to the high street banking that we remember from the past.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

On the subject of the personal responsibility of directors, I should like to draw the House’s attention to Fannie Mae in America, some of whose directors are being charged and, if found guilty, could face prison. Is there anything in the Chancellor’s proposals that could put directors in this country in the same boat, in that they could be sent to prison if they were found guilty of doing something wrong?

[Mr Osborne]

There is nothing specifically about that in the Vickers report, but the Financial Services Authority has done an investigation into what happened at the Royal Bank of Scotland, and has made specific recommendations on the law regarding bank directors. It turns out that the laws were inadequate to help the authorities to investigate specific individuals at RBS and HBOS, so we are going to look at the recommendation, which came to us only recently, and see whether we can implement it, to ensure that individuals as well as institutions can be held responsible for their actions.

Fuel Prices

David Hamilton Excerpts

Tuesday 15th November 2011 Commons Chamber

[Fiona O'Donnell]

No I will not. The hon. Gentleman should sit down and listen to what I am going to say before being so eager to get to his feet. He should let me finish this point.

The Scottish Government could have re-regulated the buses so that we could have a service in East Lothian that meets the needs of my constituents, instead of meeting the party election funding of the SNP Government. They have not taken advantage of that option, so in East Lothian we have the double whammy of rising prices at the pumps and a poor local bus service that is being further cut by an SNP council.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

As my hon. Friend’s neighbour in Midlothian, and given that 56% of our people travel to work in Edinburgh every day, may I say that bus availability is a really big issue? The re-regulation of bus services is key, but the only people who can do that are that lot over there on the SNP Benches.

[Fiona O'Donnell]

My hon. Friend and neighbour is absolutely right. The SNP should stop talking about what they want other people to do and which other powers they want and instead start using the powers they have.

--- Later in debate ---

[Sheila Gilmore]

We have had the experience of four years of a council tax freeze, which people no doubt think is a wonderful thing on one level, but which is presenting huge problems to voluntary organisations.

The other organisation that I wish to mention briefly is a social enterprise—a laundry service—operating in my constituency. It not only provides a valuable service but tries to be commercial and turn a profit so that it can reinvest. It employs many people with learning difficulties, for example, and provides them with valuable training. However, that laundry service goes round collecting sheets and towels and so on from hotels and other large organisations, which involves transporting them to and from the people contracting with it. That organisation, which will certainly not benefit from being able to reclaim VAT, for example, is struggling in this financial climate, yet it is an important organisation, because it provides not just a useful service but valuable employment opportunities for people who otherwise might not be able to get them. We cannot contemplate it ending.

[Mr David Hamilton]

I agree with my hon. Friend. Many people employed in the voluntary sector work across the city, but they do not have access to buses to enable them to do so, and therefore require vehicles. This issue has a direct effect on those workers, many of whom are part timers, and raises costs for them.

[Sheila Gilmore]

I wholly agree.

One of the fascinating things about this debate—I mentioned this in an intervention—is the rediscovery, it would appear throughout the House, of the fact that taxes on expenditure are indeed regressive. I would ask that this rediscovery be carried into the further debates that we will no doubt have on VAT, in the autumn statement and into the next Budget. We made the point over and over that the increase in VAT would particularly harm those on lower incomes. Some Government Members try to argue that it did not really do that, because richer people spend more and therefore pay more VAT. However, as a proportion of income and in terms of the effect on family income, it is indeed those who earn least who are affected. I am therefore pleased to see that we all apparently now agree on the regressive nature of such taxes.

Finally, we should not see this debate and our environmental ambitions as an “either/or”. We should not appear to be saying that we no longer want to make our country a greener place. We need to invest in green manufacturing industries, which will enable us to get out of this position. It is interesting that the motion refers to the tax take going down, which many people have simply put down to increased fuel costs. However, many other things could have reduced the tax take, such as fewer people working, fewer people paying tax and fewer people travelling, not just because of cost but because they do not have jobs to go to.

Again, this comes down to what we have said about the economy. If we let it run down and down, both demand and income to the Treasury will be reduced, and we will not cure the deficit, as is becoming increasingly obvious, as this Government are having to borrow more.

PAYE Contributions

David Hamilton Excerpts

Wednesday 8th September 2010 Commons Chamber

[Mr Gauke]

HMRC is examining potential risks on an ongoing basis.

[Mr David Hamilton (Midlothian) (Lab)]

May I first congratulate the Minister on moving from the £50 limit to a £300 limit? That will be very helpful. However, many thousands of the 1.4 million people will have changed circumstances. They may now be unemployed, have mortgages or be on short-time working. Will that be taken into consideration? For ever the pragmatist, may I suggest that a direct line be set up for MPs? I imagine that I will have to put a revolving door in my constituency surgery.

[Mr Gauke]

I note the hon. Gentleman’s point about a direct line, and I will certainly put that to HMRC management. I reiterate that we accept that there may be hardship, and I am sure his constituents will welcome the announcement today about repayments potentially being spread over three years.