My main query is whether those put on the offending personality disorder pathway—which, by the way, does not require a formal diagnosis by medical staff—does not muddle up those prisoners who might need more direct mental health treatment and instead just get the label of “behaviour disorder”. I hope at least, at the level of probing, that the Government can explain how we can ensure that the parts of this legislation relating to prisons are not provisions that might tick a box but get neglected, and that they will have a real impact. At least a review would help ensure that we keep our eye on prisons. I beg to move.
Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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My Lords, I had not intended to come in on this group, but, having just heard the very powerful—and, in places, very alarming and harrowing—speech from the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, I will just ask the Minister whether he can explain what plans the Government have to assess and evaluate the impact of the provisions of the future Act on prisons and the criminal justice system, even if they are not planning a formal review. We need to know how the impact will be assessed.

Lord Kamall Portrait Lord Kamall (Con)
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My Lords, during the passage of this Bill, both the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, and the noble Lord, Lord Bradley, who is not in his place, have spoken passionately about people with mental health issues in prison. The noble Baroness, Lady Fox, referred to Valdo Calocane, and I know that the Government have instigated an inquiry. That particular case was the motivation for Amendments 160BA and 160BB in a later group, to which my noble friend Lord Howe will speak.

During the earlier debates on this, both at Second Reading and in Committee, I was particularly struck by the remarks of the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, on Chief Inspector Charlie Taylor’s graphic description of seriously mentally ill people in prisons being akin to a Victorian nightmare. After that debate, I read some of what Charlie Taylor had said, particularly about his visit in 2022 to Eastwood Park, where he witnessed

“bloodstains on the floor and scratch marks on the walls—evidence of the levels of distress of the women being held there”.

The noble Baroness, Lady Fox, also told the Committee about the experience of prison staff, saying that one of the most difficult things is the danger that prisoners with mental health issues pose to themselves, other prisoners and staff. In fact, Charlie Taylor gave an example of an incident when staff were

“unable to stop one inmate from repeatedly running into a brick wall due to a lack of suitable training”.

These are very important issues that the noble Baroness and other noble Lords are raising.

Given all this and its importance—I know that one of the reasons the Minister was appointed to his position was his experience and passion for prison reform—it seems reasonable to ask the Secretary of State to publish a review of the impact of this Act on prisons and to assess whether it provides for adequate support for ongoing treatment and care in those settings, including adequate staff training. I am sure this will be of help not only to the Secretary of State for the Department of Health and Social Care but to the Ministry of Justice. I look forward to the Minister’s response.

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Moved by
160B: After Clause 50, insert the following new Clause—
“Duty to promote mental health well-beingAfter section 142B of the Mental Health Act 1983, insert—“Duty to promote mental health well-being(1) It is a general duty of local authorities and any body in carrying out functions under this Act or the Mental Health Act 2025 to promote mental health well-being.(2) In carrying out the duty under subsection (1), local authorities and commissioning bodies must have regard to—(a) the prevention of mental illness,(b) the promotion of positive mental health,(c) the reduction of stigma and discrimination associated with mental health conditions, and(d) the provision of accessible and appropriate support services to individuals experiencing mental health challenges.(3) Local authorities and commissioning bodies must publish an annual report outlining the steps taken to discharge their duty under subsection (1), including an assessment of—(a) progress in improving mental health well-being in their area for persons affected by the provisions of this Act, and(b) any barriers to promoting mental health well-being for such persons and proposed actions to address them. (4) The Secretary of State may issue guidance on the discharge of the duty under subsection (1), and local authorities and commissioning bodies must have regard to such guidance.””
Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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My Lords, there has been discussion throughout Committee about whether this Bill and our deliberations should stick strictly to detention under the Act or range wider. I know that there are different views on this issue. I have said consistently throughout our debates that we need to see what more we can do to prevent people reaching the point where the only option is being forcibly detained.

I feel that a key omission is a power around prevention. Given the cost of statutory in-patient admissions under the mental health legislation, and the stated intention of the Secretary of State to reduce hospitalisation through prevention, I find this surprising. Therefore, I have brought forward a simple amendment that would give relevant authorities the power to promote mental ill-health prevention in their communities, while of course being realistic about current financial realities.

My Amendment 160B seeks to explicitly grant relevant bodies, including integrated care boards, public health bodies and local health boards in Wales, the power to promote mental ill-health prevention within their communities. It would also empower organisations such as social care and the voluntary sector to take proactive steps in reducing the likelihood of individuals reaching crisis point and requiring detention under the Act.

I was pleased recently to have the opportunity to discuss this with the Approved Mental Health Professional Leads Network, which is very much involved in this. It expressed its support for such an approach. I think we all understand that the causes of mental health issues are complex and can be as much around societal issues, such as employment, housing and poverty, as clinical issues. That is clearly recognised in the AMHP’s role, which acknowledges that while a clinical perspective is always appropriate, other perspectives can be equally valuable. As was explained to me, at the core of the approved mental health professional’s role is a responsibility to explore less restrictive alternatives to detention for individuals in crisis.

As has been quoted a number of times in this Chamber, recently the Secretary of State said that the Government will publish a 10-year plan early next year setting out how they will deliver three big shifts in the focus of the NHS,

“from hospital to community, from analogue to digital, and from sickness to prevention”.

I see this legislation, and indeed this amendment, as an opportunity to make a reality of that statement in relation to mental health. While there will always need to be provision for statutory interventions for those who present a severe risk to themselves or others, it is surprising to me that, in this journey from hospital to community and sickness to prevention, there is no explicit mention of the promotion of good mental health within the Bill.

There is plenty of evidence of the links between prevention and reducing detention. I was going to give some examples, but the hour is late and noble Lords will be pleased to hear that I am not going to. There are also plenty of examples of alternative approaches to detention, such as crisis cafes and safe spaces, community crisis response teams, mobile mental health and social care professionals who respond to individuals in crisis, peer support networks, sanctuaries and respite services. All these have been shown to be effective in reducing the need for hospital admissions.

To conclude, by formally giving relevant bodies the power—it is a power, not a duty—to promote mental ill-health prevention, this amendment encourages a proactive rather than a reactive approach to mental health care and support, thereby, I hope, reducing reliance on crisis interventions, including involuntary detention. I beg to move.

Lord Kamall Portrait Lord Kamall (Con)
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My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, for introducing this amendment. It is quite clear that noble Lords across the Committee agree with the Government’s commitment to move the emphasis from sickness to prevention. This amendment is clearly aimed at that, as the noble Baroness has said.

During my time as a Health Minister and since, I have met a number of community and civil society projects, charities and mental health professionals who have shared the amazing work being done across the country to improve the well-being of local communities. I put on record my thanks to the late Baroness Greengross and the noble Lord, Lord Howarth, for introducing me to the wonderful world of creative health and to the National Centre for Creative Health. Its work addresses the theme of earlier amendments from the noble Baroness, Lady Hollins, and the noble Lord, Lord Crisp, on the overprescribing of antidepressants and looking at alternatives. We are not saying that medication is a bad thing necessarily. It is very appropriate in some cases, but there are alternatives, such as social prescribing.

The late Lady Greengross introduced me to a wonderful organisation called Intergenerational Music Making, and I put on record my thanks for its work. It invited me to take part in one of its intergenerational music hubs in Guildford last December and, despite being handed a guitar to play along, I found it inspiring to see the difference that music can make in improving well-being and bringing people of all ages together, including some children from a local learning disability charity.

Noble Lords will also know of the equally amazing work done by many social prescribing organisations, using music, art, drama and green spaces. A career in creative health also opens up new opportunities for budding actors and rock stars who can train as drama and music therapists while waiting for their big break. But many do not wish to be stars and actually find their work, combining their passion with improving mental well-being, fulfilling in its own right.

However, one criticism I hear is that, although there is amazing work on well-being in different primary care settings or in different trusts and integrated care systems across the country, the challenge is how we spread the best practice across our system of health and care, while recognising that what works in one area may not always be an off-the-shelf solution in another locality.

The amendment from the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler —which says that

“Local authorities and commissioning bodies must publish an annual report outlining the steps taken to discharge their duty”


to promote mental health and well-being—may be a way to address this concern. Given that, I hope it is an amendment that the Government will consider. If not, perhaps the Minister can tell your Lordships how the Government intend to encourage the sharing of best practice in improving mental well-being across our system of health and care, particularly across different communities with different needs and different constraints, in order to improve the mental well-being of the nation.

Baroness Merron Portrait The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health and Social Care (Baroness Merron) (Lab)
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My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, for tabling Amendment 160B. We recognise the importance of local organisations taking collective action to promote mental well-being and prevent mental ill-health. However, turning to the amendment very specifically, we do not feel that this amendment suggests the best approach, as there is potential for introducing unnecessary burdens on local authorities and commissioning bodies. It may also be duplicative of other existing duties, such as the Care Act duty, to promote individual well-being.

However, the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, and the noble Lord, Lord Kamall—whom I also thank for his contribution—may be interested to note that the existing prevention concordat for better mental health, a voluntary agreement signed by local authorities and integrated care boards across the country, does involve, for those who sign it, a commitment to take

“evidence based preventive and promotional action to support”

population mental health and well-being.

Through the NHS 10-year plan, which the noble Baroness referred to, and as noble Lords are aware, we aim to encourage stronger partnership working between local government mental health services and the voluntary and community sector—which, as we know, plays a vital role, as the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, described—in order to galvanise that shift, which we all seek, from sickness to prevention. On the basis of the reasons outlined, I hope the noble Baroness will withdraw her amendment.

Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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I thank the Minister for her remarks and the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, for his. I am interested to hear about the prevention concordat and hope to hear more about that; I think that could be a useful way forward. Overall, I remain of the view that having something about prevention in this Bill—we have not got it yet—sends out an incredibly important signal.

I am very happy to accept that the way it is currently worded may not be the best and that we could find other ways of doing it. But I would be really disappointed if, in the final piece of legislation, we do not, in some way or another, have something that underlines the importance of prevention. I am not going to go over all the arguments again. I can see us returning to this on Report and, on that basis, I withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 160B withdrawn.
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Earl Howe Portrait Earl Howe (Con)
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My Lords, I beg to move Amendment 160BA and will speak to Amendment 160BB. These amendments, tabled in my name and that of my noble friend Lord Kamall, stem directly from the harrowing case of the murder of three people by Valdo Calocane in Nottingham. The Minister and, indeed, other noble Lords may question the propriety of referring to an individual case in this way. However, I believe that this is one occasion on which it is legitimate to do so.

The amendments I have tabled were drafted in the light of the facts that have emerged from the full independent investigation into the care and treatment of Valdo Calocane in the months leading up to the tragic events of 13 June 2023. There have also been press articles on a report by the Independent Office for Police Conduct, the IOPC, which identified 11 mistakes in the run-up to that fateful day. There is a great deal about the case that is known and not disputed, and, given the magnitude of the tragedy, it would be remiss of this Committee not to spend at least a little time considering its implications.

Before I go further, there are two things I need to say. The first is to acknowledge that the Government have agreed to a judge-led public inquiry that will start in a matter of weeks. Secondly, on that account I will do my utmost to avoid saying anything that would undermine that inquiry.

There are a number of issues arising from the treatment of Valdo Calocane that are directly relevant to the Bill because they are of wider application. The report of the independent investigation recounts the timelines associated with Calocane’s treatment. His first contact with mental health services was on 24 May 2020, when he was arrested for criminal damage and a Mental Health Act assessment was undertaken. That assessment indicated that Calocane was experiencing the first episode of psychosis brought on by sleep deprivation and social stressors.

During that first contact, he was not detained for treatment as he acknowledged that he required help for his condition. However, after returning home, Calocane was arrested again and, on admission, was considered not to have capacity to consent and was consequently detained under Section 2 of the Mental Health Act. After that episode of treatment, he was again detained on 13 July 2020, this time under Section 3 of the Mental Health Act. Upon discharge, he was

“considered to have a primary diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia and was to continue with antipsychotic medication”.

During the course of 2021, Calocane was detained again under Section 2 of the Act and continued treatment in the community. He began missing appointments with his care co-ordinator and mental health care team from July 2022. On 4 August, the care co-ordinator attempted to make a home visit, but the given address was incorrect. On 17 August, the care co-ordinator attempted to reach Calocane at a new address, which received no response.

The report then states:

“On 23 September 2022 it was documented that as no contact had been made with VC, a decision was made at an MDT meeting on the 22 September to discharge VC back to his GP due to non-engagement. A letter to VC’s GP was written the same day, outlining non-contact and that VC had been discharged”.


The key aspect of all this is the problematic last line:

“There was no contact between VC and mental health services or his GP between this date and the tragic incidents in June 2023”.


For a whole nine months prior to the killings there was no contact between any health service and Calocane. What this demonstrates is that the co-ordination of the community aspect of Calocane’s care was clearly inadequate. After he began to miss appointments, it appears that there may not have been sufficient attempts at outreach. There were evidently issues with maintaining contact between mental health services and the patient.

It is this issue that my Amendment 160BB tries to address. The amendment takes the form of a report on continuity of care, to ensure that all options can be explored. I do not profess to have the answers but, as proposed subsection (2) in the amendment makes clear, such a report must include discussion of the possibility of creating some form of duty, placed on ICBs and/or hospital managers, to

“maintain contact with patients known to have a mental disorder”.

This is not too far from one of the recommendations of the independent investigation, which said:

“NHS England and other national leaders, including people with lived experience, should come together to discuss and debate how the needs of people similar to VC are being met and how they are enabled to be supported and thrive safely in the community”.


The point is that, somewhere along the line, the mental health care system failed Valdo Calocane and ultimately his victims and the wider public. As we debate this Bill, we have the opportunity to address these potential failures, in the hope that we can make progress towards minimising the number of patients who slip through the net in this way.

The second issue to arise from the case relates to the publication of the investigation. Noble Lords will remember that controversy arose when the NHS trust responsible refused to publish the full version of the independent investigation into the treatment of Valdo Calocane, due to patient confidentiality. We all know that the NHS did subsequently publish this investigation—I have just referenced it above—but this was not without significant public and political pressure.

There are questions to be answered about whether patient confidentiality rules should apply in cases such as this, where there is a significant public interest. Of course, there should always be adequate safeguards to ensure that a patient’s medical records are protected, but, as my Amendment 160BA sets out, where there have clearly been significant institutional failings regarding a patient who has been treated under the Mental Health Act and who has then gone on to commit a violent offence, it may very well be in the wider public interest for such investigations to be published in full.

I am under no illusion that this amendment is the absolute best solution to the problem. But I hope it at least starts a conversation and pushes the Government to review their approach to publication. There are obviously a number of concerns raised by these harrowing events. We obviously must do better. In the light of the published report, does the Minister believe that there are any measures that could and should be taken now, prior to the report of the judge-led inquiry? I thank the Minister in advance for the considered answer that I know that she will give. I beg to move.

Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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My Lords, I rise quickly to say that I am very sympathetic to the aims behind these two amendments. They have been set out very powerfully and comprehensively by the noble Earl, Lord Howe. I feel, particularly, that an obligation to publish a report of an investigation of the type we have just heard about is absolutely essential if we are to avoid a repetition of these terrible events. There must be a way of learning lessons from this, and transparency and publication are an important part of that.

Baroness Fox of Buckley Portrait Baroness Fox of Buckley (Non-Afl)
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My Lords, I was pleased to see these amendments as well. The noble Earl, Lord Howe, explained why they are important. He has conceded—I tried to imply the same in my own amendment—that it is not necessarily clear how best to raise these issues, but that we need to. If we are seen by the public discussing a mental health Bill, going through the whole thing and refusing to acknowledge one of the big controversies of recent times, which was a mental health issue, it will discredit the Bill when it becomes an Act.

In relation to the reluctance of the NHS trust to publish its investigation and the use of patient confidentiality, I note that the families of the victims saw this very much as an excuse and were very angry about that. It does not help us to have a discussion with the public about mental illness because it then seems as though murder was committed but, somehow, mental illness was used as an excuse. We have all heard that argument being used; that is why I referred to the fact that there was some dispute about whether Calocane should be sent to prison or to hospital. The more openness that we can give this, the less stigma and confusion there will be. We need to have this debate out in the open.

Finally, I have a question on the judge-led inquiry and what we now know from the investigation by the trust. How will that impact this Bill? How, practically, will we be able to incorporate what we have learned from that into our discussion on a whole new piece of legislation on mental health? It would seem that we need to be able to take on board some of the recommendations of the inquiry and what we now know from the investigation by the trust.

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Moved by
160C: Clause 51, page 63, line 29, at beginning insert “Other than provision mentioned in subsection (5),”
Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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My Lords, I will speak to Amendments 160C and 160D in the name of my noble friend Lord Scriven. These amendments would ensure that any changes to this primary legislation implemented through secondary legislation were properly considered by Parliament before they took effect.

Amendment 160C makes it clear that certain provisions in subsection (5) should not be included under the general powers in Clause 51, and Amendment 160D then strengthens parliamentary oversight by requiring that any statutory instrument amending or revoking this primary legislation be approved by both Houses before it comes into force; that is, by using the affirmative procedure.

This is a matter of proper scrutiny. Primary legislation is carefully debated before it becomes law, as we have demonstrated throughout this Committee stage, and any later changes to it should not be made too easily or without full consideration. If a statutory instrument can amend or remove part of an Act without Parliament’s approval, there is a risk that important legal protections could be altered without proper deliberation.

This is particularly important in the context of mental health legislation, where the law directly affects the rights, personal liberties, and treatment and care of highly vulnerable people. I hope that the Government will recognise that these amendments, which are completely in line with the recommendations of the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee, simply ensure that when primary legislation is changed, it is done with the same level of scrutiny that was given to it in the first place. I beg to move.

Earl Howe Portrait Earl Howe (Con)
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My Lords, I will keep this brief since I can do no more than back the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, in every word that she has said in support of these two amendments. We are dealing here with a Henry VIII clause that is surely far too permissive given the great sensitivity of the Bill’s entire subject matter and, as the noble Baroness said so well, its momentous significance for the health and well-being of very vulnerable people.

The absolute minimum that Parliament can expect is that Parliament be consulted in the exercise of these powers. The affirmative procedure is therefore entirely appropriate for any statutory instruments made under this clause and I hope the Minister will not disagree with what is proposed.

Baroness Merron Portrait Baroness Merron (Lab)
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My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Scriven, for tabling Amendments 160C and 160D, which were introduced by the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler, and spoken to by the noble Earl, Lord Howe.

The proposal in the amendment, as was referred to, was a recommendation in the report from the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee. I hope that your Lordships’ Committee will welcome that we are actively considering this proposal and will publish our response to the committee’s recommendation ahead of Report.

Baroness Tyler of Enfield Portrait Baroness Tyler of Enfield (LD)
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My Lords, I very much welcome the statement we have just heard from the Minister. I think it is a good point on which to finish our deliberations tonight and I thank her very much. I also thank the noble Earl, Lord Howe, for his support. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 160C withdrawn.