Mental Health Bill [HL] Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateBaroness Tyler of Enfield
Main Page: Baroness Tyler of Enfield (Liberal Democrat - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Baroness Tyler of Enfield's debates with the Department of Health and Social Care
(1 day, 10 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, as the noble Earl, Lord Howe, has mentioned, we will be talking about risk factors in the next group but one, and I will not go into the statistics and predictions at this point.
As has been pointed out, Clause 4 implies that specific risk factors for detention under Part II are readily identifiable and assessed, but as we will see, predicting episodes of violent behaviour or self-harm is peculiarly difficult to do. The clause suggests that it is not clinicians who will be doing these risk assessments but that the Secretary of State will somehow have some expertise from ICBs in how to do this. Apart from the rather obvious wisdom that the best predictor of future behaviour is past behaviour, I am not sure how these regulations can be drawn up.
I am anxious about the common prejudices around, for example, black patients of African Caribbean descent living in London, who have a higher risk of being detained under Part II than white patients, or Asians of an Indian subcontinent background. Who will draw up this list to say which of these items is going to lead to the risk of detention under Part II?
There have always been opportunities for the Secretary of State to intervene in the detention of patients under Part III of the Act, and some Secretaries of State have been more risk averse than others. I suspect that under this clause we will find some Secretaries of State taking a more hard-line view about who should and should not be detained. That gives cause for enormous anxiety, so I would like to know how the Government intend to devise these regulations to document specific risk factors.
My Lords, this is an important set of amendments, and, as the noble Earl, Lord Howe, said, they are central to decisions about whether to detain people under the Act.
I agree that the definition of “serious harm” is important, and it would be helpful to hear from the Minister what the Government are thinking there, how it will be applied, and how any thresholds will be established.
I endorse what the noble Earl had to say about children and young people, what a huge decision it is to detain someone under 18 in hospital against their will, and how hard we need to work to avoid that, whenever that is safe for themselves and other people.
Finally, and very much linked to that, I strongly support Amendment 139 on the availability of community-based services, which we have already talked about and which we will turn to in subsequent groupings. It is a very good amendment, particularly the provision which states:
“The Secretary of State must publish a report to assess whether there should be more community-based services for community patients in order to prevent”—
I see this as a key preventive measure—
“detention under the Mental Health Act 1983”.
My one point is that the amendment talks about publishing that within two years of the day on which this Act is passed. I personally think that in an ideal world we might see a report a bit earlier than that. However, as I say, Amendment 139 certainly has my full support.
I am sorry that I did not jump up in time before my Front Bench spoke.
I just wanted to add my voice to support Amendment 139 in the name of the noble Earl, Lord Howe, and the report on community-based services. It is really timely and we need it. The case was made very carefully and well by others, so I will not expand much other than to say that an extensive report was done in November by the leading charity, Beat, which looked at the case for more intensive community care and daycare for people with eating disorders in order to avoid—the very point that the noble Earl, Lord Howe, made—ending up getting to such a point of severity that they need to go into mental health facilities and be detained, which indeed happened to my daughter, as I made clear at Second Reading.
The case has been well made that a report should be made. I agree with my noble friend Lady Tyler that two years seems quite a long time off, particularly as recent work has been done, particularly in the field of eating disorders, to show that you can both reduce the number of patients and reduce the cost if you make the investment up front in community services.
My Lords, I want briefly to make a couple of comments on this important group. As everyone has acknowledged, an absolutely vital change to the Bill is that, in the future, people with learning disabilities and autism will not be detained by the Bill and their needs are to be met in the community. I am sure we can all agree on and gather around that.
The noble Lord, Lord Beamish, made the point that, far too often in the past, people with learning disabilities and autism have been overlooked. I see the Bill as a real opportunity to do something substantive about that. That is why I note some of the amendments we have heard about in this group—certainly those in the names of my noble friends Lord Scriven and Lady Barker, and others—about the importance of having properly trained staff with up-to-date knowledge and expertise, as the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, has just mentioned.
For any of this to happen, it is important that there is a proper plan, that is costed; the resources need to be available, and properly trained staff with up-to-date expertise need to be available in the community. To ensure that there is some sort of accountability around all this, I reiterate the question that my noble friend Lord Scriven asked the Minister: when will we see new targets—we have not got any at the moment—to reduce the number of detentions of people with learning disabilities and autism? It would be helpful to know that those targets will be put in place and that there is some way of monitoring the progress on all the important things we have been talking about in this group.
I agree with what has been said: we need a definitive plan for how things will work out. We cannot rely on it being in five or 10 years because, as the noble Baroness, Lady Murphy, said, it then just becomes an ambition rather than a target to achieve.
I support the amendment of the noble Baroness, Lady Browning, which strongly asks that the people who look after children with autism and learning disabilities are properly assessed by properly trained and accredited people. We know that, currently, children are ending up in detention inappropriately because they are assessed to have a psychiatric condition such as schizophrenia—as the noble Baroness, Lady Browning, said—when, although they might have some psychiatric sub-condition, they fundamentally have autism or learning disability problems.
I am sorry that the noble Lord, Lord Adebowale, is not here to speak to his Amendment 150, which asks quite powerfully for a clear plan to be laid out, with resources tied to it, to achieve the ambitions there are in the Bill. I would have supported his amendment probing the Minister as to how resources will be allocated to achieve the ambitions for those targets to be met.
I am awfully sorry, but I should have mentioned that I also have almost all the other amendments in this group. They cover the same question—it is just about the wording of these two phrases. Amendment 45, along with one other, is not mine, but most of the amendments are covered by those brief words.
My Lords, I think that I am speaking in the right group. Amendments 45 and 48 are in my name, and although they are in this group, they are of a rather different nature. They are about the framework and definition of “appropriate medical treatment”.
I will briefly outline the overall context and why I thought it important to bring these two amendments forward. I am particularly concerned that many in-patients in mental health hospitals, particularly autistic people and people with a learning difficulty, continue to face detention in hospital settings which can provide little or no therapeutic benefit. The environment of these hospital settings can be incredibly overstimulating and distressing. We continue to hear stories of restrictive practices, including physical, mechanical and even chemical constraint, as well as the use of solitary confinement.
I shall make a few points in response to the amendments that we have been discussing in this group. The noble Baroness, Lady May, made, very powerfully, an incredibly compelling case. The point she made about police officers sitting in A&E for many hours is so important. Not only is that a waste of police resources, it is often completely inappropriate for the person suffering from acute mental health problems. It can also be incredibly alarming for others in A&E. We all know that, sadly, far too many people are waiting for far too long in A&E, in the sort of environment that is in no way conducive to their overall health, physical or mental. That is my first point.
My second point relates to something that the noble Lord, Lord Davies, said. There will still sometimes be a role for police officers. I know from personal experience how much a police presence can be required when a person suffering a very acute mental health crisis is likely to harm both themselves and others. Those others can often be family members who are trying to support the person suffering from the crisis but are also pretty scared for their own safety. It is important that we are talking about widening the range of people who can be that primary responder, but we are not saying that it should never be the police.
I agree that if we have a wider primary responder, that individual must be prepared to do it, happy to do it and appropriately trained. We heard a lot in earlier groups about the importance of good training. I was particularly taken with the statistic that the noble Baroness, Lady May, raised about the views of paramedics and how many of them support this, because they are the people right at the sharp end. I cannot quite remember the number who support it, but it was very large, and so I think it is something that we should take seriously.
Finally, I want to lend my support to Amendment 49A in the name of my noble friend Lady Barker. Speeding up access to appropriate services is important, as is making the best use of the workforce that we have. For those two reasons, the amendment that my noble friend put forward is important.
My Lords, I hesitate to interrupt, but I want to make much the same point that the noble Baroness has made based on my experience of a trip to A&E last year. I mentioned it anecdotally at Second Reading. There was a very disturbed person in A&E when I was having to wait there for some three hours. The hospital staff were struggling to contain the person in one room, as he kept leaving. He was not violent, but he was obviously distracting the hospital staff and worrying the other people present, who included children. As soon as anybody asked the staff what they were going to do, they said that they had to wait for the police. I have no doubt that the whole episode that I witnessed was prolonged by the need to wait for the police. Clearly, if this amendment or something like it is approved, it will widen the range of those who could be called upon to deal with such a crisis.