Independent Schools: VAT and Business Rates Relief

Alison Taylor Excerpts

Monday 3rd March 2025 Westminster Hall

[John Lamont]

The hon. Member is absolutely right, and that leads me neatly to my next point. Let us look at what else the Labour Government have claimed. They said:

“Ending tax breaks for private schools was a tough but necessary decision that will secure additional funding to help deliver the Government’s commitments relating to education and young people.”

That supposed extra funding is far from guaranteed. The policy is unlikely to raise what has been stated, and it may well incur far greater costs to taxpayers than anticipated.

Let me state it plainly: nothing about this decision was necessary. This did not need to happen now or in this manner. At the very least, it could have been considered in detail, with all the repercussions weighed up. The Government estimate that in the long term, 37,000 pupils will leave or never enter the UK private school sector as a result of the VAT charge. That number may also prove to be nonsense; if it is, the Government’s entire basis for doing this will fall apart. If the number is higher, the cost to the public finances will be higher and less revenue will be raised. That is a potentially vicious double whammy for the Treasury, inflicted entirely by Labour’s own design.

[Alison Taylor (Paisley and Renfrewshire North) (Lab)]

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the policy was well documented in the 2017, 2019 and 2024 Labour manifestos? People voting in the 2024 election were well aware of Labour’s policy.

[John Lamont]

If the hon. Lady engages with the parents and schools affected, as I am sure she has, she will know that one of their criticisms is the haste with which the policy was introduced, and the inability of schools and parents to make plans to adjust to this severe tax. I cannot think of another example of a Government trying to increase a tax by 20% in one go. One of the main reasons schools and parents are so concerned is the failure to engage, discuss and properly understand the impact, as well as the suggestion that only wealthy parents will be affected. The hon. Lady will know from her constituency that people are making tough choices about whether they send their young people to one of the local independent schools; they are making choices about how they lead their lives, and budgeting accordingly. It is very sad that the lives of young people will be disrupted as a consequence of the policy.

The Government also stated:

“Many of the resulting moves into state schools are expected to take place at natural transition points, such as when a child moves from primary to secondary school, or at the beginning of exam courses.”

That is pure assertion. It is made up. It is fantasy. The Government have no guarantees that that will be the case. There is no evidence to suggest that pupils will move only “at natural transition points”. Many parents will be unable to afford the extra bills and will have to move their children immediately, and not at a “natural” time. As I stated earlier, that could easily be at a critical moment in the child’s development.

The Government have said:

“These policies will not impact pupils with the most acute additional needs.”

That is plainly false. It is not even close to the truth. The Independent Schools Council, the Scottish Council of Independent Schools and individual headteachers all say the opposite. The Government’s policy will have an impact on vulnerable pupils with additional needs. It is simply shameful to claim otherwise, and does a huge disservice to the many parents out there doing their best for young people who just need a bit more help.

I conclude by thanking the petitioner again and all those who have signed this important petition. I look forward to hearing from other right hon. and hon. Members about their views of the petition. I believe that this reckless policy is being pursued for political and ideological reasons. It is not about what is best for the country; it is a move to placate the left wing of the Labour party. It will cost pupils, parents and taxpayers. It will leave both independent and state schools worse off. Labour promised change—well, here it is: change for the worse.

--- Later in debate ---

[Alison Taylor (Paisley and Renfrewshire North) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Vickers. I thank the hon. Member for Berwickshire, Roxburgh and Selkirk (John Lamont) for his introduction to the petition today.

I have considerable sympathy with the petitioners. I know that families make the choice to send their children to a private school for many reasons. I have been contacted by constituents who felt that their children’s needs were not being met in local state schools, and that they had no choice but to go private. I know, too, that families make sacrifices to be able to afford fees. I have been contacted by families who send their children to St Columba’s junior and senior schools in Kilmacolm in the neighbouring constituency to mine. I know that the new VAT measures, combined with other costs, have led to a 20% increase in school fees from the beginning of 2025, and that is difficult for the families and for the school. I also appreciate that for some families, and not just the 50 or so signatories to the petition in my constituency, the speed with which this measure was introduced has been difficult.

I am encouraged by the extent to which schools have been able to offset VAT on capital charges against input VAT, to make the effective increase lower than the 20%, but it is clear that other pressures have made the increase in school fees necessary. I am aware that school fees have been increasing year on year in any event, so not all of the increase is down to VAT.

Ultimately, government is about making choices. This Government were elected on a clear manifesto commitment to introduce VAT on private school fees. The express intention was to use the revenue raised to improve funding for schools in the state sector. In England, the Government have been setting out plans for school rebuilding, introducing breakfast clubs, supporting school attendance and recruiting new teachers, all of which will help to build up the state sector and give pupils in England the best chance of a foundational education that has the capacity fundamentally to change the trajectory of children’s lives.

[Aphra Brandreth (Chester South and Eddisbury) (Con)]

The UK is now the only country in Europe to tax education. Does the hon. Member recognise that this policy is about Labour’s ideology and not about improving education for all children across our country, irrespective of whether they are in the state sector or the independent sector?

[Alison Taylor]

I simply do not agree. I refer to my earlier point that this policy was in Labour’s manifesto in 2017, 2019 and 2024. It is a long-standing policy of the Labour party.

[Gregory Stafford (Farnham and Bordon) (Con)]

If I understand the hon. Lady’s point, it is that because the Labour Government now have a stonking majority, this policy is therefore approved by the British people. Is she therefore saying that in 2017 they rejected this policy, in 2019 they rejected this policy, and then suddenly in 2024 the majority of the population converted to supporting this policy? Or is she really saying what we all know, namely that the British people did not vote for Labour based on this policy and they did not understand the effect that it will have, not just on the independent sector but on the state sector?

[Alison Taylor]

I think my point refers to the timing point that the hon. Gentleman has been making. I will carry on.

In Scotland, it is up to the national Scottish Government to decide how to use the significant additional funds that they receive through the block grant. As expenditure on education in England increases, so do the resources available to the Scottish Government, but despite Scottish families being taxed more than families in any other part of the UK and despite Scotland receiving the largest increase in the block grant since the Scottish Parliament was formed, there is little to show for those things in state schools in Scotland. In spite of the incredible hard work of teachers and support staff in schools in Scotland, the attainment gap continues to increase, and standards and results continue to fall.

[Christine Jardine]

I agree with the hon. Lady that the state of the education system in Scotland is appalling, and the blame lies squarely with the SNP, but how does she think the state sector will be helped to recover by putting extra pressure on it through forcing parents to move their children to places that do not exist?

[Alison Taylor]

As is well documented, this policy will raise £1.8 billion for the state sector. I will carry on.

This Government have made the hard decisions, including introducing VAT on private school fees, that are necessary to improve education for all children. That is already starting to make a difference in England. I sincerely hope that the Scottish Government will take a short break from stirring up grievance within the UK and instead will focus their attention on meeting the real needs of families in Scotland.

In the past, I and other members of my family have spent all or part of our education in the independent sector, but currently I have no family members in the independent sector. Given how much time has passed, I honestly do not know whether the increase in fees would have resulted in my family making different choices. My comments today are informed by what I have been told by parents in my constituency who have been impacted.

[Damian Hinds (East Hampshire) (Con)]

As always, it is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr Vickers.

I thank and commend Mr Beckinsale and the other 114,948 petitioners, including 611 in my constituency of East Hampshire, for bringing this very important subject to Westminster Hall today. After all that we have heard today, we might ask, “Why? Why would the Government do this?” The measure is a revenue-raiser, but in the grand scheme of things it is not the most enormous revenue-raiser. It is already causing all sorts of disruption in children’s education, and there is more disruption ahead. So why are the Government doing it?

I think the answer is fairly straightforward. The Government were genuinely in the market for tax rises, especially tax rises that did not break the rules they had set for themselves on income tax, on VAT and—I say this with a cough—national insurance contributions; and when they looked down the list, this one looked quite popular. It is certainly popular with Labour members and it is very popular with the left wing of the Labour party.

I think the Government thought the measure could be sold quite easily to the British public. They could link it to definable things—to the provision of breakfast clubs, mental health support or recruiting 6,500 teachers. None of those things is new, though. There are already breakfast clubs in thousands of schools supported by state funding. As far as I can tell, this Government’s programme for mental health support continues the previous Government’s programme for mental health support, and recruiting 6,500 teachers to the state sector is a material slowdown compared with the number of teachers recruited in the previous five years.

The Government will have calculated that many schools will absorb the increase; they think that some families might be priced out, but that the number will be relatively minor, and that it will be massively outweighed by the revenue anyway. They also think—we have heard this line so many times from a Government spokesperson—there are so many places that are free and empty in the state sector that pupils can be easily absorbed.

Many Opposition Members think that taxing education is just wrong in principle—we value diversity and believe in the sanctity of parental choice—but from a Labour point of view, given everything I have just listed, it is so far, so good. I think the Government have made five crucial errors. The first is the belief that schools might be able to absorb such a tax increase. Economists know—the one thing we know about the Chancellor is that she is an economist, very definitely; periodically she reminds us—that when we get an increase in an indirect ad valorem tax, that does not get absorbed fully by the producer. It gets shared between the seller and the buyer. With a tax increase of this degree—20% added to the price of a service—that is clearly going to be very difficult for any organisation, but organisations such as schools just do not have those kinds of margins to fall back on to be able to absorb such an increase. To the extent that they can absorb the increase, they can do so only by cutting their service to families, which therefore increases the displacement effect of children from the private sector to the state.

[Alison Taylor]

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that schools can offset some of the VAT?

[Damian Hinds]

That is what I just said.

[Alison Taylor]

So it is not 20%, then—it is closer, probably, to 15%.

[Damian Hinds]

I am coming to that. I am grateful to the hon. Lady—she can keep teeing me up.

The Government’s second error was to fail to consider the cumulative effect of all the different cost pressures added on to schools; as well as VAT, there are also business rates, which are mentioned in the petition. There is also the increase in the employer contribution for the teachers’ pension scheme—before somebody says it, this was introduced by the previous Government to come in this year—which is material for schools in that scheme. Now, of course, we have employer national insurance contributions as well. The hon. Lady is right that the amount added through VAT would not be quite 20%; it might come down to 15%, but all those other things add cost as well.

The third error the Government made was to ignore the existence of geography. There may well be thousands of places available in the country, but they are utterly worthless from this perspective if they are not in the right places and the right age groups for the children who will be displaced. Overall—this is a great simplification —the effect of the measure in primary schools will be relatively small because there is a lot of capacity in primary schools in not quite all, but almost all, parts of the country. In secondary, though, there are lots of areas—in places like Bristol, Bury, Salford and Surrey—where there just are not enough places to accommodate significant numbers of children being displaced from the private sector.

The Government’s fourth error was to fail to segment the market. By the way, the media do this as well: whenever there is a story about this topic, it is always accompanied by a picture of children in exotic headwear, as though wearing a boater or a top hat represented the only type of private school available. It is true that there is probably plenty of VAT to be had from the parents of boys at Eton, and the elasticity of demand is probably quite low—those famous old schools, by the way, will also benefit disproportionately from being able to reclaim VAT on capital; that is actually a benefit for them—but what the Government have ignored is the existence of another tranche of schools.

For a low-fee faith school, for example, the Exchequer makes somewhere between £500 and £1,000 VAT per child a year, but every one of those children displaced into the state sector will cost £7,000 or more. That figure is higher again when we are talking about children with special educational needs or disabilities, whose parents in many cases have just found a place that can accommodate their child, that can cater to their needs and where their child is happy. In many cases, parents are making huge sacrifices to fund the fees, but they are doing so willingly. For some of them—not all of them—this will push them over the edge; they will not be able to afford it any more. The cost per child for those children in the state sector is that much more.

In extreme cases, parents will be unable to afford to send their children to their school, which might be very expensive, so they will go to the local authority and get an education, health and care plan; and the local authority will deem that they have to go back to the same school, but now the state will be paying, including possibly for their transport.

The fifth error that the Government made was to ignore the effect on specific groups of children and families who we should be seeking to support and encourage, for example through the continuity of education allowance for our armed forces—there has been a partial mitigation on that. There has also been a partial mitigation for the music and dance scheme, which drives forward the talent of tomorrow and our creative industries, but only for families with a household income below £45,000.

As has already been said, this change makes our country an outlier—almost unique in the world in putting a tax on learning. It does not level the field between the state and the private; it makes private schools more exclusive than they were before, and therefore widens the divide. It risks losing teachers from the profession. The biggest effect of all is that it is going to make class sizes in state schools bigger, fill up more state schools and therefore, in the end, make it less likely that parents get their children into the school of their choice.

This has now happened—it happened in January. It is done, but it is not too late for the Minister to say that he will keep an open mind. The Government could review the effects on revenue, the displacement of children, the disruption of education, and the number of extra education, health and care plans after two years of the policy being in place. If it turned out that those effects have not all been as they expected, would they reverse this move?