(2 years, 11 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I can see that my noble friend is about to rise, but there is a crescendo in this group of amendments and I realise that it is very important to hold in reserve the speeches from my noble friend Lord Young—as well as the crescendo of the amendments to be introduced by the noble Lord, Lord Stunell, and by my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe. This is a veritable feast of amendments, so I will introduce the government amendments at this point, if I may, before I summarise the group.
As this is a feast of amendments, I have looked up my old grace, which I used to say when I was 18, 19, 20 years of age. It is very long—I hope I will not get it wrong, as I know the right reverend Prelate will know if I do. It goes as follows:
“Oculi omnium in te sperant Domine:
Et tu das escam illis in tempore.
Aperis tu manum tuam,
Et imples omne animal benedictione.
Benedic, Domine, nos et dona tua …
et concede, ut illis salubriter nutriti
tibi debitum obsequium praestare valeamus,
per Christum Dominum nostrum.”
That is roughly right. It is what we used to say before we could eat. This is a feast, and I appreciate that every amendment is laid with the interests of improving this Bill. If we cannot accept them, I want to say that I appreciate the intentions behind every one of them. I will summarise our position at the end.
I have tried to summarise each group in three words. This is the “residents and redress” group, and I have always been clear that residents should be at the heart of the new regime. Today’s debate demonstrates the continued importance of that commitment. I am pleased to start by speaking to a group of amendments that is focused on ensuring that residents and others have more access to redress.
Amendments 76 and 77 create a new power for the High Court to impose building liability orders in appropriate cases. These orders will allow civil claims to be made against the associated companies of a company involved in the development or refurbishment of a building in certain circumstances, including when the original company no longer exists. In this House and in the other place, we have discussed the lack of ongoing liability that large developers have due to their use of special purpose vehicles. These amendments directly address this issue and support the changes we have proposed to the Defective Premises Act. They rebalance the level of exposure that small and medium-sized businesses in the construction industry currently have compared with the larger players—and, most importantly, they unlock potential funding for those who have remediated or who need to remediate, if they bring a successful claim. I consider that these orders will be an important tool in holding “polluters” to account and making them pay for their past misdeeds—so I hope that noble Lords will join me in supporting these amendments.
Moving on, I have also tabled a series of amendments that will help to make sure that construction product companies pay to put right building safety issues that they have contributed to causing. I do not intend to move these amendments today but have laid them to invite the scrutiny of noble Lords. I will listen carefully to the debate and bring these measures back at a future stage. Briefly, they target construction product manufacturers and ensure that they take responsibility for their part in the creation of building safety defects. The new clauses in Amendments 107 to 109 and 144 introduce two new causes of action against construction product manufacturers. There are currently almost no routes which allow leaseholders to hold construction product manufacturers accountable for their role in the creation of serious building safety defects. The Government are clear that those who have been responsible and continue to be responsible for building safety defects have a responsibility to put them right.
These causes of action will enable claims to be brought against construction product manufacturers and sellers for their role in the creation of building safety defects. They will apply if a product has been mis-sold or is found to be inherently defective, or if there has been a breach of construction product regulations. If this contributes to or causes a dwelling to become “unfit for habitation”, a civil claim will be able to be brought through the courts under these causes of action.
The cause of action relating to cladding products in Amendment 107 will be subject to a 30-year retrospective limitation period. The broader cause of action relating to all construction products in Amendment 108 will be subject to a 15-year prospective limitation period. These limitation periods reflect the changes we are making to the limitation period under Section 1 of the Defective Premises Act. These causes of action will ensure that construction product manufacturers can be held responsible for the costs of rectifying their mistakes.
Amendments 110, 113, 114, 141 and 145 will create a power to make regulations to require construction products manufacturers and their authorised representatives, importers and distributors to contribute towards the cost of remediation works where they have caused or contributed to dwellings being unfit for habitation. Amendment 110 will enable the Secretary of State to serve a costs contribution notice on companies that have been successfully prosecuted under construction products regulations, where the relevant product has contributed to identified dwellings being unfit for habitation.
Amendment 114 introduces a new schedule that will give the Secretary of State the power to appoint an independent person to inspect buildings where the relevant product has been used. This assessment will consider whether the conditions for serving a costs contribution notice are met, and the remediation works required. Amendment 114 will enable the Secretary of State to make regulations setting out a process for establishing costs that a company should be required to pay, which will take account of its ability to pay, and to whom payment should be made. This amendment will also enable the Secretary of State to require a company to contribute towards the cost of building assessments carried out as part of this process. Setting out this scheme in secondary legislation will enable the necessary interaction between costs contribution notices and construction products regulations, including those that will be made using the powers in this Bill.
I will listen carefully to the remainder of the debate today, as I have to every speech given so far introducing various amendments, and I look forward to hearing from noble Lords. As I said earlier, I will be moving only Amendments 76 and 77 today. I will carefully consider what I have heard in relation to the other amendments, and I will bring these measures back at a future stage.
My Lords, the instructions on the sheet of paper in front of me are not “crescendo” but “diminuendo”—some gentle accompaniment on the bass to the forte soprano that we heard from the noble Baroness, Lady Fox. But seriously, I want to add a brief footnote to the excellent speeches made by the noble Baroness, my noble friend and the right reverend Prelate.
I make the point that they all underline the need for the next stage of leasehold reform which the Government have promised, which does away with this feudal system of leasehold which exists nowhere else in the world. Once we have done that, all these problems that we have been talking about this afternoon will disappear: there will be an identity of interest between the freeholder and the leaseholder because they will be the same person. At some point, perhaps the Minister can shed some light on the next stage, confirming that that is indeed the Government’s objective and that they want to move in that direction as fast as possible.
I add a brief footnote to the excellent speech the right reverend Prelate made on Amendment 50A. In particular, I draw attention to the radical proposal in subsection (3)(a) of the new clause proposed in his amendment, which places an obligation on the landlord for
“where there is no recognised tenants’ association in existence before the coming into force of this section, creating a recognised tenants’ association and consulting with it about building safety”.
Because of the Long Title of the Bill, the right reverend Prelate had to confine it to building safety. However, it is a radical proposal. It places the obligation for establishing a tenants’ association not on the tenants, which is the position at the moment, but on the landlord, evening up the terms of trade. As I said, it is a very radical proposal indeed. An indifferent landlord does not want a residents’ association or a tenants’ association with whom he has a statutory obligation to consult, although I happen to believe that it is in his best interests to have such a dialogue. So the terms of trade are dramatically altered by the right reverend Prelate’s amendment.
In an earlier incarnation, I recall helping establish an organisation called Tpas—the Tenant Participation Advisory Service—I see the noble Lord, Lord Best, nodding sagely; he has a similar vintage to myself when it comes to housing legislation. That was focused primarily on tenants of social landlords, but I believe it has subsequently expanded into the private sector. It would be very well placed to advise landlords and tenants on how to set about establishing such an association, were the right reverend Prelate’s amendment to be accepted.
Finally, on this group of amendments, I reread chapter 4 of the Hackitt report last night, entitled “Residents’ voice”, and it has a whole series of recommendations about enfranchising the resident and the tenant in exactly the way that we have underlined. So, as I said at the beginning, I add a small a complement on the double bass to the excellent speeches that have been made on this group of amendments—or perhaps I am a tenor.
My Lords, I will try to be brief here. This is an extremely valuable group of amendments, and I entirely relate to the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, and the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra.
I will comment on something that the noble Lord, Lord Young of Cookham, said. He introduced the question of, if I paraphrase him right, the undesirability of the long-term continuation of conventional long leasehold, and I understand that. For some years I chaired the Leasehold Advisory Service when it was first set up, which was in response to a ministerial commitment that it should be put in place and that there should be advice to leaseholders.
My Lords, I recognise that the government amendments in this group may be of greater significance than mine. I think it would be in the interests of the Committee if I sat down and allowed the Minister to explain them, and perhaps responded later. I beg to move.
My Lords, I rise to introduce the government amendments in this group. This is an important group—equally as important as the previous group—and is about leaseholder protections.
We have been clear that it is fundamentally unfair that innocent leaseholders, most of whom have worked hard and made sacrifices to get a foot on the property ladder, should be landed with bills they cannot afford for problems they did not cause. That is why I have laid a series of amendments to the Bill to right this wrong. I want to outline these important government amendments and highlight how they will provide much-needed protections to leaseholders from exorbitant costs for remediation of their buildings.
These leaseholder protection provisions will make landlords liable, partially or in full, for the costs of remediating historical building safety defects. Amendments 62 to 64 and Amendment 66 are definition clauses setting out the types of defects, buildings and leases that are in scope of the protections. The new clauses state that leaseholders living in their own home or subletting in a building over 11 metres will be entitled to protections from unjust and unaffordable remediation costs. It will not apply to buildings that have exercised the right to collective enfranchisement or are on commonhold land, as in those buildings the leaseholders together effectively are the freeholders.
Amendment 68 would insert a new schedule into the Bill before Schedule 9, which sets out the circumstances in which service charges relating to historical building safety issues cannot be passed on to leaseholders, and the circumstances where service charges can be passed on to leaseholders are limited. Paragraph 2 of the new schedule provides that, where the landlord is responsible or has links with the developer that is responsible for the defect, they will be required to pay in full for the historical building safety issues. This will ensure that, as far as possible, those who are responsible for creating the defects take on the burden of costs and remove all liabilities for the historical defects from innocent leaseholders.
A definition of an “associated person”, for the purpose of determining which building owners have links to the developers of the building, is set out in Amendment 67. Similarly, where building owners are not linked to the developer but can afford to pay, they will be required to put the money up to do so and pay in full. We intend to table further amendments to provide details of the affordability test on Report. I welcome any suggestions from noble Lords on how this could work.
Paragraphs 5 to 7 of the new schedule provide that, where building owners are not linked to the developer and are not able to afford the remediation, some costs can be passed on to leaseholders. This will be subject in most cases to caps of £10,000, or £15,000 for leases in Greater London. These caps will limit how much leaseholders can be asked to pay for non-cladding costs, after—I repeat, after—building owners and landlords have exhausted all other cost recovery options, such as litigation under the Defective Premises Act or the new construction products causes of action we have just debated.
The amendments also provide that any costs paid out by leaseholders over the past five years will count towards the cap, meaning some leaseholders will pay nothing more. They also provide that cladding costs cannot be passed on at all. Paragraph 6 sets out caps to be applied to very high-value properties. It provides that, for properties with a value of over £1 million but under £2 million, the maximum permitted charge is £50,000 and, for properties with a value of over £2 million, the permitted maximum is £100,000.
Building owners and landlords must comply with the law as set out by Parliament. However, there may be some who attempt to avoid their liabilities. These landlords may be associated with a company with substantial assets. Given the extent of the building safety crisis, it is morally right that these associated companies are asked to shoulder their fair share of the costs. Amendment 69 would give the First-tier Tribunal powers to make a remediation order on the application of an interested person, meaning the regulator, local authority, fire and rescue authority or another person specified in regulations by the Secretary of State. A remediation order will require a landlord to remedy defects in their building, as specified in the order.
Amendment 70 would give the First-tier Tribunal powers to make a remediation contribution order on the application of an interested person if it considers it just and equitable to do so. For the purposes of Amendment 70, interested persons include the new regulator, the local authority and the fire and rescue service, as well as leaseholders and other persons who have a legal or equitable interest in the building. A remediation contribution order will require an associated company to make specified payments, at a specified time or event, to the landlord to remedy relevant fire safety defects in the building.
Where a company needs to be wound up, our provisions enable the liquidator to apply to the court to access the assets of associated companies to contribute to the remediation of building safety defects. All too often, companies let subsidiaries go into liquidation to cut their losses. It is morally wrong that they can just fold a company up and leave leaseholders in unsafe buildings with outstanding building safety defects and the corresponding liabilities. The court’s decision will be based on whether it is just and equitable to do so—in other words, whether it is right for that associated company to help to meet the building safety remediation liability of the failing landlord.
Some unscrupulous companies may try and wind up subsidiaries before these provisions come into force, which is why we have included provisions to enable liquidators to pursue associated companies of those landlords who are currently going through insolvency proceedings. It is unfair that innocent leaseholders have had to pay for remediation of building safety defects while those who caused the fire safety issues are able to exploit company law to escape liabilities that are morally theirs. I ask your Lordships to support this significant and important set of amendments.
My Lords, I am grateful to my noble friend. It was bit like listening to one of the advertisements on the radio when, right at the end, all the terms and conditions are read out very quickly and one has to listen to them very carefully. I welcome the assurances that my noble friend gave right at the beginning; I will come back in a moment to some of the things he said.
In the meantime, I will speak to Amendment 56 in my name and also to Amendment 131 in the name of two of the three wise men. This group of amendments focuses on Schedule 8 to the Bill, which defines building safety charges. It takes up no less than 12 and a half pages of rules and regulations. My Amendments 58 and 60 would eliminate eight of them, but any benefit so gained would be wiped out by the 13 government amendments tabled since the Bill left the other place.
I was explaining to the Committee that an existing service charge has a line headed “Health and safety”. Under Schedule 8, that line will have to be removed and relocated under the new building safety charge—or it will appear again under the building service charge with an appropriate credit because you have already paid it in your safety charge. Crucially, leaseholders will have to bear the costs of running, in effect, another set of service charges. The noble Baroness, Lady Fox, touched on some of these issues in an earlier debate.
I have read Schedule 8 and the Explanatory Memorandum. While, as far as I can see, it does not expressly forbid the incorporation of the building safety charge with the normal service charge, the whole structure of Schedule 8 certainly gives that impression, because the Secretary of State is able to apply different dates for the building safety charge and the service charge; and he can specify different deadlines for paying the two charges and for landlords to respond to requests from leaseholders. The whole impression given by these pages is of unnecessary, bureaucratic parallel invoicing processes, with all the business of reconciling accounts and all the costs to be borne by the leaseholders. I hope that the Minister will be able to assure me that this is not the intention and that it will be possible to incorporate the building safety charge into the service charge—and that the necessary amendments will be made if that is not the case.
On a related point, if you develop a building safety charge that is separate from the service charge, the entire body of case law that we have that relates to the service charge will not apply to the new building safety charge and we will have to start from scratch. So I very much hope that we can streamline the whole process and, with all the transparency that is necessary, incorporate the building safety charge into the existing service charge.
My other amendment is Amendment 131, which is very much a probing one. It is a continuing injustice that leaseholders are paying the costs of others’ mistakes. Some leaseholders have paid the full cost of remediating their buildings. For example, at Skyline in Manchester, they have had to pay the whole amount and have had to borrow substantial sums for remediation. Others continue to pay for waking watches and increased insurance costs. Ideally, there should be some means of compensating these leaseholders, who are, in the words of the Secretary of State, “innocent”. But I recognise the problems of retrospection, even though there are precedents.
This amendment requires the Secretary of State to commence a public inquiry to inquire into the costs of remediation and mitigating measures incurred by leaseholders after 10 January 2022 that are not otherwise recoverable through the Bill. The date of 10 January has been chosen because it is the date of the announcement in the other place about statutory protection for leaseholders.
The proposed inquiry’s aim would be to come up with methods of compensating affected leaseholders for the sums they paid after that date—which, as I said, are not covered by the Bill. Perhaps my noble friend can shed some light on exactly what protection is intended. There may be measures to stop freeholders pressing ahead now, before the Bill comes into effect, and passing costs on to leaseholders who would otherwise be protected. There are certainly leaseholders who think they have statutory protection now—but what about invoices received but not paid for work that is in progress? What about service charges payable when the next quarter begins on 1 April, possibly before the Bill has become an Act? There is a grey area here, on which some light should be shone, and I hope that in his reply my noble friend will be able to shed some illumination.
I said commercial developers, but I meant to say “developers of commercial property”. However, I will leave that point for the next debate.
My Lords, as the Committee enters its sixth hour of sitting, this is not the time for a comprehensive wind-up. However, I thank all those who have taken part in this debate.
My noble friend Lord Naseby made a valuable point about buy-to-let investors. Over the past 10 or 20 years, buy to let has become an alternative to a conventional pension for many people. I am grateful that my noble friend the Minister said that he is open to discussion on this; we count that as a win.
My noble friend Lord Blencathra had a series of amendments on the theme of protecting leaseholders. I am grateful for them.
My noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley made a legitimate point about the freeholder who had not claimed the money he could have. I wrote down the solution that my noble friend the Minister arrived at. He said, “We will fix it at the political level.” The mind boggles as to what exactly that involves but I am sure that, with his robust physique and experience of government, he will come up with a satisfactory outcome on that.
The amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Pinnock, would remove the cap for leaseholders. I have a lot of sympathy with that. New paragraph 2(1), proposed by government Amendment 92, states:
“No service charge is payable under a qualifying lease in respect of a relevant measure relating to a relevant defect if a relevant landlord … is responsible for the relevant defect.”
That is fine, but then there is a whole series of exclusions, of which this is one. I find it difficult to reconcile the cap with the principle that the leaseholder is innocent and should not pay; I think we will have to come to back to that.
The noble Earl, Lord Lytton, made the same point as my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley: that the leaseholder should be able to apply. If the leaseholder could have applied in my noble friend’s case, there would not have been a problem and the freeholder would not have been in the loop, as it were.
I am grateful to my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe for supporting a number of the amendments. The noble Baroness, Lady Hayman, had her own, thoughtful approach to protecting leaseholders. She referred to the cascade. I hope that her many questions will be answered; perhaps we can all share in the letter that goes round. She also supported the request for an inquiry into compensation, for which I am grateful.
On the waterfall, the Government did not seem to appear in it. I thought that they were right at the end, but they have somehow been left out. I think that the Government are at the end of the waterfall if all else fails; my noble friend the Minister is indicating that this may not be the case, but what are the levy and fund for if not to help where the costs are not otherwise met by the freeholder, the leaseholder or the developer?
The noble Lord, Lord Stunell, asked how the cap was arrived at. It may well have been through a reverse process involving the Treasury.
Finally, my noble friend the Minister said that I thought he was a snake oil salesman. I believe that he believed what he said; my comment was about the pace at which he said it, which was like an advertisement where the terms and conditions are spelled out at an accelerated pace and one does not really have time to hear them. I think my noble friend said that enfranchised leaseholders are now within the scheme; I think he said that because I read his lips. I find that difficult to reconcile with what is in government Amendment 63:
“‘Relevant building’ does not include a self-contained building or self-contained part of a building … in relation to which the right to collective enfranchisement … has been exercised.”
If that should not be there, that is fine, but that is how I read it; I also made that point in an earlier contribution.
We can sort it out. I am told by my lawyer that you are wrong.
If I am wrong, the Bill may be wrong, because I have just read out what is in it, but I think this is something we can sort out at the political level.
I am grateful to all noble Lords who have taken part in this debate. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.
(2 years, 11 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, in moving Amendment 24 in my name and that of my noble friend Lord Blencathra, I will also speak to Amendment 130 and touch on my noble friend’s amendments. I begin by welcoming the fact that he and Michael Gove have made substantial advance on the Government’s initial response to the cladding crisis. I am very grateful for that and for the role he has played.
For the leaseholders involved, this group of amendments is probably the most important in the whole Bill. The object of my amendments is to deliver the Government’s policy that, so far as historical defects are concerned, the polluter should pay and not the leaseholder. I begin by reminding the Committee of the explicit commitments given by the Secretary of State that underpin that policy. In his Statement on 10 January, he said:
“We will take action to end the scandal and protect leaseholders … We will make industry pay to fix all of the remaining problems and help to cover the range of costs facing leaseholders.”
When pressed by an opposition MP, the Secretary of State said in reply:
“She specifically requested that we provide amendments to the Building Safety Bill to ensure that there is statutory protection for leaseholders. That is our intention—we intend to bring forward those amendments—and I look forward to working with her and colleagues across the House to provide the most robust legal protection.”
Later he clarified what he meant by statutory protection:
“First, we will make sure that we provide leaseholders with statutory protection—that is what we aim to do and we will work with colleagues across the House to ensure that that statutory protection extends to all the work required to make buildings safe.”—[Official Report, Commons, 10/1/22; cols. 284-291]
Finally, in his evidence earlier this week to the Select Committee in another place, the Secretary of State said:
“The approach that we have put forward is one that provides them”—
that is, the leaseholders—
“with the maximum available level of protection.”
We need to build on the substantial advance that I mentioned earlier, because the amendments tabled by the Government so far do not deliver the policy I have just quoted: statutory protection that
“extends to all the work required to make buildings safe.”—[Official Report, Commons, 10/1/22; col. 291]
The amendments proposed are not “the most robust”, and nor do they provide
“the maximum … level of protection.”
Why is that? It is because not all relevant buildings, leaseholders and defects are covered. The object of my amendments and those of others is to deliver the policy, fill in the gaps and make the protection more robust.
I have one other objective. I believe that in cases where the Government are unable to persuade those responsible to do the work voluntarily—I suspect there will be many—remedial work should commence promptly, without waiting for the proceeds of the levy to come in or for people to be fined after protracted litigation. It is crucial to make the buildings safe sooner, to lift the blight on sales and to let people get on with their lives. Under the current government proposals, where the developer will not fund the work, nothing happens until all the money is in place, including the contributions that the Government expect leaseholders to pay, which many will not be able to afford. We cannot wait that long.
My amendments are designed to provide a speedy and efficient route to getting buildings remediated at the cost of the person responsible and, when that is not possible, by a levy on the industry. I claim no exclusivity as to how this is done. We may need to pick and mix with some of the other proposals in this group, particularly those in the name of my noble friend Lord Blencathra and the noble Earl, Lord Lytton, who brings to this issue the wealth of professional expertise. I am grateful to Sue Bright and Liam Spender, who have given me advice in a personal capacity, and to the Leasehold Knowledge Partnership, which services the all-party group on this subject.
My proposal would operate by inserting provisions into the Building Act 1984 and, as my noble friend reminded me, in an earlier incarnation I put that on the statute book. At some point, I hope that the statute of limitations will kick in and hold me not responsible for all the things I may have done in the past. That amendment, however, would enable an appropriate authority, either the Secretary of State or the building control authority, to serve a notice on those responsible for fire safety defects that are in breach of either building regulations or the “fit for human habitation” requirements in the Defective Premises Act 1972, which I did not put on the statute book. Leaseholders can also start that process and request a relevant authority to act. When the polluter no longer owns the building, the relevant authority can recover the money from the polluter and require the work to be done. If the polluter cannot or will not pay, the resources to do the work come from the building safety indemnity scheme established under Amendment 130.
The amendment also proposes an absolute prohibition on any of these costs being passed on to long leaseholders through variable service charges, filling in one of the gaps I referred to earlier. There are penalties on the polluter for noncompliance with a remediation notice; they are also liable to pay the costs of mitigating measures in the meantime. These provisions incentivise prompt action rather than protracted delay. In the event of a dispute as to whether the work contravenes building regulations, this will be decided by a technical committee, the decision of which will be binding. Any challenge to its decision can be referred to arbitration. I believe this is quicker and cheaper than the complex dispute process in government Amendment 108.
These changes to the Building Act will require money to pay for remedial works while the authorities step in, which brings me to Amendment 130. This would create a comprehensive levy scheme to be established. Contributors to the scheme would include all applicants for building control approval and suppliers of construction products. Leaseholders and a relevant authority, acting under Section 36A, would be able to apply for grants under the scheme. I cannot claim authorship of this part of the proposal; it simply mirrors the Government’s own idea of linking future building control approval to payments into the scheme. The amendment proposes that anyone who does not pay a levy when due cannot receive building control approval for any works.
Those are my proposals, and I turn now to the Government’s amendments, covering some 24 pages of legal text. The Government’s objective, although not spelt out in these terms, is to create what has been called a statutory waterfall. The waterfall is intended to work as follows: develops and cladding manufacturers are expected to pay first; for cladding remediation, government funding then kicks in through the building safety fund, then freeholders are expected to pay next. Finally come the leaseholders, who are expected to pay only a capped amount towards non-cladding costs.
Each layer of the waterfall has to be put in place before you get to the next one. Its aim is to ensure that any contributions from leaseholders become, legally, the last resort. This addresses the conflict of interest inherent in the current leasehold system. At the moment, landlords can spend leaseholders’ money without any effective control. The fact that freeholders will be on the hook to pay will concentrate their minds on the question of cost-benefit analysis. Are the works that they deemed necessary really necessary when they did not have to pay? Are they still necessary when they do?
The current Bill and the government amendments do not have adequate measures to ensure that the developer responsible for the defects must pay. With no voluntary settlement, the only route to recover would be through costly and risky litigation, with the leaseholders or freeholders responsible for pursuing a well-resourced developer through the courts, potentially delaying remediation for years and incurring higher insurance premiums and, in some cases, waking watches. Amendment 24 avoids this.
There are a number of other problems with the Government’s approach. I start with putting freeholders in the firing line. Where the developer is the freeholder, that is wholly understandable, but resident-owned buildings are excluded from the Government’s proposed protection by Amendment 63. That is because leaseholders in those buildings are also the freeholders—they have enfranchised. It is then up to the residents to sort out their claims against those responsible. When there is no one to claim against, this may mean that those residents must finance all the non-cladding remediation costs themselves. This is plainly wrong. Many leaseholders have used legislation—which, I confess, I put on the statute book—encouraging them to enfranchise and buy the freeholds. This is a welcome step away from the feudal system of leasehold, which the Government have pledged to abolish, and towards commonhold. However, those leaseholders who have enfranchised are every bit as innocent as those who have not, yet they are excluded from the support in the government amendments.
Other freeholders now find themselves in the line of fire. Freeholds are often owned by housing associations, charities, local authorities and pension funds, which have bought freeholds and their ground rents—in the case of pension funds, to match their liabilities on annuities. They have found themselves exposed to major costs, although they were not responsible for the defects. It is not clear why pension savers should pay if they did not pollute. These freeholders, like the leaseholders, bear no responsibility for causing building safety defects, and they should not bear the cost. In some cases, the costs of remediation will outweigh the balance sheet of the freeholder, threatening insolvency. Has this all been thought through? A solution would be for the Government to propose to meet any costs not met by the developer, including cladding repairs in particular.
Under the government amendments, a developer must pay only if it is still the landlord. If it has sold the building, it is off the hook, under Amendment 76. If the polluter is to pay, it is not clear why there should be these exclusions, and there must be a direct route to hold polluters responsible that does not depend on leaseholders bringing claims under the Defective Premises Act. Even if the developer is the landlord, it can recover costs from all leaseholders who are not capped by the capping provisions—another important deviation from the policy of protecting the leaseholder. This is the case even though the developer is responsible for the defect and has, for example, failed to install cavity barriers. That is likely to be a common scenario.
There are other important exclusions which breach the policy that the polluter, not the leaseholder, should pay. Where a building has non-cladding defects and is more than 11 metres tall, leaseholders have to pay up to £10,000 outside London and £15,000 in it. Under Amendment 92, these payments can be spread over five years, but that conflicts with the requirement for all funds to be in place before the work can commence. Who will fund the difference? There may be buildings where there are only non-cladding defects. If the bill for remediation is £10 million and there are 250 flats, leaseholders must pay £40,000 each. They are subject to a cap of £10,000, but where does the missing £30,000 come from—£7.5 million for the whole building? I see that I have already caused some consternation on the Front Bench.
A further important exclusion is for buildings under 11 metres. Leaseholders in those buildings, or buildings with fewer than five storeys, get no assistance for cladding or non-cladding remedial works and are exposed to unlimited costs. The Government’s view is that such buildings are not at sufficient risk to justify remediation, but this will be a bitter disappointment when leaseholders in those buildings who are not responsible for the defects face costs. It is incompatible with the principles I set out earlier.
Another exclusion is for those who have invested in buy to let who have more than one such property. The press release that the Government published on 14 February, along with the amendment, said:
“New clauses will also enshrine in law the commitment the Levelling Up Secretary made in the House of Commons last month that no leaseholder living in their own home, or sub-letting in a building over 11m, ever pays a penny for the removal of dangerous cladding.”
Amendment 64 contradicts that assurance for those buy-to-let landlords who own more than one such property, the majority of whom are individuals and not property barons. They bear no responsibility for the defects. I think that Amendment 65 addresses that issue in a later group.
My Lords, I am grateful to all those who have contributed to this long and important debate. I notice that what was the awkward squad last time has now been transformed into three wise men, so we are obviously making progress. On a more serious note, this debate is of enormous interest to thousands of leaseholders, many of whom have bills they cannot afford to pay on the mantelpiece. We have thousands of leaseholders who would like to sell but cannot, because their property is blighted. We have all wanted to come up with a solution this afternoon; I think we are making progress, as I will come on to in a moment.
One issue the Government will have to face is that leaseholders do not read 24 pages of legalese amendments to a government Bill. They remember the soundbites that I mentioned right at the beginning—the polluter should pay, not the leaseholder; the leaseholders are innocent; we have statutory protection. There is a risk that the exclusions in the small print will erode the good will that the Government have generated so far in the progress they have made. We need to do a little more to address those exclusions, which stop us achieving the principle to which the Government are committed—the polluter should pay, not the leaseholder.
The other thing I take from this debate—I hope the Minister will agree with this—is a point that I, the noble Earl, Lord Lytton, and the noble Baroness, Lady Pinnock, made, which is that we have to make an early start. We simply cannot wait until the money has come in from the levy to do the work. I will come back to this in a moment, but there was a suggestion from both the noble Earl, Lord Lytton, and my noble friend Lord Blencathra that the Government should provide the bridging finance—I think that was the word the noble Earl used—in order to get the show on the road and make an early start, rather than wait for the money to come in after long and expensive litigation.
I know that housing is ring-fenced; I introduced the housing revenue account.
I think we had better move on from that.
My noble friend mentioned a group that we have so far not mentioned at all: shared owners. I think we need to bear that in mind.
My noble friend Lord Blencathra had a veiled threat that if there was not an agreed solution with the Government, there would be a conspiracy of either the wise men or the awkward squad. I think my noble friend the Minister needs to go back to his Secretary of State and say, “Look, everybody was really grateful for what we have done so far, but, Michael, I am afraid that it’s not going to take the trick. Either we can do a deal and take the credit for making the last step, or we don’t do a deal and we go down in flames”. I think my noble friend could put that proposition in more colourful language than I have used this evening.
Next time I speak, I hope that instead of saying we are nearly there, I can say that we are there, but it is down to my noble friend to enable me to say those words. In the meantime, and in the spirit of amity, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.
(3 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I salute the tenacity of the noble Lord. He will understand that next Monday will be a very special day: it will be the day he writes a card to his wife, the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy, but it will also be the date when we will see a series—a slew—of amendments from, I am sure, the Labour Party, the Liberal Democrats, the Cross Benches, my noble friends behind me and also from the Government as we reach Committee on the Building Safety Bill. We have two objectives in mind: to protect leaseholders and to ensure that the polluter pays. We are starting a process to encourage voluntary contributions, but we are very clear that, if they do not pay up, there will be measures in law to make sure that they do.
My Lords, I welcome the very positive statement that my noble friend has just made, and his personal role in making the progress that has just been announced. On 10 January, the Secretary of State said in another place:
“First, we will make sure that we provide leaseholders with statutory protection—that is what we aim to do and we will work with colleagues across the House to ensure that that statutory protection extends to all the work required to make buildings safe.”—[Official Report, Commons, 10/1/21; col. 291.]
Can my noble friend confirm that that is the case and that protection extends beyond cladding replacement?
My Lords, I do not want to pre-empt 14 February, but it is very clear that, from Florrie’s law, which sought to protect leaseholders from high-cost building safety and remedial works, there will be a principle which protects leaseholders. I thank my noble friend for raising this issue.
(3 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I hope my noble friend will sign my copy of the levelling-up White Paper. The Public Services Committee, ably chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady Armstrong, produced a report on levelling up last year and I am delighted that the Government have responded to two of its recommendations: first, that there should be clarity about what levelling up means; and, secondly, that there should be regular milestones so that we can see whether progress is being made. We also commented on transparency and I wonder whether my noble friend will recognise that under the levelling-up White Paper very substantial sums of central grants will continue to be allocated to local areas. So I ask my noble friend whether there will be total transparency about the basis of those decisions.
I always thank my noble friend for his comments and his probing in the right areas. I failed to mention in my response to the Front Bench that, of course, there will be an annual report that will measure progress on that mission to 2030 and beyond. The point that my noble friend raises is precisely right. We need to have transparency. It is important to track the money. I think a policy that was actually delivered under, I believe, the Blair Government, the Total Place agenda, is a very important one to ensure that we get the money into the right areas across the piece, whether it is funded by central government, regional government or, indeed, local government and make sure that the money gets to the people who need it most. Transparency is a key part of achieving success and we will take that point on board.
(3 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, like others, I welcome the introduction of this Bill, which will help restore confidence in homes built by the UK construction industry after the damaging revelations of recent months. If the Government’s ambitions for home ownership are to be achieved, buyers must have confidence in the homes they are buying and so must lenders.
I join others in wishing a long and happy retirement to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Winchester who, when I was a Member of Parliament for Hampshire, had responsibility for my spiritual health.
I want to refer to the helpful covering letter that my noble friend the Minister wrote to us on 20 January, entitled “Introduction of the Building Safety Bill” and, in particular, to the section headed “Protecting Leaseholders from Unnecessary Costs”; I do so alongside the Statement on building safety made in the other place by the Secretary of State on 10 January. My noble friend’s letter says:
“The Secretary of State recently announced that leaseholders living in their homes should be protected from the costs of remediating historic building safety defects.”
Amen to that, but none of the subsequent paragraphs in the letter, or indeed anything in the Bill at the moment, gives a guarantee that this will be done, nor do they explain how it will be done. Hence the need for further amendments, to which I will return in a moment.
The next paragraph of the letter covers one of the building safety defects—namely, cladding—but not others. It makes it clear that the costs are to be met by a scheme funded by industry, alongside a further push to make sure that developers fix the unsafe buildings they built. Again, amen to that, but it follows that unless and until industry pays, the work will not be done, and the last thing leaseholders want is more delay.
The initiative to get the industry to contribute voluntarily is commendable but the volunteers are not going to pay for other peoples’ buildings; their shareholders would complain if they did. We know that many of the offending companies either cannot pay or will not pay. At the moment, leaseholders have no bankable guarantee that their buildings will be fixed with someone else paying. I welcome all the recent initiatives to help leaseholders and applaud the work of my noble friend the Minister for his tireless campaign behind the scenes but, as he recognised in his opening remarks, we are not there yet.
Now we have to turn to the Statement I referred to earlier, which clearly stated:
“We will take action to end the scandal and protect leaseholders.”
The Secretary of State went on to say:
“We will make industry pay to fix all of the remaining problems and help to cover the range of costs facing leaseholders.”
The Statement concluded:
“I can confirm to the House today that if they do not, we will impose a solution on them, if necessary, in law.”
When pressed by an Opposition MP, the Secretary of State said in reply:
“She specifically requested that we provide amendments to the Building Safety Bill to ensure that there is statutory protection for leaseholders. That is our intention—we intend to bring forward those amendments—and I look forward to working with her and colleagues across the House to provide the most robust legal protection.”
So the Secretary of State must have some idea of the sorts of amendments that he plans to bring forward.
Later, he clarified what he meant by statutory protection:
“First, we will make sure that we provide leaseholders with statutory protection—that is what we aim to do and we will work with colleagues across the House to ensure that that statutory protection extends to all the work required to make buildings safe.”—[Official Report, Commons, 10/1/22; cols. 285-91.]
Note that that commitment extends to all building work, not just cladding. Again, this is all very good news, and I commend the work of my noble friend for pressing for those commitments. However, it raises some questions—I appreciate that my noble friend may not have all the answers, but he may be able to reply in general terms.
First, many leaseholders are currently threatened with repossession, eviction and bankruptcy because at the moment they are currently legally liable for the bills, which the Secretary of State has recognised are in no way their fault. They have been promised statutory protection—but statutory protection from what, and from when? Are buy-to-let landlords included, and what about private leaseholders in blocks owned by social landlords?
Does this protection cover all the work done for which they have been invoiced but not paid; does it cover invoices only from the date of the Statement? Does it become operative only when the necessary legislation is passed? Does it cover only cladding or—as one of the quotes I just referred to implies—all safety work? Should it be retrospective, as the noble Baroness, Lady Hayman, suggested in her opening remarks? Leaseholders need clarity on these issues, and they need it now.
Then, if both the statutory protection and the legislation to oblige industry to pay are to be included in this legislation—again, as the Secretary of State implied—that is a high legislative hurdle in a very short timescale. What progress has been made in drafting the necessary clauses? They are bound to be controversial if they are to be effective, and the House is allergic to Henry VIII clauses.
I and my noble friend Lord Blencathra—the so-called Awkward Squad; an unusual name for two former Conservative Government Chief Whips—are willing to help tackle the issues that will need resolving. How does one define a delegated powers clause which allows the Government to decide the meaning of “defective construction”, particularly if there has been no breach of building regulations? Will there be an appeals procedure? How do we do this without delaying essential remedial work? Will some sort of credit facility be available until the cash comes in? Will the scheme be proof against ECHR challenge?
How do we enforce against foreign companies domiciled overseas, where they have wound up the offending subsidiaries—and, if we cannot, how will the resulting shortfall be met if no more funds are available from the Treasury?
I hope my noble friend has some of the answers, not just for the sake of concluding our debate this evening but for the sake of leaseholders, who will be hanging on every word of his reply.
(3 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I commend the Minister for his tireless work over the past few months, which has led to this very welcome initiative. Will he clarify two points that arose from the exchange in another place yesterday? First, when asked about costs relating to fire doors and external wall insulation, the Secretary of State said that
“the freeholders, as the ultimate owners of these buildings, will be held responsible for all the work that is required, and we will make sure that leaseholders are not on the hook.”
He then confirmed this in a subsequent reply to Matthew Offord, saying:
“It is our intention that the ultimate owner of a building is responsible for all of the safety steps that are required, and we will use statutory means in order to ensure that that happens.”—[Official Report, Commons, 10/1/22; col. 301.]
I read that as saying that leaseholders are protected for all safety steps, not just dealing with cladding. Secondly, while the Secretary of State repeatedly promised statutory protection for leaseholders, it is not clear what they should do about bills sitting on their mantelpiece for work completed or under way but not paid for. Do those leaseholders have statutory protection?
My noble friend always asks very pertinent questions and he knows this issue inside out. Rather than obfuscating this, I will give the straight answer. Of course, in protecting the leaseholders, someone else has to pay—that is the thrust of the question from my noble friend. When it comes to cladding, there is now funding in place and a plan to deliver that without touching anyone beyond the polluter, if we can get back the money put up by the taxpayer. Some leaseholders have obviously borne the brunt of the costs as well and that is regrettable. We cannot apply these protections retrospectively but, by having the reset statement issued by my right honourable friend, we can ensure that we protect many thousands—potentially hundreds of thousands—more leaseholders from being affected in the future by having those statutory protections in place.
(3 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberI know that there is a “broken promises” line, but the reality is that 95% of ACM buildings have been remediated. Actually, we have accelerated at pace while I have been Building Safety Minister, despite the global pandemic. The reality is that for many of these buildings—about 20, and a lot of them happen to be in the London Borough of Southwark—it was literally discovered only months ago that they had ACM cladding. I am not blaming the noble Lord, Lord Kennedy, but we are doing our best. This is tough, and we should not be trying to score points. We are absolutely committed to remediate these buildings, especially those with aluminium composite material, the most deadly form of cladding. Very shortly, we will have that removed from all buildings in this country.
My Lords, since we last discussed this matter, on 1 January, thousands of leaseholders will have received service charges from the freeholder demanding very substantial remediation sums—sums which are not affordable for many of these leaseholders—which will lead to either repossession or bankruptcy. While the Government have provided substantial support, which I welcome, does the Minister recognise that this is insufficient to prevent hardship? Will he have urgent discussions with a view to raising more resources, possibly through a levy on those developers and other builders responsible for the defects in the first place?
(3 years, 2 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, all previous legislation to reduce the harm done by smoking has been on a national basis, such as the ban on smoking on public transport and the ban on smoking in public places. However, despite representations from the Local Government Association that any ban under this measure should also be on a national basis, the Government declined and left it to local discretion. Will the Government follow up the suggestion by the noble Lord, Lord Faulkner, and, in the light of that, consider giving a clear health warning about the risks of damage from smoking and introduce a total ban on smoking on pavements?
I thank my noble friend for making the point about how progress has been made and that it has been on a national basis. However, as someone who spent 20 years in local government— 16 as a councillor and four in City Hall as deputy mayor—I know that sometimes it is right to recognise that we do not have problems equally on a national basis. Smoking rates are higher in the north of England, so let us learn from there first before we take the next step.
(3 years, 2 months ago)
Lords ChamberI call the noble Lord, Lord Young. Apologies.
My Lords, I am grateful to my noble friend for what I know he was doing behind the scenes to sort this. Can he confirm that when his Secretary of State was given his new job, he was instructed by the Prime Minister to resolve the cladding crisis? This clearly involves measures beyond those that my noble friend has already referred to. If innocent leaseholders are to avoid financial distress, bankruptcy and eviction, either the Treasury or those responsible for building these defective flats will have to dig deeper into their pockets. Does he agree?
My noble friend makes it easy for me: yes, I agree. Implicit in the fact that the Treasury would have supported a subsidised financing scheme is that we need more taxpayer subsidy, but it cannot be the only answer. We need to make sure the polluter pays, and the Secretary of State is looking at every avenue to do that.
(3 years, 3 months ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask Her Majesty’s Government when they will publish their white paper on levelling up.
We aim to publish by the end of the year. However, our priority is to have a White Paper which meets the scale of ambition and sets out our transformative agenda to deliver real long-term change across the United Kingdom. Levelling up is at the heart of this Government’s agenda to build back better after the pandemic. The recent spending review showed the significant action we are already taking to empower local leaders, boost living standards, spread opportunity and restore local pride.
My Lords, I welcome the Government’s commitment to levelling up and to reducing some of the inequalities in our country. But if levelling up is to be more than a slogan, does it not need clearly stated objectives, transparency in the allocation of resources, and measurements so that we can monitor progress? Is my noble friend able to tick those three boxes?
My Lords, in July, the Prime Minister set out that we will have made progress in levelling up when we have begun to raise living standards, spread opportunity, improved our public services and restored people’s sense of pride in their community. The forthcoming White Paper will set out the further detail, so that I hope we will be able to tick my noble friend’s three boxes.