(7 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, my focus is on the misuse of drugs for unlicensed purposes. It is perfectly proper and sensible that drugs are used for unlicensed purposes in the right circumstances. For example, in the case of children, drugs are not tested on them; they have been tested and licensed for use on adults, and they are used quite properly—it is called “off-label”—for children for the same purposes. However, in this case, as Cass has found at paragraphs 20.11 and 20.12 of her report, in the case of puberty blockers there was what she describes as a “system weakness” in that off-label use. It went beyond the usual level of permissiveness in extending use to a very different indication. So she has recommended, in recommendation 32:
“Wider guidance applicable to all NHS services should be developed to support providers and commissioners to ensure that innovation is encouraged but that there is appropriate scrutiny and clinical governance to avoid incremental creep of practice in the absence of evidence”.
I have two questions. What steps are the Government taking to implement this important recommendation as a matter of urgency? It will not just be puberty blockers; there will be drugs used in a range of fields. Who will be charged with the responsibility for creating this guidance and then implementing it?
With the wonders of modern technology, I hope I can answer two questions in one. On the previous question, yes, the regulators have been communicated with about making sure that it is very clear. On that point, I say to my noble friend that the regulators have been charged with making sure that very clear guidelines are put out on the drug use that he mentions; those are being set right now. While I am clearing stuff up, to be clear and to save me correcting it later, it will be eight clinics in total when they are all there; I might have said that it was eight additional clinics.
(1 year ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I shall address two matters today. Each concerns education, on which this Government have rightly placed a premium, but there remain significant areas which the proposed legislative programme does not address. Indeed, we do not have an education Bill. I hope that time may yet be found to address them none the less.
The first point I make concerns the right of parents and prospective parents to know what their children are being taught in schools. In RSE, too many schools still have contracts with outside providers of teaching materials whose terms purport to forbid teachers from showing copies to parents or others who want to know what is being taught. That is often because the provider is really a lobby group promoting unorthodox ideas in sex education or race theory. They do not want the public to see what is being taught. I do not need to cite examples; the press in recent months has been full of this.
When the now defunct Schools Bill came before the House last year, I, with other noble Lords from across the House, from all four Benches—three anyway—tabled an amendment in Committee which would have given parents the statutory right to see such materials. That came to nothing when the Bill died but, on 31 March this year, the department wrote to schools saying that parents should be able to view all curriculum materials. That has gone further now: the department sent a stronger circular on 23 October, three weeks ago. The first letter said:
“The Department is clear that parents should be able to view all curriculum materials. This includes cases where an external agency advises schools that their materials cannot be shared due to restrictions in commercial law, or a school’s contract with the provider prohibits sharing materials beyond the classroom”.
I welcome that, but it is not a substitute for legislation. First, legislation has a permanence which cannot be provided by departmental guidance. Secondly, a letter from a Minister does not bind the courts; it is possible that the propositions of law set out in a circular will fail to stand up in some future litigation. Thirdly, the experience to date has been that circulars and guidance from the department have not been enough to secure compliance with the policy of transparency. Fourthly, it does not address the position of prospective parents—those who have yet to send their children to a school—only the rights of parents of current pupils. Finally, the propositions in the circular themselves are subject to some limitations and qualifications.
The right way to provide for the rights of parents and prospective parents hoping to make an informed choice of school is a parental rights Bill. This will properly protect their rights under Article 2 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, as reinforced by the court in Strasbourg. Such a Bill is to be found on the website of the Society of Conservative Lawyers, whose chair of research I am. I commend it to the House. Failing that, there is the Bill recently presented in the other place by Miriam Cates MP, which I believe deserves support. A critical point in its favour compared to the circular is that it would require all RSE teaching materials from external providers to be either published in the public domain or obtainable on payment of a modest fee.
I move briefly to my second topic, the vital life skill of financial awareness. I have addressed the House on this before but I want to urge the Government forward. There is a clear and pressing need to include financial education in primary schools, not just secondary schools. As the Centre for Social Justice has explained, money habits and behaviours that will stick for life are formed by the age of seven. However, two-thirds of primary school children receive no financial education. The Centre for Financial Capability has made the same points in its report this month on financial literacy in the community. We know as adults that we have to manage rent, mortgages and a range of household bills. Children must be equipped for this and it must start young. Too many school leavers still leave ill equipped because the grounding has not been laid at the outset. These skills must be embedded young. While financial education is now taught in secondary schools, many teachers say that too many leave school with an inadequate grasp of it. We must do something about it. It must start in primary schools and I urge this Government to do something now.
(1 year, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, my noble friends should come to a gentlemen’s agreement on who is going first.
I think the noble Lord makes the point very well. I do not think I have anything to add, apart from basic agreement.
My Lords, the GMC may be independent but it is a creature of statute and should remember that. Parliament can change its statutes at any time. Are we to anticipate that, if the doctors’ regulator —this creature of statute—refers to its female staff, by which I mean women, as chest feeders or people with cervixes, the Minister will make it plain that this language from the medical regulator is unacceptable?
I am quite happy, as mentioned previously, to talk to the GMC about its use of language, the importance of the use of correct language and the clear feelings of all of us in the House today about women who are women and mothers, and men who are male and fathers. I will leave it to the GMC as to how it deals with staff matters, but I will be very clear on medical issues and the belief of all of us here in this House.
(1 year, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberI feel I am probably outgunned to some degree by the noble Lord. I would like to make sure that I answer that in the proper way and give him a detailed written response. I am happy to follow up, because I want to make sure that I am answering in completely the right way.
My Lords, the Times of 23 February reported that GIDS patients were still receiving puberty blockers. What arrangements are in place—as recommended by Dr Cass in her report—to monitor patients who receive treatment, both during it and in subsequent years by way of follow-up, to ensure a proper longitudinal study of the effects?
My noble friend is absolutely correct: one of the main findings from the Cass review was that more research has to be done in the whole space of puberty blockers. The NHS is moving on that as we speak. At the same time, I can assure the House that, from now on, no puberty blockers can be prescribed unless they are part of that research programme, because it is vital that that does not happen as a matter of course until we understand far more about this subject.
(1 year, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberAs mentioned, we are increasing the number of doctors. We have 2,000 more versus 2019. The House will be pleased to know that that is a key part of the workforce plan for recruiting and retaining more doctors. As to comorbidities and deprived areas, clearly that is the role of the integrated care boards. They are set up very much to understand the needs of their areas and to make sure that they are looked after properly. In a lot of cases that means investing in primary care. We all know that a lot of the reason why we have a lot of people in A&E is that they cannot get GP-type services, so getting upstream of that issue and investing in primary care is the direction in which we need to go.
My Lords, it is often forgotten that general practitioners, unlike salaried NHS doctors, are self-employed contractors under contract to provide services. What plans, if any, do the Government have to review the existing GP contract to ensure that new terms are imposed to require better delivery of services by general practitioners?
My understanding is that the new GP contract is part of live conversations with the BMA that we are about to get into—I think it is over the summer that those negotiations will start to take place. Within all of that, we will be looking at all those sorts of things in terms of how we want to see the GP service evolve. At the same time, we will be talking openly to the BMA about what it wants for its doctors, so that we get an outcome that works well for both sides.
(1 year, 10 months ago)
Lords ChamberI thank the noble Baroness for bringing this to my attention. Clearly a 28% reduction is impressive and something that we should take seriously. If she can give me the reference, I will definitely take it up and write back.
My Lords, is not exercise when growing as an adolescent, particularly impact exercise, important for stimulating bone growth? Should more not be done to encourage impact exercise among children and teenagers, particularly among girls, who do not always want this—in other words, running, jumping on the spot and so on?
As a player of rugby, which probably has far too many impacts, I agree with the sentiment that exercise is always a good thing, whatever stage of life one is at. Also, we all know that vitamin D is a vital part of helping against bone weaknesses. Things as simple as spending more time in the sun in summer or taking vitamin D supplements in the winter are vital prevention methods. I agree about exercise, but all these measures should be rewarded and promoted.
(2 years, 11 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I add my congratulations to the noble Lord, Lord Stevens of Birmingham, on his very uplifting maiden speech.
I shall direct my remarks to Clause 4. This inserts a new provision into Section 13A of the National Health Service Act:
“The objectives that the Secretary of State considers NHS England should seek to achieve which are specified in subsection (2)(a) must include objectives for cancer treatment defined by outcomes for patients with cancer, and those objectives are to be treated by NHS England as having priority over any other objectives relating to cancer”.
This is a very specific and important mandate. Henceforth, successful management will be judged by “outcomes for patients”: how many survive and for how long.
Let me explain why this is important. For the first time, cancer survival rates from the date of diagnosis will be given priority over other objectives in the treatment and management of cancer. Hitherto in respect of cancer this country has focused for too long on targets, such as the two-week wait to see a specialist after a referral and the 62-day wait from referral to first definitive treatment. Those targets are not irrelevant or unimportant, but they are only part of the picture and have distorted the way we have managed cancer. They have had too much priority as measures for achieving funding support. They have not resulted in better results.
Over the last 20 years, there has been only limited evidence of cancer survival rates catching up with international averages in other prosperous countries. Professor Sir Alex Markham, the founding chief executive of Cancer Research UK, has observed that
“comparable health services abroad continue to outperform the NHS in terms of cancer survival. They all remain focused on cancer outcomes and the UK would be foolish not to do likewise”.
This clause should put that right.
When it comes to treatment after diagnosis, I understand that the NHS largely performs as well as other comparable health services. However—this is the important thing—it is not as good at catching cancers in their crucial earlier stages. If the new commissioning bodies under the Bill have to focus on outcomes, they will monitor survival from date of diagnosis. They will have to collect that data, identify dates of diagnosis and match outcomes. This will show which places are doing better than others. Researchers can then establish what the more successful places do and how they differ from the less successful ones. That way, routes to success may be identified. Improvements can and should follow. That is true evidence-based medicine.
Hitherto, data collection and data transparency have not been a strength. As Bowel Cancer UK told the APPG on Cancer, the priority should be to
“improve the quality and use of data”
produced. Indeed. Another point is that data on the less common cancers are not used consistently throughout the NHS. The focus to date has been on the so-called big four: breast cancer, prostate cancer, bowel cancer and lung cancer. Yet it is a fact that the other less common cancers, taken as a whole, constitute more than 50% of cancer cases in England at any one time.
The new statutory obligation addressing outcomes for all cancer treatment would ensure that such data are collected across the range of different cancers. This new provision will provide the springboard for long-overdue improvement in cancer detection and cure. I commend it to the House.